This thesis addresses issues concerning trade effects of a particular RTA: AFTA. In the first part of the thesis, 2 different but related gravity frameworks are constructed as to evaluate the independent effects of AFTA on relevant countries' trade flows. The first paper proposes examining ‘AFTA-effects' on members' trade, specifically within the AFTA context. This aims to distinguish trade effects that AFTA has had on early and delayed members' trading patterns. The panel ‘Gravity Model' is constructed, pointing to control for several biases commonly observed in the cross-section model. Although the result implies that early members do share trade benefits from AFTA more than non-members, the overall ‘AFTA-effects' on the membership's trade have not been benign. Another paper measures ‘AFTA-effects' on both members' and non-members' trade. This aims to assess whether AFTA has played a role as an export base for the international market. In this case, ‘AFTA-effects' appeared positive. Such effects are driven by an enhancement in extra-export bias, suggesting that the membership's exports to outside destinations have increased post-AFTA. The last paper provides a theoretical framework addressing the incidence of RTA-membership expansion. The fact that AFTA was gradually established and empirical results indicating AFTA's impacts on members and non-members brings about the idea that bloc-membership expansion could plausibly be explained by the economic effects that these countries have received. The corollaries of trading with/without RTA-membership of a potential member's gains of trade and welfare levels are related to the decision towards membership. Even though welfare effects are not always greater, the RTA-membership status surely benefits member countries in gains from trade more than non-members. This can be perceived as one of the important reasons to explain the widespread regionalism worldwide and why joining the RTA is often seen as a safe haven strategy for a country.

The dissertation is devoted to the notion of preventive diplomacy. In the first part, various theoretical approaches to the term are discussed, especially regarding the position of preventive diplomacy in the cycle of conflict, and its instruments. A brief overview of regional arrangements and their role in preventive diplomacy is provided, too, since the second main part of the work focuses on the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and its proclaimed intention to introduce preventive diplomacy in the region. Nonetheless, as the study shows, the ARF participants have not yet resorted to the development of preventive diplomacy. The objective of the dissertation is twofold: besides providing a synthesis and systemization of theoretical approaches to preventive diplomacy, it aims to identify the main obstacles hindering the ARF to implement effective measures of preventive diplomacy. In this respect, it is argued that it is both the set of norms also known as ASEAN Way and the Chinese negative stance that constitute the major reason of ARF's inability to proceed to the stage of preventive diplomacy.

ASEAN transport connectivity is critical to the completion of the ASEAN Economic Community. Cross-border transportation development helps to lower trading time and transaction costs, therefore facilitates the regional economic integration. ASEAN Member States initiated two regional land transport projects: the ASEAN Highway Network project and the Singapore-Kunming Railway Link. The implementation of regional transport projects requires involvement of various stakeholders, but the disparity of funding capacity of individual states is likely to cause collective action dilemma. Regional development banks and donor countries have provided financial sources for the projects, but their contribution remained limited. This research suggests that the main obstacles are the lack of focused mechanisms on transport development, weak project coordination, and overemphasize of ASEAN-way diplomacy in ASEAN. Consequently, different national priorities bottleneck the least developed countries to utilize donors’ funding, and thus slowed down the implementation of regional transport networks. All these make not only the realization of the project but also the completion of ASEAN Economic Community very difficult.

2002年第一屆東協─印度高峰會上，印度、東協雙方同意啟動AIFTA談判，至今雙方已於2003、2009、2013年分別簽署AIFTA的架構協定、貨品貿易協定以及服務業貿易暨投資協定。本研究的主旨便在於探討AIFTA之源起、發展過程與現況，並展望其未來，進而印證以下論點：AIFTA的成立與發展受到多重因素的驅動，但透過對於AIFTA成立源起、談判過程與成果的討論可以發現，成立至今，儘管關注AIFTA所蘊含的經濟利得與損失，政治、策略性考量的影響力多次超越經濟考量，在關鍵時刻成為驅動AIFTA發展進程的首要考量、決定性因素。 在緒論之後，本研究首先分別檢視驅動印度、東協同意成立AIFTA的多重考量，並試圖對其相對影響力進行分析，最後發現印度、東協對於彼此戰略重要性的認知是驅動AIFTA成立的首要因素，而非經濟吸引力。其次，對於東協─印度經貿關係稍作說明，進一步了解影響AIFTA談判的經濟因素。再次，檢視AIFTA的制度性發展，並從談判過程、成果內涵、經濟效果、戰略效應等面向加以分析，然後發現，其談判之所以達成並非因為雙方之經濟利益出現合致，而是基於對外部情勢的策略性回應。而經濟、戰略效應的分析結果也與之形成呼應。最後則總結研究發現並對未來研究提出建議。 / At the First ASEAN-India Summit held in 2002, ASEAN and India agreed to launch the negotiation of AIFTA. Then the AIFTA Framework Agreement, Agreement on Trade in Goods and the Agreement on Trade in Service and Investment were inked in 2003, 2009 and 2013 respectively. The thesis aims at discussing the origin, development and outcome of AIFTA and argues that among the multiple factors, the political and strategic considerations overrode the economic ones, consequently becoming the primary consideration and decisive factor at the critical moments of AIFTA’s development. The thesis composes six chapters. Chapter 1 is the Introduction. Chapter 2 and 3 analyze the considerations that drove India and ASEAN to form AIFTA, and try to evaluate the relative importance of these considerations. The argument here is that the primary consideration that drove India and ASEAN to form AIFTA is their perceived strategic importance to each other rather than economic attractiveness. Chapter 4 is an overview on ASEAN-India bilateral economic relations, which helps to understand the economic factors influencing the AIFTA’s development further. Chapter 5 examines the overall institutional development of AIFTA, the analyses on its negotiation process, outcomes, economic effects and strategic implications included. The finding here is that during the negotiation process, the political and strategic reaction to external situations rather than the convergence of economic interest led to the completion of AIFTA negotiation. The analysis on economic and strategic effects exemplifies the above arguments. Chapter 6 sums up the research findings of the thesis and makes several suggestions for the further research.

Cette thèse comprend trois études sur l’impact de l’intégration commerciale et de la libéralisation des investissements de l’ASEAN suivant les recherches empiriques de la Nouvelle Économie Géographique (NEG). Les stratégies empiriques consistent à mesurer des coûts de commerce, l’accès au marché ainsi qu’à estimer les modèles de gravité théorique. La première étude examine le progrès de l’intégration commerciale et leur impact sur la performance exportatrice. La deuxième étude voit comment la libéralisation commerciale croissante affecte les inégalités régionales. La troisième étude examine l’impact des accords d’investissement sur l’attractivité des IDE des pays de l’ASEAN. Ces résultats mettent en lumière les avantages et défis de la Communauté Économique de l’ASEAN qui aura lieu à la fin de 2015. / This thesis concerns three studies on the impact of ASEAN trade integration and investment liberalization following empirical research agenda of the new economic geography (NEG). Empirical strategies deal with measuring trade costs, market access and the estimation of modern gravity models. The first study evaluates trade integration progress in ASEAN and its impact on export performance with help of trade costs and market access indicators. The second study examines how improved market access, though deepening trade liberalization, can impact regional inequality. The third study investigates the impact of investment agreement on FDI attractiveness of the ASEAN countries. The results help shed light on potential benefits and challenges ahead of the upcoming ASEAN Economic Community at the end of 2015.

La politique et le droit de la concurrence ont pour objet de contrôler le comportement des opérateurs dans le marché. Du fait des effets pervers des ententes illégales à l’économie et à la société, la majorité des autorités de la concurrence autour du monde surveillent sérieusement ce genre de comportement. Néanmoins la Thaïlande est à la traîne. Cette recherche cherche la réponse à la question « pourquoi la politique et le droit de la concurrence ne sont pas efficaces en particulier dans les économies en transition ? ». La politique et le droit de la concurrence aux niveaux local (Thaïlande), régional (ASEAN) et international (OMC, OCDE, CNUCED et RIC) ont été traités, car ils reflètent les finalités du gouvernement à l’égard du marché économique. A fortiori, la démocratie , la corruption, la culture des affaires, l’influence abusive de l’administration des entreprises et des hommes politiques, le système judiciaire et législatif, la capacité des autorités concernées, le soutien financier, l’engagement du gouvernement, la responsabilité civique, l’arrangement institutionnel, le respect du droit de la concurrence des entreprises, la coopération des autorités aux niveaux local, régional et international sont autant de facteurs majeurs influençant le régime de la concurrence. En conclusion, il faut d’abord avoir la politique de la concurrence et ensuite le droit de la concurrence, la compétence d’autorité de la concurrence, l’efficacité d’implémentation des lois et les mécanismes exécutoires et non exécutoires / The competition policy and law are introduced to control the companies’ behaviors that restraint competition. The majority of the authorities from all around the world monitor this kind of behavior very closely and carefully because of the perverse effects of illegal agreements (Cartel) that hinder the economy and society. Given that Thailand is lagging behind. This research seeks for the answer to the question "why competition policy and law are not effective particularly in transition economy?". The competition policy and law at the local level (Thailand), regional level (ASEAN) and international level (WTO, OECD, UNCTAD and ICN) were analysed to reflect the aims of the government in the economic market. A fortiori, the political system (Democracy), the business culture and the bribery, the compliance of competition law by enterprises, the misuse of power by administrative agency and politicians, the judicial and legislative system, the capacity of the authorities, the financial support, the commitment of the government, civil responsibility, the institutional arrangement, the cooperation of the authorities at the local, regional and international level are all the major factors influencing the effective competition regime. In conclusion, first of all, the competition policy and law were required before the competition authority is established, followed by the effectiveness of implementation of laws and the binding and non-binding mechanisms

Introduite à partir de 1992 en remplacement de l’ancienne taxe sur les affaires, la taxe sur la valeur ajoutée (TVA) représente actuellement la part essentielle des prélèvements fiscaux de l’État thaïlandais. Outre l’importance de l’impôt en termes de recettes, le choix de la TVA s’imposait compte tenu des réformes entreprises en vue d’assurer une plus grande neutralité de l’impôt dans les opérations internationales. Or, dans le contexte de la mondialisation des échanges et l’émergence de l’économie de l’immatériel, la question du traitement fiscal des opérations internationales en matière de TVA, est aujourd’hui à l’origine de nombreuses difficultés qui restent à résoudre. Dans la perspective de l’adaptation des règles régissant l’application du système thaïlandais de TVA à ces nouvelles réalités économiques, l’étude portant sur les « aspects internationaux de la TVA en Thaïlande » a pour ambition de présenter, à travers une analyse approfondie des aspects substantiels et procéduraux des réglementations fiscales thaïlandaises en la matière, leurs principaux éléments caractéristiques, en vue d’une mise en comparaison avec les principes généraux ou les bonnes pratiques recommandées par les organisations internationales. La démarche adoptée devait ainsi permettre d’identifier les faiblesses ou les insuffisances du système actuel et de formuler, à l’issue de ce diagnostic, des propositions pour l’amélioration de la TVA en Thaïlande / Introduced in 1992 as a replacement for the old business tax, value added tax (VAT) currently accounts for the essential part of the tax revenues in Thailand. In addition to the importance of such form of taxation in terms of revenue, the choice of tax reform in favour of VAT was seen as a necessary way to achieve greater tax neutrality with respect to treatment of cross-border transactions. However, in the context of the globalization of trade and the emergence of the intangible economy, the application of VAT to international trade of goods and services has caused a lot of important tax issues which are yet to be resolved. With a view to ensure successful adaptation of international taxation rules under the Thai VAT system to an ever-changing economic environment, the study on the "international aspects of VAT in Thailand" seeks to explore, through an in-depth analysis of the substantive and procedural aspects of the relevant tax rules, the main features of the international application of the Thai VAT system. The analysis of these features which shall then be examined, in light of general principles of taxation or best practices recommended by international organisations, should allow to identify the weaknesses or shortcomings of the current system and to offer suggestions for improvements of VAT in Thailand

<p>Explore factors that influence investors interested in investing in the electronic components sector in Thailand, with a focus on the consequences of Thailand‟s membership in the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement.</p>

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is guided by a collection of principles known as the ASEAN Way, which emphasizes sovereignty and consensus. When external pressures have forced ASEAN to face contentious issues, internal divisions have torn at the group’s cohesion, and consensus has proved difficult to reach. When Myanmar’s military dictatorship was put on the fast track to ASEAN membership in the mid-1990s, democratic Thailand and the Philippines objected, and strong Western pressure to delay Burmese accession put the group in a difficult spot. Fifteen years later, territorial disputes in the South China Sea pitted ASEAN claimant states against non-claimant counterparts inclined to support an assertive and wealthy China’s point of view. In the first case, reaction against US attempts to sway ASEAN’s decision united the group in support of Myanmar’s admission; in the second case, China’s economic inducements succeeded in dividing the group, to the extent that a 2012 summit ended in disagreement and rancor. ASEAN will need to revise some aspects of the ASEAN Way, particularly sovereignty norms, and create greater binding force to generate the cohesion necessary to effectively deal with future regional problems.

The existing analyses in the literature of inter-regionalism focus on a macro perspective when they look at the relationship between inter-regional ties and global governance. They have not explored the European Union’s (EU) policy development toward the Association of South-East Asia Nations (ASEAN) in detail which affects the EU and ASEAN relationship. They have overlooked explanations and current empirical evidence regarding that relationship. This thesis analyses internal factors within the EU and external factors from ASEAN and outside of the EU which influence EU policies toward ASEAN. The internal factors are the relevant actors within the various institutional arrangements of the EU policy and the promotion of interests of the EU and those of its member states and to some extent of common EU values. The modes of engagement between the EU and ASEAN, the level of integration within ASEAN and the pressures and opportunities from ASEAN and outside the EU are the external factors. Then, this thesis assesses how, when and to what extent these factors influence the EU’s policy developments toward ASEAN and have implications for the inter-regional relationship between the two regions. I examine three EU policies toward ASEAN from 2001 to 2009:1) a new partnership with South-East Asia, 2) the joint EUASEAN monitoring mission in Aceh, and 3) an ASEAN-EU Free Trade Agreement (FTA).This thesis is based on a qualitative method of analysis and is part of problem-driven research. It employs inductive theory building from case studies as the research strategy and documents and interviews as methods of data collection. This thesis presents the variation in importance within factors which influence the EU’s policy development toward ASEAN. It highlights different kinds of interactions between factors which shape the success or failure of the EU’s policy development. The co-operative relationship between these factors is needed to conclude agreement between the two regions. However, the conflicting relationship between these factors can lead to the failure to reach agreement between them. With regard to internal factors, this thesis demonstrates that a shared common position between relevant and other related actors within each of the various institutional arrangements in the EU may assist in the conclusion of an agreement between the two regions. As EU interests takes precedence over values, the likelihood of achieving an agreement increases. With regard to external factors, this thesis argues that consultation and monitoring mechanisms have been used by the EU as its modes of engagement (as opposed to a negotiation) and they affect its policy development and enable it to reach an agreement with ASEAN. The conclusion of an agreement between the two regions can be easily achieved, when the level of integration within ASEAN remains static or weak. However, when the level of integration within ASEAN is stronger, the EU would be less likely to achieve its expected agreements with ASEAN. The conclusion of an agreement between the EU and ASEAN can be achieved when they can resolve these external pressures and take advantage of external opportunities. The trends in and implications for the EU and ASEAN relationship are as follows: first, the more the EU applies a balanced treatment of internal and external factors, then the more it will support the EU’s policy development and that will positively influence the EU and ASEAN relationship. Second, their relationship has been shifted from a hierarchical ex-colonial dynamic to a mutually interdependent partnership.