開設Khana Ready印度餐廳之企畫書 / Introduction As India is moving towards global standards, Indian food is not far behind. Indian food has charmed the taste of consumers all over the world and continuing to do so. Taiwanese food market is pretty diversified. Taiwanese consumers like to have different cuisine. Indian food already has made a big impact on Taiwanese consumers to make it one of the most lovable cuisines currently in Taiwan. Usage of herbs imported from India makes the Indian food more lovable and very special. It’s about 20 years when the first Indian restaurant opened in Taipei. Since then it started mushrooming. Currently Indian food business became a lucrative model in this region. As a normal idea about Indian food in Taiwan is “it’s delicious and no comparisons to this but it’s expensive”. So the consumers prefer it only on the special occasion or business meals. Although it’s one of the most lovable foods, most of the consumer populations are untouched. I have gone through a small research process to come out with this business plan. On the basis of the result I got, I pen down this business plan. In this business plan I am going to put a proposal to start an Indian food store. This talks about the existing market situation, potential risks, competitors and consumer behaviors. This business plan includes on the revenue calculation, pricing strategy, promotion strategy and break even analysis. This intention of this business model is to bring the Indian food to the consumer at an affordable price with convenience. This is to create a new level for Indian food in existing Taiwan food market.

The promoters propose to establish a new brand of beverage chain in the Indian sub-continent, which as of now is an alien idea to ninety nine percent of population in this region. We aim to take advantage of the newly opened, one of the fastest growing economy. More than 250 million middle class household and penetrating fast food culture in this region makes it a lucrative prospect. Country, where the beverage selling sector is still predominantly unorganized and consists of local vendors and juice stalls, also sees success stories with chains like the Mc Donalds, Café Coffee Day and Barista. We have developed a business model keeping in mind the purchasing capacity of mass consumer, international appeal of Asia and West to consumers, need for hygiene standards and operations of organized retail chain. We will be providing the missing link of innovative, freshly prepared ready to drink, take away concept. Our collaborative team consists of entrepreneurs of Indian and Overseas Chinese origin, who understand the potential of already super successful business model of bubble tea business in Taiwan and China. The team worked to modify the business model to suit the local flavor of the Indian sub-continent and achieve economies of scale to make it commercially viable. Not just the bubble milk tea, company aims to provide many more missing value propositions from the market such as affordable take away concept (with colorful plastic glasses, heat sealed to prevent any kind of spillage by our specially imported machine from China), Innovative mock tails, introducing green tea culture in India, provide health alternative to carbonated drinks, provide hygienic alternative to local juice stalls, provide kids friendly drinks to kids. This business model is a huge success in the far eastern countries and has been successfully implemented in USA and Western Europe. International companies like the Chatime have so far opened 4 retail stores in India but they mainly target upscale locations and are offered at premium prices. Their launch gives us the confidence that this concept has been well received by Indian customers and we can successfully market it in mass market. Plan proposes to start from one kiosk in the National Capital Region of the India with aim to open a second one by the start of summer 2014. By that time team aims to have learnt from all the teething problems and to manage all the procurement from Indian suppliers. We then aim to move in to our next major plan of franchising to different business partners across India. Our final expansion plan will be implemented in year 2015 to cover all the other 6 countries of Indian sub-continent like Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Maldives, Nepal and Bhutan. The initial investment and working capital to start the business shop is estimated to be approximately USD 36,500 which will be funded by owners’ capital and bank loan. The Chill Factor Cafe has a positive NVP of USD 637,128 which indicates that project is significantly profitable and has a huge chance of expansion across the Indian sub-continent.

印度乃全球最大民主政體，本研究係以晚近印度政壇發展，作為探論主題。印度在憲法上是一個世俗國家，但在印度晚近的發展中，「印度教民族主義」配合著「國民志願服務隊」（RSS）、「印度人民黨」（BJP）、「世界宗教大會」（VHP）等組織的宣傳效應，卻產生了阿瑜陀之爭，並使得印度調合教派政治的努力，受到嚴重的考驗。印度民主政體的特殊發展經驗，也向西方對自由民主政體與民族主義所抱持的普世性假定，提出了強烈地挑戰。 　　出現於殖民時期與晚近民主國家中的民族主義浪潮與宗教運動，警醒了許多西方觀察者。本研究企圖將宗教社群主義的議題，放在印度教傳統實踐與歷史發展的脈絡中從事考察，而避免將這類涉及認同與社群意識的問題，過度化約成社會與經濟的決定論觀點，或是政治與社經利益的呈現。宗教社群意識的政治化，確為印度製造了社群衝突，但根深柢固的仇恨意識，則來自印度教徒與穆斯林間錯綜複雜的歷史糾葛。 　　透過印度民族主義與印度教徒民族主義之間關係的探討，本研究將把宗教社群衝突的問題置放在一個較寬廣的政治、宗教及歷史的脈絡中。藉由印度教徒與穆斯林在印度發生衝突的例子，揭示宗教社群議題如何表現於社會與歷史的面向之上。本研究試圖提供對於印度政治不同的觀察角度，俾益於我們對後殖民時期印度民主政體發展的理解。最後，本研究也企圖評析右派印度人民黨，如何藉由古代印度教精神的宣揚，而獲致廣泛的民眾認同並在近十年中快速崛起。 / The theme of this thesis turns our attention to recent events in the world’s largest democracy, India. India is constitutionally a secular state. But recent developments in India in the form of Hindu nationalism, propagated and propagandized with great effects by such organizations as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), and that generated the Ayodhya temple dispute, are putting India’s capacity to negotiate a viable relation between a unified polity and sectarian religio-politics severely to the test. The Indian experiences of democracy thus challenge several of the widely held assumptions about the universality of the western trajectory of liberal democracy and nationalism. 　　 　　The rise of strong nationalist and religious movement in colonial era and newly democratic countries alarms many western observers. Rather than reducing the problems of identity or communal consciousness to social-economic determinism, or a strictly matter of political and social-economic interest, this thesis places the emergence of Communalism within the context of Hindu traditional and historical praxis. The politicization of communal consciousness did create communal problems in India, but the fundamental intricacy remains the deep-seated animosity between Hindus and Muslims created by history. 　　By presenting the relationship of Indian nationalism and Hindu nationalism, this thesis situates communal conflicts in its larger political, religious, and historic contexts. Using example of Hindu-Muslim conflict in India, the issue of Communalism with social-historical context will be explored. This thesis tried to offers fresh insights into Indian politics and, by focusing on Ayodhya dispute, advances our understanding of democracy in the post-colonial India. This thesis analyzes Indian receptivity to the right-wing Hindu nationalism party and its political wing, the BJP, which claims to create a polity based on ancient Hindu culture. This thesis is also an attempt to explain the factors that led to the sudden rise of BJP in the last decade.

雖然政治學界廣泛地討論水資源安全的問題, 可是迄今為止絕大部分的研究採取合作衝突相兩者互排斥的分析方法。有些學派主張水資源短缺一定導致衝突, 而制度主義學派認為在大多數情況下水資源安全推動國際合作。環境安全與衝突研究中的科學共識認為水資源不是衝突的起因而是合作的理由, 於是繼續提倡合作衝突兩者相互排斥的概念。筆者認為如今的非黑即白分析尚未能夠正確描述水資源安全的衝突合作相互作用的實際。碰到了這個研究空白的問題, 筆者應用 Naho Mirumachi發展的「TWINS」架構來檢視印度-巴基斯但與印度-孟加拉關係中的水資源安全。「TWINS」架構讓我們深入地檢視「1996年12月12日印孟簽署分享恆河水條約」與「1960印度河水域條約」這兩個條約。新世紀增長需求跟耗盡水資源的問題越來越清楚地標明, 根據這兩個條約，水資源的供水與解決衝突能力有限。雖然被視為跨界河川合作的成功故事, 可是這兩個條約不足消除潛在衝突, 而進一步表明衝與合作是同時存在的。最近印度政府表明關於水資源的政策改變, 比如最佳地利用1960印度河水域條約的規定或清拆法拉卡堰。為了防止安全化過程升高, 立即開展有意義的對話至關重要。 關鍵字: 印度-巴基斯但、印度-孟加拉、水資源安全、TWINS

2002年第一屆東協─印度高峰會上，印度、東協雙方同意啟動AIFTA談判，至今雙方已於2003、2009、2013年分別簽署AIFTA的架構協定、貨品貿易協定以及服務業貿易暨投資協定。本研究的主旨便在於探討AIFTA之源起、發展過程與現況，並展望其未來，進而印證以下論點：AIFTA的成立與發展受到多重因素的驅動，但透過對於AIFTA成立源起、談判過程與成果的討論可以發現，成立至今，儘管關注AIFTA所蘊含的經濟利得與損失，政治、策略性考量的影響力多次超越經濟考量，在關鍵時刻成為驅動AIFTA發展進程的首要考量、決定性因素。 在緒論之後，本研究首先分別檢視驅動印度、東協同意成立AIFTA的多重考量，並試圖對其相對影響力進行分析，最後發現印度、東協對於彼此戰略重要性的認知是驅動AIFTA成立的首要因素，而非經濟吸引力。其次，對於東協─印度經貿關係稍作說明，進一步了解影響AIFTA談判的經濟因素。再次，檢視AIFTA的制度性發展，並從談判過程、成果內涵、經濟效果、戰略效應等面向加以分析，然後發現，其談判之所以達成並非因為雙方之經濟利益出現合致，而是基於對外部情勢的策略性回應。而經濟、戰略效應的分析結果也與之形成呼應。最後則總結研究發現並對未來研究提出建議。 / At the First ASEAN-India Summit held in 2002, ASEAN and India agreed to launch the negotiation of AIFTA. Then the AIFTA Framework Agreement, Agreement on Trade in Goods and the Agreement on Trade in Service and Investment were inked in 2003, 2009 and 2013 respectively. The thesis aims at discussing the origin, development and outcome of AIFTA and argues that among the multiple factors, the political and strategic considerations overrode the economic ones, consequently becoming the primary consideration and decisive factor at the critical moments of AIFTA’s development. The thesis composes six chapters. Chapter 1 is the Introduction. Chapter 2 and 3 analyze the considerations that drove India and ASEAN to form AIFTA, and try to evaluate the relative importance of these considerations. The argument here is that the primary consideration that drove India and ASEAN to form AIFTA is their perceived strategic importance to each other rather than economic attractiveness. Chapter 4 is an overview on ASEAN-India bilateral economic relations, which helps to understand the economic factors influencing the AIFTA’s development further. Chapter 5 examines the overall institutional development of AIFTA, the analyses on its negotiation process, outcomes, economic effects and strategic implications included. The finding here is that during the negotiation process, the political and strategic reaction to external situations rather than the convergence of economic interest led to the completion of AIFTA negotiation. The analysis on economic and strategic effects exemplifies the above arguments. Chapter 6 sums up the research findings of the thesis and makes several suggestions for the further research.

由於印度的經濟力量持續擴大、軍備武力極力擴張，目前在南亞地區具有舉足輕重的份量。印度主要「國家戰略」目標是「稱霸南亞、控制印度洋、爭當世界一等大國」；以上三項目標的實現都與印度海軍未來的發展息息相關。 目標上，在「沿海防禦一區域控制一遠洋進攻」的戰略原則指導下，印度海軍已相當程度地擴大了影響力。在手段上，印度提出要建立一支具有足夠嚇阻能力的快速反應部隊，同時必須不斷加強海軍的遠洋作戰能力，發展航空母艦、核子潛艦、新式傳統動力潛艇、飛彈驅逐艦、飛彈巡防艦、遠程反潛偵察飛機等攻擊型武器裝備，致使任何一個國家都不敢觸犯印度的勢力範圍。 90年代後，在印度國內經濟持續增長及國際環境優勢的良好機緣下，印度海軍在武器裝備引進「多管道」的政策指導下，印度國防科技研發有了長足進步，現正針對世界尖端軍事科技，加強高科技武器裝備的重點研製，以符合軍事戰略之需求。 印度為了實現其戰略構想，印度海軍裝備不斷向大型化、遠洋化發展，把海軍活動範圍從阿拉伯海北部擴大到南中國海，這將不僅對周遭各國構成威脅，也會改變這一地區的權力均衡。 印軍實力的急速擴張大規模的裝備更新，自然與國家政策、國內經濟成長與軍事戰略的發展有關。可以預見的是，21世紀印度軍事力量的躍升使得印度對於未來成為「大國」的夢想充滿著無限的憧憬。 但印度國內的政治角力、經濟貧富不均、種姓制度的社會階級、人口成長的壓力、世界級大國利益的分配及周邊國家的反應等因素均制約著印度成為政治或軍事大國的夢想。 然而目前印度畢竟是南亞的大國，也是事實上的核國家，目前印度海軍雖不能完全掌控印度洋，但未來的發展卻是值得我們密切關注的一支重要海上力量。

冷戰後，全球地緣政治發生了兩個重要變化，一是印度洋成為世界海權的「心臟」，二是中國和印度崛起為歐亞大陸上新的地緣權勢中心。由此，美、中、印三國的安全戰略都聚焦印度洋，在地緣政治視角下，圍繞印度洋海權之爭，三國在印度洋極力締造均勢，並為自己謀求最大的戰略利益。 近幾年美國才赫然發現，一直被忽視的印度其實是南亞安定的基石。不但是全球最大民主國，更是中東、中亞、南亞間的樞紐，一能替民主世界穩住這塊戰略板塊，二能攔阻回教基本教義及恐怖主義。尤其中共崛起態勢森然，印度既能用來抗衡中共，又沒有真把美國比下去的實力或野心，是美國最合適的戰略夥伴？所以美國決心要與印度建立結盟關係，這將使南亞在未來數十年間的合縱連橫關係趨於複雜。 中共為保障經濟發展和能源運輸安全，為了突破「麻六甲」海峽，只有直面印度洋才能真正達到長期的戰略目的。21世纪的中共大戰略必須依托大陸，面向海洋，一出太平洋，二出印度洋。但對於外人把手伸進亞洲次大陸周圍，難免要讓印度神經緊繃。中共正在改變此前向巴基斯坦一邊倒的南亞戰略，轉而採取一種同樣重視對印關係的平衡外交。 美日防務指針和印度的印度洋戰略在威脅中共經濟發展方面不謀而合，客觀上已形成左右中共對外經濟命脈、制約中共海洋經濟發展的力量。無論是主觀願望，還是客觀現實，印度洋戰略因素的發展及其互動，是中共未來安全穩定不可忽視的因素。 關鍵詞：印度洋、地緣政治、能源、安全、麻六甲 / After cold war, global geopolitics has had two radical changes. First is the Indian Ocean becomes the heart of the world sea power; Second is China and India rise as a new power center of geopolitics in Eurasia. Thus, the security strategy of the America, China and India has focused on the Indian Ocean. From the viewpoint of geopolitics, surrounded by the competition of the sea power in the Indian Ocean, the three nations create a power balance vigorously and seek the best strategic benefit for itself. In recent years, the America has suddenly realized that India which has been ignored all the time turns out to be the cornerstone of the South Asia’s stability. It is not only the biggest commonwealth of the world, but also the key position among Middle East, Central Asia and South Asia. It can stand firm this strategic tectonic plate for the democratic world, and also detain the Islam basic religious doctrine and the terrorism. Especially when China rises the situation to be dense, India is the most appropriate strategy partner to the America, for its use to contend with China and lack with real power and ambition to look down upon the America. Therefore, the America has determined to form an alliance with India, which will make the political relations of South Asia more complicated in the future decades. For the long-term strategic purpose, China can only face directly the India Ocean and breakthrough Malacca to assure economic development and energy transportation security. The main strategy of China in 21st century must rely on mainland and face the ocean. One is the Pacific Ocean, and the other is the Indian Ocean. However, for those bystanders who put their hands around the Asian subcontinent, it would unavoidably cause India in a state of nerves. China is changing the South Asia strategy, which used to favor Pakistan all the way, and turns into take a balanced diplomacy which puts equal emphasis on India. The defense principles of the America and Japan hold the same view with India’s strategy of the Indian Ocean in threatening China’s economic development. Objectively, it has become a power to influence China’s foreign economic lifeline and restrict China’s economic development in ocean. Regardless of the subjective desire or the objective reality, the development and interaction of the strategic factors in the Indian Ocean is a noticeable factor to China’s future security and stability. Key word：the Indian Ocean，Geopolitics, Energy, Security, Malacca

16世紀中葉至17世紀，源自於中國的茶傳入歐洲後，因為其稀有的價值而受到貴族的喜愛，喝茶的習慣蔚為風氣。當時輸入歐洲的茶，全部來自於中國的釜炒技術所製成的綠茶，因此歐洲人普遍的喝茶方式也以中國明、清時代的「泡茶」為主流，直至19世紀。 日本開國後，日本茶的銷售並不順利。日本茶雖然一度成為重要的輸出品銷往海外，但最終銷量仍不如預期，以失敗告終。但現今，綠色的日本茶儼然成為代表日本文化的象徵之一。本稿想要探討的是，當茶在歐洲從奢侈品轉變為日常生活飲品的過程中，歐洲人對於日本茶的觀察與認識，以及日本茶在當時無法成為優勢的原因為何。本稿以江戶時代造訪於日本的兩位歐洲人—17世紀的檢夫爾（Kaempfer）、以及18世紀的菲利普‧弗蘭茲‧馮‧西博爾德（Philipp Frenz von Siebold）所留下的日本茶研究報告為中心做探討。檢夫爾與西博爾德分別受雇於荷蘭東印度公司，兩人皆有醫學及博物學的專業背景，且兩人訪日的時間正好代表了茶在歐洲從奢侈飲品轉變為生活必需飲品的過程。本稿以兩人所留下的日本茶報告為中心，結合其他歐洲人對於日本茶的認識，釐清當時的歐洲人對於日本茶的認識是如何的變化，以及日本茶在當時無法成為優勢的關鍵為何，在本稿中筆者將加以闡述。 研究方法，首先釐清中國與日本每個時代飲茶文化定型的過程，並且分析中國茶與日本茶製作方式的不同對於風味的保存有何影響。接著，以檢夫爾和西博爾德的日本茶報告為中心，再配合耶穌會傳教士所留下的年報、荷蘭商館長的日記、最後以橫濱開港後發行的英文報紙與新聞中所記載關於日本茶的紀錄分析，17至19世紀的歐洲人對於日本茶的認識與變化的過程。

本文採取文獻分析法為主，並以戰略邏輯與國際事務為出發點，從海權觀念意識與國家發展思維上去探討，再以目的、手段、方法之研究途徑切入。 研究重點首重中共在印度洋戰略之思維，從周邊地緣分析切入，瞭解東亞、南亞地區地緣戰略關係；再分析中共國家戰略需求（以能源安全為主），及中共海軍戰略進程，包含劉華清走出第一島鏈的三階段海軍戰略，也就是藍水海軍戰略。 其次為中共印度洋戰略之角色與實踐，主要圍繞中共在印度洋戰略布局的手段，包含政治、經貿及軍事手段之實踐作為，並探討其戰略意涵。 第三，探討中共印度洋戰略之影響與限制因素，分別為區域安全之影響（南亞地區）、大國之影響（美、蘇、日）及對中共自身之影響。可以預見的，印度與美國對中共在印度洋的活動非最敏感，日印美聯合制中之傳聞早已甚囂塵上，各國之反應對中共後續之布局產生哪些具體滯礙與限制。 最後為研究心得，計有中共海軍戰略進程、中共印度洋戰略布局的過程及中共戰略布局印度洋後的影響與限制等三點。 / The research is to adopt Document analysis, use strategic logic and international affairs as a starting point, and discusses the concept of consciousness from the sea power with the thinking of national development, then the purpose, means, methods, ways to cut into the study. First of all, the most important point of this research is focus on the PRC’s strategy thinking in the Indian ocean, from the surrounding geographical metrology to understand East Asia, South Asia’s geo-strategic relationships and then analysis PRC’s national strategic needs (Focus on the energy security), and the PRC’s maritime strategic process, including Liu’s three-stage maritime strategy which is out of the first island chain, also means Blue-water Navy. Secondly, the PRC’s role and practice in the Indian Ocean mainly focus on the strategic layout, including political, economic and military methods, and explore its strategic implications. Third, Regarding the influences and constraints of PRC’s strategy in the Indian Ocean are the regional security (South Asia), the influences of powerful nations (USA, USSR, and Japan) and the influences to itself. It is can be expected, India and U.S.A are very sensitive of all the activities of China in Indian Ocean. The rumor of that Japan, U.S.A and India are standing on the same side to against China had already spread, what will China respond and what kind of difficulty they will face. The last part of this research comprises the process of PRC’s maritime strategy, the strategic layout in the Indian Ocean and the influences and restrictions after PRC’s strategy in the Indian Ocean.

近年來，俄羅斯、中國、印度三國經濟發展迅速，國力蒸蒸日上。俄中印三國因地緣因素，自冷戰時期彼此之對外戰略便相互影響。到了後冷戰時期，國際體系轉變成由美國所引領之「一超多強」體系，三國更找到共同合作的利基，促成三國之間的合作。在冷戰與後冷戰兩段時期，三國關係的發展，呈現不同的風貌。 從國際關係現實主義來看，國家作為理性的行為者，追求國家相對利益為決定國家行為的基本因素，而此行為為一場零和賽局。以此為脈絡，美國學者羅德明在冷戰時期發展成的戰略三角理論，成為探討三國關係之經典。台灣學者包宗和更觀察到，後冷戰時期的國家，因國際體系的改變，戰略三角理論由傳統的「個體論」走向「總體論」的取向。本文試圖以戰略三角理論為途徑，探討冷戰與後冷戰兩段時期，俄中印三國關係之演變。 首先，本文探討從二戰結束、冷戰開始以來，俄中印三國在兩極體系下的互動模式；其次探討後冷戰時期的關係演變。再整理出後冷戰三國關係的發展，對國際情勢、美國對外戰略的影響。最後由三國之間互動的實例，對戰略三角理論作出反饋。 / In recent years, the economic growth in Russia, China and India soars rapidly and their national strength does, too. Due to the geopolitical factors, these three nations affected each other in strategies during the cold war. After the cold war, the international system changed into a US-lead “uni-multi-polar system.” Russia, China and India found the common niche which promoted their cooperation. In the two periods of cold war and post-cold war, the relationship among these three countries displayed great differences. From the point of view in realism, the nations as rational actors pursue relative national interests as their goals which turn into a zero-sum game. Lowell Dittmer developed this idea into the “Strategic Triangle Theory” to discuss trilateral relationship among nations in cold war. Tzong-Ho Bau argued that the nations in post-cold war pursue common national interests as a methodological holism which is different from the methodological individualism in the cold war. Through strategic triangle approach, this thesis tries to explore the relationship among Russia, China and India. First, the thesis discusses the relationship among Russia, China and India during the cold war and then the period after the cold war. Second, the thesis discusses the influence which Russia, China and India make on international circumstances and US strategies. Finally, by a review from Russia-China-India trilateral relationship, the thesis gives a feedback to the strategic triangle theory.