本文比較在印度與中國資訊科技法展中國家所扮演之角色。本文的論點為在與中國的發展比較中，印度缺乏充分的跨部會協調及整合親商策略，導致對資訊科技產業的發展產生了負面的影響。約乏跨部會的協調影響了人力資源的產生、公共建設的法展和研發。整合親商策略的缺乏則影響了國家與社會之間的關係。 本文採用了Sanjaya Lall的模組來分析國家的發展。本文的另一論點為如果印度中央與省政府可以協調其政策，政府可以在資訊科技法展中更有效率。 在比較中國籍印度政府對資訊科技的發展的案例中，我們可以從國家鼓勵外國公司投資資訊科技製造及服務的政策、國家的勞工政策、基礎建設的發展、人力資本的建立與研發經費中了解國家所扮演的不同但重要的角色。本文最後一個論點為中國與印度政府在資訊科技發展所扮演的角色受其不同政治體制所影響。印度的民主政治試圖討好社會的每一份子，無法像中國能夠建立的政府與商業的協力合作，也因此影響了印度的資訊科技法展。 / This dissertation compares the State role in developing information technology in India and China. It argues that the Indian State, compared to the Chinese State, is riddled with poor intra-governmental coordination and poorly integrated pro-business initiatives, which ultimately has affected the overall development of information technology in the country. Poor intra-governmental coordination affects the creation of human capital, infrastructure development and research and development. Poor integration of pro-business initiatives affects the state-society relations in the country. Employing the model developed by Sanjaya Lall to analyze national technological development, this dissertation argues that State efforts in India to develop information technology could be a lot more effective if the governments at the central and provincial levels could better coordinate their activities. A case oriented comparison of Chinese and Indian States’ investment in information technology development, States’ policies for promoting foreign investment in information technology manufacturing and services, State labor policies, infrastructure development, human capital creation and research and development funding provide us with an understanding of important differences in the roles played by the State. This dissertation further argues that the role played by the governments in China and India in developing information technology is influenced by the respective system of governance. The democratic system of governance in India that aims to satisfy every section of the society is unable to create the kind of government-business synergy that the Chinese State is able to create. This has naturally affected the development of information technology in the country.

當過去歷史透過電影重現，電影以特定的形式與內容重新編排將會使歷史有著不同意義，影響行動者認知及將某種行為成為可能。因此，探討電影如何再現歷史對閱聽人相當重要。 本研究探討影視文本如何再現歷史，以1984年印度黃金廟事件為例，採用《火柴》（Maachis,1996）、《阿畝》（Amu, 2005）及《旁遮普 1984》（Punjab 1984, 2014）三部電影為研究個案，取徑影視史學與民族寓言理論並透過文本分析法，探討三個面向：第一，電影拍攝時空環境與歷史事件時空環境兩者之間的辯證關係。第二，電影文本如何再現過去歷史並呈現其關鍵要點；第三，書寫歷史與影視歷史間呈現的關係。 研究發現，當歷史以影視文本再現時，呈現出以下幾個特點。第一，影視文本歷史再現關注現在。第二，影視文本歷史再現反映當代主流觀點。第三，以角色人物為主之民族寓言。第四，敘事安排製造懸疑感、凸顯關鍵要點。第五，影視文本歷史再現開啟換位思考。 / This study aims to analyze how films reproduced history by using Maachis, amu and Punjab 1984 as case studies which focus on the history of the “Golden Temple Incident of 1984” in India. The methodology of this study is based on concepts of historiophoty by Haden White and national allegory by Fredric Jameson. Textual analysis is adopted to explore three films for the following questions. First, what is the relevance between the filmic background and the historical incident? Second, how does the film text represent history and focus on key points? Third, what is the relationship between Historiography and Historiophoty? This study finds that, first, the historiophoty focuses on present situations. Second, historiophoty reflects the dominate perspectives in present time. Third, the films represent characters as the figures in national allegory. Fourth, arrangement of narrative creates suspenses and foregrounds crucial moments. Lastly, historiophoty opens the possibility for the audience to identify with characters in films.

印度不首先使用核武器以及不對無核國家使用核武器的原則，這項宣示對周邊無核國家具有政治上的穩定意義。其實，印度的傳統軍事力量優於巴基斯坦，當然就認為沒必要對巴國首先使用或威脅使用核武器，而傳統軍力相對較弱的巴基斯坦拒絕宣佈不首先使用核武，也是在情理之中，眾所周知，一個傳統武裝力量較弱的國家需要依靠核武器來防禦並嚇阻更強的國家。最小核武嚇阻是一個絕對的概念，不是相對概念，印度清晰的表明其核武戰略態勢，可在降低成本和風險的基礎上，使其核武器發揮出最大的作用，而且也不至於因過度擴充核武軍備，導致影響印度的經濟發展與長遠的政治目標。 雖然印美雙方在「禁止核武擴散條約」（NPT）與「全面禁止核子試驗條約」（CTBT）上存在分歧問題，但是並沒有妨礙雙方在核能方面的合作。儘管卡特總統於1978年3月簽署頒佈「核不擴散法案」（Nuclear Nonproliferation Act），嚴格規定核子出口許可證發放條件，致使印度獲得核電廠燃料受阻；但是1982年7月英迪拉•甘地訪問華盛頓時，印美雙方就核供應問題達成協議，由法國替代供應印度塔拉普核電廠所需的燃料。總體而言，雖然印度有1974 年的核子試爆和80年代開始的導彈計畫；但是美國在整個冷戰時期，對於印度在核子問題上的反應卻是相當的溫和，因為美國為了與前蘇聯對抗，爭奪南亞戰略要域，並不願意對印度作出過度反應，以免影響其戰略利益。 冷戰結束後，美國居於世界主宰地位，並根據其在亞洲的利益而調整對外戰略，其重心是構築以美國為支柱的各種類型的雙邊或多邊安全體系；在這個過程中，印度在南亞地區的作用和地位逐漸突出，雖然印度核子試爆的破壞性因素，曾經暫時打斷這個進程，但在美國的總體戰略考量下，印美關係已從昔日的起伏不定和核子試爆後的制裁，迅速發展到目前在政治、經濟、軍事上多層次且多面向的合作。美國不但取消對印度的所有制裁，而且還對印度出售尖端軍事技術和武器系統；另外，兩國在和平利用核能、航太技術等高科技方面也在進行多管道的合作，2005年7月印度總理曼莫漢•辛哈（Manmohan Singh）拜會布希總統後，美國同意取消對印度民用核能發電計畫的限制，並允許印度在國際市場購買鈾燃料。在印美關係發展的進程中，印度認為美國是其維護國家安全、發展經貿合作和實現大國謀略的最大助力；而其最終目標是要取得在國際上與美國平起平坐的地位，成為世界體系的力量中心，這也正是印度長期以來追求的國家目標。 中國對印度1998年核子試爆採取譴責，但不制裁的立場，是基於其國家利益的考量，因為中國的首要安全利益在東亞，而非南亞；對中國而言，台海問題、能源安全與南海主權問題才是中國關切的要項，所以中國必須力求在東亞與美、日等國達到戰略平衡；因此，中國在南亞的利益顯然僅是維護該區域的和平穩定，使其能無後顧之憂，得以將其有限的國防力量集中運用在東亞利益的追求上。印中雙方在許多議題上，都擁有共同的立場與利益，譬如發展公平合理的國際政治以及經濟新秩序等議題；而且兩國都試圖透過改善現有的國內經濟體系，從而減少貧富不均的局面，又同為發展中國家，兩者都希望能夠在給與國內企業充足的保護下，實現國內經濟與全球經濟體系的融合接軌。另一方面，兩國都在尋求建構一個多極世界，期使可以在國際舞臺上發揮更大作用，當前印度正在積極爭取成為安理會常任理事國，北京政府也已經同意給予支持。此外，印度也企圖透過與中國的密切交往關係，影響中國長期支援巴基斯坦的意願，達到孤立巴基斯坦的戰略目標。 由於蘇聯的解體，印蘇聯盟已無法適應國際環境變化的需要，也不符合印俄兩國的國情需求與戰略利益。因此，印俄必須對以往的外交政策及戰略做出新的定位，1993年1月葉爾欽訪問印度，簽訂「印俄友好條約」取代了冷戰時期的「印蘇友好合作條約」，新條約也取消軍事同盟性質的條款，印俄關係從此從盟友變為合作夥伴關係。1998年印度核子試爆也未影響印俄夥伴關係的發展，使印度能夠抓住有利的時機，充分利用與俄羅斯的傳統關係，為其進入中亞地區創造條件；同時，印度在經濟領域也獲得俄羅斯在石油天然氣的開採權和高科技方面的合作；尤其在軍事領域方面，印度從購買武器模式，已躍升到聯合投資和共同開發研製新型武器系統的時代，這不但表明印度綜合國力的提升，同時也證實印俄兩國已邁向戰略夥伴關係。印俄關係的定調，不但提高印度在國際上的地位，同時印俄的聯合也使它們成為21世紀多極世界中，兩個具有特殊關係的力量。 隨著經濟實力的增強，印度提出建立南盟自由貿易區，簽署「南亞自由貿易協定」。根據該協定，從2006年1月起，南盟7國將分兩個階段實施減免關稅計畫，這是一種共贏策略，印度可以近距離找到原料供應產地和銷售市場，而其他6國則可以運用印度的經濟和技術，提升其經濟發展，改善國民生活，消除貧窮。尤為突出的是，2004年南盟7國共同加強合作應對突發危機的能力；2月，南盟在印度首都新德里舉行「預防禽流感緊急會議」；12月，席捲印度洋的海嘯造成巨大的人員和財產損失，印度不僅派出4艘艦艇、6架直升飛機、數支醫療隊前往斯里蘭卡協助救援工作，而且率先建立海嘯研究基金，提高地區的預警和應對能力。另外，2004年的國際油價上漲對南亞這個嚴重依賴油品進口的地區帶來巨大影響，為商討因應國際油價上漲的對策，南盟能源專家小組於12月召開會議，並在2005年3月召開南盟能源部長會議，制定具體應對措施。綜上所述，印度已經在發揮其大國的影響力，從國家安全、南亞區域安全以及各國的經濟發展等面向，積極帶領著南亞各國走出戰亂與貧窮的陰霾。 印度自90年代初實行經濟體制改革以來，經濟和科技實力顯著增強，軍事力量的發展更是令人矚目，尤其是1998年進行的核子試爆，使印度成為事實上的核武國家。印度綜合國力的發展，使其實現世界大國的願望更加強烈，而東協隨著成員國的增加，以及內部快速的經濟、政治整合進度，整體實力也已大為提昇；印度和東協都力圖提高各自的國際地位，因此印度從地緣政治考量東協的國際影響力日益增強，而實施的「東向政策」，即是以東協為突破口，積極參與亞太地區的事務，努力擴大其在亞太地區的影響，以達到提升其國際政治地位的目標。隨著東協和印度政治經濟上的密切合作，使東協和印度在安全上有許多的共同利益，都想維持和平與穩定的周邊環境，也都想確保各自臨近海域的安全和經濟利益；因此，印度先後與東協的印尼、馬來西亞、新加坡、泰國實施海軍聯合演習，並有計畫地向東協國家出口武器，以加強雙方軍事領域的合作；隨著印度國家實力的增強，東協把印度作為維護地區安全的重要力量，藉以維護印度洋海上通道與東南亞地區的安全。 關鍵字：印度核武發展、核武戰略、印美關係、印中關係、印俄關係、印巴關係、南亞區域安全、亞洲安全

大多數學者通常從後殖民的觀點閱讀佛斯特的《印度之旅》(A Passage to India, 1924)，因此，他們的批評大多聚焦在「對他者的再現」(the representation of the other)。然而，這些學者忽略了在《印度之旅》中，自我與他者的交會乃是旅行的結果。雖然探討《印度之旅》中種族間互動的評論不在少數，但旅行的概念卻常被視為理所當然。如同小說標題所示，《印度之旅》乃是一趟從英國至印度的旅行，因此，本論文擬以「旅行敘述」(travel narrative) 的觀點閱讀《印度之旅》。然而，「旅行」一詞的意義到底為何？根據《牛津英語大辭典》，「旅行」大致意味著空間上的移位。然而，本文企圖以「暴露於他者」(exposure to the other)、「自我的去疆域化」 (deterritorialization of the self) 與「變成他者」 (becoming-other) 重新定義旅行。 既然旅行涉及自我與他者之間的互動，本文先援引列維納斯 (Emmanuel Levinas) 的「他者的倫理」(ethics of the other) 來區分「激進他者」 (radical other) 與「抽象他者」(metaphysical other)。接著，本文引用德希達 (Jacques Derrida) 對列維納斯的閱讀與他對「悅納異己」(hospitality) 的討論，以進一步闡述他者的概念。為了探討自我在他者影響之下的轉變，本文亦運用德勒茲 (Gilles Deleuze) 與瓜達里 (Félix Guattari) 的「再疆域化」(reterritorialization)、「去疆域化」(deterritorialization)、與「變成」(becoming) 的概念。這些理論的整合導出了伊斯蘭 (Syed Manurul Islam) 所區分的兩種旅行──靜止旅行(sedentary travel) 與遊牧旅行 (nomadic travel)。 本文共分五章：〈第一章：導論〉、〈第二章：理論架構〉、〈第三章：靜止旅行〉、〈第四章：遊牧旅行〉與〈第五章：結論〉。〈第二章：理論架構〉主要闡述上面所提及的理論家。〈第三章：靜止旅行〉藉由費爾亭 (Cyril Fielding) 與何德蕾 (Adela Quested) 闡明靜止旅行的概念。相較於費爾亭，何德蕾的例子較為複雜，因為她經歷了兩次去疆域化的過程 (第一次在馬拉巴山洞裡，第二次在法庭上)。〈第四章：遊牧旅行〉則聚焦在摩爾夫人 (Mrs. Moore) 這個角色上。這章的編排不僅與小說劇情的時間性一致，也企圖呈現摩爾夫人所經歷的三個階段的轉變。 / Most critics tend to read E. M. Forster’s A Passage to India (1924) from the perspective of post-colonialism, and therefore, the focus of their criticism is often on the representation of the other. However, these critics neglect the fact that the encounter of the self with the other in A Passage to India is in fact a result of travel. Although there is much discussion on racial interaction in A Passage to India, the concept of travel is more than often taken for granted. As the title of the novel indicates, A Passage to India deals with a travel from England to India, and hence, this thesis examines the novel from the perspective of travel narrative. Yet, what does the term “travel” signify? According to Oxford English Dictionary, travel generally refers to a displacement in space. Nevertheless, this thesis tries to re-define “travel” in terms of exposure to the other, deterritorialization of the self, and becoming-other. Since travel narrative deals with the vacillation between the self and the other, this thesis begins with Emmanuel Levinas’s ethics of the other to distinguish the radical other from the metaphysical other. Next, this thesis includes Jacques Derrida’s theories of “hospitality” for further elaboration on the concept of the other. In order to probe into the transformation of the self under the influence of the other, this thesis also employs Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s ideas of “reterritorialization,” “deterritorialization” and “becoming.” The compilation of these theories, finally, amounts to Syed Manurul Islam’s division between two kinds of travel—sedentary travel (travel without traveling) and nomadic travel (traveling without return). This thesis is divided into five chapters: “Introduction” (Chapter One), “Theoretical Framework” (Chapter Two), “Sedentary Travel” (Chapter Three), “Nomadic Travel” (Chapter Four) and “Conclusion” (Chapter Five). Chapter Two, “Theoretical Framework,” is an elucidation of the above mentioned theories. Chapter Three, “Sedentary Travel,” illustrates the concept of sedentary travel by exploring Cyril Fielding and Adela Quested. Adela’s case is much more intricate when compared to Fielding’s, for she goes through two instances of deterritorialization: the first in the Marabar Caves and the second in the court. Chapter Four, “Nomadic Travel,” focuses on the character Mrs. Moore. The exploration of Mrs. Moore not only corresponds to the chronological sequence of the plot but also aims to explain the different stages of transformation Mrs. Moore undergoes.

In order for one to understand the dramatic historic development of Taiwan, one must first gain a sense of place and time in order to appreciate how different periods in the history of Taiwan have helped shape its progress, either in a constructive or negative way. The purpose of this thesis is to describe a British presence that existed in Taiwan from 1858 to 1895. The Treaty Port era has been documented in a number of different discourses, but the role the British played in the nineteenth century economic and social transformations of Taiwan have not been studied as a subject within its own right. Attention to this overlooked aspect of British history is not only important because it was a turning point in British perception of extraterritoriality, but also in Chinese relations to foreign powers. In addition the period was also marked by a reformation in the importance Taiwan played to the Qing court. In 1858 with the signing of the Treaty of Tientsin and the Treaty of Peking in 1863, as a result of the Second Opium War, China was required to open four ports on Taiwan. The Treaty of Tientsin designated Anping as a Treaty Port in 1858 and the Treaty of Peking opened the ports of Tamsui and Keelung in 1860 and 1863 respectively. Finally, concessions of the treaty opened Takao in 1864. However, the question of Taiwan as an obvious location for trade was raised as early as 1883 and this period was mirrored by the withdrawal of the East India Trading Company for China. As a consequence, it was not the ‘Company’ that penetrated the shores of Taiwan as it had done in both India and China. Instead it was agency houses and private firms, which transformed the agrarian economy into the market mechanisms of international commerce. This thesis will confront a British community presence as a social historical process by highlighting the cause, course, and consequence of the formation and the theoretical structuration of nineteenth century treaty ports in Taiwan.

根據世界銀行的資料顯示，佔全球面積約19%的2500萬平方公里之地球表面，及佔全球一半以上人口的34億人是相對的暴露在一個以上天然災害之威脅下。隨著全球化的來臨，我們居住在一個風險共享的社會中，而在全球環境安全被視為全球公共財的同時，如何在集體行動的邏輯下進行全球危機管理，已成為全球行動者的主要課題。例如如何透過國際合作來對抗SARS，禽流感等危機，皆是當前全球行動者關注的議題。值得注意的是，儘管近二十年來國際社會對於減災所做的承諾與投入的資源日益增加，災害所造成的經濟損失及受到災害影響之人口卻也逐漸上升。面對這些現象，本研究最主要想要探究的研究問題即在於什麼樣的因素影響著全球減災合作。 本研究主要的研究問題，係探求在全球行動者為何要參與減災合作，而此全球減災合作又如何運作的呢？全球減災合作、理性選擇與全球社會資本的分析架構將被運用。從理論上粹取的因素，例如風險意識、能力素養、偏好、制度限制、資訊、可信的承諾與信任等，被用來分析行動者如何決定參與合作，以及此合作如何運作。鑑於2004年印度洋海嘯所造成的重大傷亡以及後續國際社會對救災及減災的承諾，本研究將以印度洋海嘯預警系統的個案為例，並透過在4個國家共計22人次對參與此系統的國際行動者之訪談資料，以及對參與印度洋海嘯預警系統之人員發放共計591份問卷進行調查及分析，回收問卷目前共計61份，然進行論文分析時為59份。換言之，實際上的回收率為10.66%，而本研究用以分析之問卷回收率為10.32%。本研究最主要的發現為風險意識及能力素養的提升，結合理性選擇與社會資本的不同因素作用下，將對全球減災合作的結果有正面的影響。最後，本研究也對未來國際減災合作提出相關之建議。 / Writing on the issue of global environmental security, the World Bank has noted that approximately “25 million square kilometers (about 19 percent of the Earth’s land area) and 3.4 billion people (more than half of the world’s population) are relatively highly exposed to at least one hazard.” With the coming of the globalization era, we .also live in a shared risk society. Since global environmental security is seen as a global public good, how to act for global crisis management under the logic of collective action has become a primary subject for global actors. Coping with the crises of SARS or Bird Flu through international cooperation has become a significant issue for these global actors. One of the main dilemmas of international cooperation for disaster reduction is the reconciliation of different individual actions. Interestingly, in spite of two decades efforts of international cooperation, the amount of damage caused by natural disasters and the total number if people affected have gradually increased since the 1960s. This research focuses on two questions in the present research: why do global actors cooperate in disaster reduction, and how does this cooperation operate? The frameworks of international cooperation in disaster reduction, rational choice and global social capital are employed here, to explore the issue of international cooperation. Several factors, such as awareness of risk, capacity, preferences, institutional constraints, information, credible commitment, and trust, are used to examine how an actor engages in decision-making and how cooperation occurs. Because of the tremendous damage that resulted from the Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004 and the engagement of the global society in disaster recovery and reduction, the above issues will be explored through a case study of the development of the Indian Ocean Tsunami Warning System (IOTWS). Twenty-two interviews were conducted in four countries and these constitute the qualitative data for this analysis. 591 questionnaires also have been sent to the participants in the IOTWS to collect the quantitative data. I analyzed the quantitative data from 59 returned questionnaires (10.32% returning rate) and the qualitative data from 22 interviewees in four countries. These analyses resulted in several suggestions to facilitate international cooperation for disaster reduction.

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由於蘇聯的解體導致冷戰結束，原本由東西兩方所撕裂的世界對立已然消 失，正所謂「飛鳥盡，良弓藏，狡兔死，走狗烹」，原本用來阻止敵對勢力侵犯的軍隊自然面臨大量裁軍與刪除鉅額預算的困境。這種情況在冷戰剛結束後的世界各國皆如此，美國四個軍種都各自終止諸多高科技武器的研發項目，並大量裁減軍隊規模，歐洲亦然，而俄國的情況更惡劣，金融方面不僅缺乏稅收，盧布也巨幅貶值，不僅軍隊的薪餉無法發放，連裁退老舊武器的資金都還得靠西方國家資助，俄國軍隊面對前所未遇的巨大難關。 同時，俄國的軍工複合體也缺乏資金，面臨無以為繼的情況。不過此時有 個巨星從破敗的俄國軍工複合體中出現，就是－Su-27 家族戰機。 由上述假設命題衍生出來下列邏輯相關的子命題： （一）為何蘇愷戰機能得到冷戰後國際軍火市場的青睞？ （二）冷戰後外銷蘇愷戰機所得之外匯對於俄國經濟有何影響？ （三）冷戰後外銷蘇愷戰機所得之外匯對於俄國航空工業之影響為何？ （四）蘇愷戰機的外銷在冷戰後的俄國對外政策中扮演何種角色？ （五）綜合以上，可得到什麼結論？ Su-27 家族戰機是蘇聯在解體之前所完成開發的兩種第四代戰機之一，而且Su-27 家族是屬於重型戰機分類，所以無論在航程、武裝搭載量上都遠勝輕型戰機甚多，同時又因為Su-27 的先天不穩定設計，使Su-27 家族的機動性大幅提高，更重要的是Su-27 家族來自幣值與消費水準相對低的俄國，使的造價也相對低廉，再者，俄國相對於美國在出售武器方面的政治限制也較低，在以上諸多因素的交互作用之下，Su-27 便暢銷世界，成為冷戰後俄國軍工產業對外軍售最成功的產品之一，俄國軍機產業也因此保存了下來。因此本文將探討為何Su-27 能在如此艱困的大環境下還能如此逆勢成長。 / The collapse of the Soviet Union means the Cold War ends. The opposition between the East and the West had been disappeared. There is so called " when the fish is caught , the net is laid aside." So all the arming forces of each country were facing the reduction inquantity and in the budget. For example, all types of American arming forces were ended a lot of R&D plans and disarmament, and the European countries were facing the same situation. In Russia, the situation became much worse than the West. Not only lack of financial taxes support, the depreciation of the ruble was also huge. Let the salary of the military troopers could not be issued. And the Russian government was also lack ofmoney to retire the expired weapons. Russian troops faced an unprecedented dilemma. Meanwhile, the military industrial complex of Russia was also lack of funds. Butthere was a super star rising from the ashes, it was the Su-27 Flanker family. This thesis will explore why the Su-27 family could become one of the best-selling fighters of the world in the post-Cold War period. Propositions derived from the above assumptions the following logical propositions: (A) Why the Sukhoi fighters could be one of the best-selling fighters in the international arms market in the post-Cold War period? (B) The foreign exchange earnings from the selling the Sukhoi fighters brings what kind of influence to the Russian economy? (C) The foreign exchange earnings from the selling the Sukhoi fighters brings what kind of influence to the Russian aviation industry? (D) The export of the Sukhoi fighters in the post-Cold War plays what kind of role in the Russian foreign policy? (E) What can we conclude from the above questions? The Su-27 Flanker family belongs to the class of heavy fighter, it has high performance and less cost compare to the Western products. And the most important is, Russia could sell it to all countries which wants to buy it. Russian government realized the potential political power of the Su-27 family so it decided to put it into the international arms market. The interaction between government and the technicaladvantage of the Su-27 family makes the Su-27 family become one of the best-selling fighters in the world.

摘要 近十年來，北京已轉變它在東南亞區域的外交政策，希望與東盟成員國家能維持一定的良好關係，並發展出一個和平又互利的戰略夥伴關係。1997年到2012年之間，中國與東盟從建立對話機制開始，雙方實質上的經貿投資與聯合計畫都快速增長。從多方面顯示：不僅在政治、經濟與維持區域安全等方面，中國與東盟成員都已共享務實的合作成果，近來更大力拓展雙方的互連互通與交通基礎建設，期使共同邁向實質的中國－東盟戰略夥伴關係。 南中國海周邊各國的利害與衝突不一，是個複雜的區域；而中國與東盟成員之間的對話機制與合作關係的基礎上，有助於減緩此一緊張情勢。本報將採用文獻分析的定性研究方法告指出（實際上）（1）北京的東南亞外交政策正面臨的主要挑戰是有東盟以外國家新勢力的強力介入或是舊有勢力的急速恢復，進而互相抗衡。（2）中國被稱為有過分自信的政策規劃期間，北京在推動與東盟戰略夥伴關係，實際上中國與東盟成員關系都已共享務實的合作成果。 / Abstract China-ASEAN relations have been transformed over the last decade by Beijing’s aim to create a stable neighboring environment as outlined in its state policy of peaceful development. This relationship has been embodied in a series of joint plans and statements with ASEAN between 1997 and 2012. In the three areas of politics and security, economy, and connectivity and infrastructure, the paper will show the relationship has followed a similar pattern, that is cooperation has been deepened according to China’s aims for its relationship with Southeast Asia. While relations have continued to develop in these areas, constant focus on the issues of assertiveness and territorial disputes, particularly over the last 3 years, means that progress and development in the relationship often receives little attention. The South China Sea is a complex issue, however security-related dialogue between China and ASEAN member states will be shown to have mitigated this problem to a certain extent. The paper will show that the challenges to Beijing’s policy lies with countries from outside the sub-region and their return, or growing role in Southeast Asian affairs, and that in fact during the period when China has been labeled more ‘assertive’ its relationship with ASEAN has deepened and developed as planned. In its use of materials the paper will employ the qualitative research method of document analysis.

With rapid urbanization, climate change and population growth in the 21st century, the development of eco-cities, especially in those fast-growing populated countries such as China and India, is important to minimize human impact on the planet. Nevertheless,  despite that there is a very well-designed eco-city, if residents living in an eco-city are not environmentally conscious, the eco-city is sustainable only in its tangible part – technologies and infrastructure, but not in its intangible part – environmental attitudes and behavioral patterns of residents. The intangible part is important since HUMANS are the root cause of current climate change (IPCC, 2014). When the policy makers decide to build an eco-city, this thesis thus argues that they should consider not only the tangible part of the city, but also consider the intangible part of eco-city – environmental attitudes and behavioral patterns of residents. This thesis provides a survey of environmental attitudes of 150 Stockholm residents living in three districts: Hammarby Sjöstad, Östermalm and Bromma. It also reports on a well-developed environmental project which is led by residents living in the Stockholm eco-district of Hammarby Sjöstad. The scope of this research is the City of Stockholm (Swedish: Stockholms kommun / Stockholms stad). The objectives of this research are: (1) to find out the environmental attitudes of residents living in three selected districts of Stockholm; (2) to understand the development of Hammarby Sjöstad and find out if residents living in Hammarby Sjöstad are particularly environmentally conscious; (3) to provide suggestions for the policy makers (e.g. Chinese and Indian) of how to take environmental attitudes of residents into consideration when planning and developing projects such as eco-cities. Among the findings of the research are: (1) in the high income, educated, and political conservative Stockholm districts where I conducted my surveys, respondents in general report high levels of environmental concerns and environmentally friendly behavior; (2) however, concerns questions relating to cars (parking restrictions, limiting or banning cars from their districts or Stockholm as a whole), opinions were very divided. There seemed to be much reluctance among many to put severe restrictions on the use of cars; (3) in the eco-district Hammarby Sjöstad, the expression of environmental consciousness did not appear particularly different from the other districts. Many respondents in the district moved into the area for diverse reasons other than environmental ones; (4) however, a well-developed environmental project which is led by residents living in Hammarby Sjöstad has emerged in the eco-district, where comparable projects were not found in the other districts in Stockholm. / I och med den snabba urbaniseringen, klimatförändringen och befolkningstillväxten under 2000-talet, är utvecklingen av eko-städer i de snabbväxande befolkade områdena som Kina och Indien viktig för att minska den mänskliga påverkan på planeten. Emellertid, om en eko-stads invånare inte är miljömedvetna så kommer en väldesignad eko-stad endast vara hållbar på sin materiella del (teknik och infrastruktur) men inte på sin immateriella del (miljöattityder och beteendemönster hos invånare). Den immateriella delen är viktig eftersom MÄNNISKOR är grundorsaken till den nuvarande klimatförändringen (IPCC, 2014). När beslutsfattarna bestämmer sig för att bygga en eko-stad, hävdar den här uppsatsen att de inte bara bör överväga den materiella delen av staden, utan också överväga den immateriella delen av staden - miljöattityder och beteendemönster hos invånare. Den här uppsatsen bygger på en undersökning om miljöattityder hos 150 boende som bor i tre olika områden i Stockholm: Hammarby Sjöstad, Östermalm och Bromma, samt beskriver ett välutvecklat miljöprojekt som leds av invånare i eko-distriktet - Hammarby Sjöstad. Målen för denna forskning är: (1) att ta reda på miljöattityder hos invånare i tre utvalda områden i Stockholm; (2) att förstå utvecklingen av Hammarby Sjöstad samt ta reda på om invånare i Hammarby Sjöstad är särskilt miljömedvetna; (3) att ge förslag till beslutsfattare (t.ex. kinesiska och indiska) om hur man tar hänsyn till miljöattityder hos invånare när de planerar och utvecklar projekt som eko-städer. Bland forskningsresultaten finns följande: (1) i de politiskt konservativa Stockholmsdistrikten med många välutbildade invånare med hög inkomst där jag utförde mina undersökningar rapporterar respondenterna generellt en hög nivå av miljöhänsyn och miljövänligt beteende; (2) när det gäller frågor som rör bilar (parkeringsrestriktioner, begränsning eller förbud mot bilar i deras distrikt eller Stockholm som helhet), var åsikterna emellertid mycket uppdelade. Det föreföll att många svarande inte är villiga att sätta stränga restriktioner på användningen av bilar; (3) invånare i eko-distrikt, Hammarby Sjöstad, verkade inte som om de var särskilt miljömedvetna. Många svarande flyttade in i distriktet på grund av olika orsaker än miljö; (4) ett välutvecklat miljöprojekt som leds av invånare i Hammarby Sjöstad har emellertid uppstått i eko-distriktet. Jämförbara projekt hittades inte i övriga distrikt i Stockholm. / 随着21世纪迅速的城市化，气候变化和人口增长，尤其在中国和印度等拥有庞大人口及急速发展的国家，生态城的建设对于减低人类对地球的影响至为重要。然而，即使生态城的设计完善，如果生态城的居民不具环保意识，生态城的可持续性只能在其有形的部分（技术和基础设施），而不在其无形的部分（居民的环保态度和行为模式）。生态城的无形部份是重要的因为人类是当前气候变化的根本原因（IPCC，2014）。当决策者建设生态城时，本文认为决策者不仅要考虑生态城的有形部分，还要考虑生态城的无形部分 - 居民的环保态度和行为模式。 本文提供了一个瑞典斯德哥尔摩三个地区150位居民的环保态度调查：哈马比生态城（Hammarby Sjöstad），Östermalm和Bromma。本文还探讨了一个具规模并由哈马比生态城居民领导的环保项目。 本研究的目的： （1）了解斯德哥尔摩三个地区居民的环保态度; （2）了解哈马比生态城的发展情况和探讨哈马比生态城的居民是否特别具有环保意识; （3）为决策者（如中国和印度）在规划和开发生态城等项目时如何考虑生态城居民的环保态度提供建议。 研究结果包括： （1）在斯德哥尔摩高收入，高教育和政治保守的地区，受访者总体上显示高水平的环保意识和环保行为; （2）然而，受访者在涉及汽车的问题上（如泊车限制，限制或禁止在区内或斯德哥尔摩内使用汽车）意见是非常分歧的。许多人似乎抗拒限制使用汽车; （3）在哈马比生态城，居民的环保意识显现与其他地区没有什么特别的区别。除了环保因素外，受访者迁入该地区有多种原因; （4）然而，哈马比生态城有一个具规模并由当区居民领导的环保项目。在斯德哥尔摩其他地区并没有发现类似的项目。