Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-10-24T10:54:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigoleonardodesousaoliveira.pdf: 4554325 bytes, checksum: 415958ab11ef6ca1e52f1d5f9fd1b139 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-12-15T11:48:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigoleonardodesousaoliveira.pdf: 4554325 bytes, checksum: 415958ab11ef6ca1e52f1d5f9fd1b139 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-15T11:48:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigoleonardodesousaoliveira.pdf: 4554325 bytes, checksum: 415958ab11ef6ca1e52f1d5f9fd1b139 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-09-24 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / Esta pesquisa visa a analisar as ações dos bandos armados da Mantiqueira e Macacu. Para isso, construímos uma série de hipóteses que pudessem explicar as razões que levaram os respectivos bandoleiros a atuar por um relativo espaço de tempo em suas áreas. A quadrilha da Mantiqueira compunha-se de mestiços e ciganos. Agia nos sertões da Mantiqueira durante os anos iniciais da década de 1780. Era liderado por um cigano denominado Joaquim de Oliveira, por alcunha “Montanha”. Possuía engenhosos expedientes, sendo responsável pela morte de respeitáveis homens de negócio, como Antônio Sanhudo de Araújo, morador no Sabará. Seus membros acabaram sendo presos e sentenciados no Tribunal da Relação do Rio de Janeiro. Nos sertões das Cachoeiras de Macacu – sertões do leste – atuou o bando de contrabandistas comandado pelo lendário Mão de Luva. Assim como os “mantiqueiras”, agiu nos anos iniciais da década de 1780. Composto por brancos pobres, escravos, libertos e indígenas, este bando ocupava-se do extravio de ouro para o Rio de Janeiro, procurando, dessa forma, fugir dos registros e dos destacamentos localizados naquelas proximidades. Em geral, consideramos que a busca efetuada por diversos atores sociais por lucro e por prestígio, a litigância do aparelhamento policial, a configuração geográfica dos sertões, a ineficácia das “áreas proibidas” e os interesses privados propiciaram o relativo sucesso dos salteadores em estudo. Para finalizar, defendemos a premissa de que a violência coletiva nas Minas setecentistas não se mostrou exacerbada. Ao contrário, a ocorrência de bandoleiros ou amotinados esteve delimitada em espaço e tempo específicos. Dessa forma, problemas político-sociais e administrativos não levaram, necessariamente, a uma conjuntura de “violências” em toda a capitania mineira. / This survey aims to examine the actions of armed gangs of “Mantiqueira” and “Macacu”. To do this, we built a number of assumptions that could explain the reasons behind their bandoleiros to act on a space of time in their areas. The square is the “Mantiqueira” composed of mestizos and Gypsies. Agia in the “Mantiqueira” during the early years of the decade of 1780. It was led by a gypsy named Joaquim de Oliveira, by nickname "Mountain". Possuía ingenious initiatives and is responsible for the deaths of good men of business, as Antonio Sanhudo de Araujo, who lived in Sabará. Its members eventually being arrested and sentenced in the Court of Appeal of “Rio de Janeiro”. In “sertões das Cachoeiras de Macacu” – “sertões de leste” - served the gang of smugglers headed by legendary Hand of glove. Like the "mantiqueiras," acted in the initial years of the decade of 1780. Composed by poor whites, slaves, freed and indigenous, the gang held up the loss of gold to “Rio de Janeiro”, seeking thus escape of the records and the deployments in those located nearby. In general, we believe that the search conducted by various social actors for profit and prestige, the litigation of rigging police, the geographical layout of “sertões”, the ineffectiveness of the "forbidden areas" and private interests have brought the relative success of gangs under study. Finally, we support the premise that the collective violence in “Minas setecentistas” was not exacerbated. In contrast, the occurrence of gangs was enclosed in space and time specific. Thus, political and social problems and administrative not led, inevitably, at a juncture of "violence" throughout the “capitania mineira”.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:21:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RoniereLeiteSoares.pdf: 535658 bytes, checksum: b4d7c3037eece7e38c3c93b3b02af522 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-08-26 / The historical rescue of the anonymous cangaçais groups/bands was the way in which we tried to exhibit the public readers in general, the existence of an exaggerated majority omitted intentionally in opposition to the individualized canonization of Lampião as half-finished process of formation discourse. We ve had as general objective to retake the anonymous groups history, carrying through, specifically the tracing small biographies of these groups, grouped through respective cangaceiros leaders, as well as the analysis of the speeches of the interviewed ones. From an interdisciplinary perspective, we intend to guide the text without in arresting to one or another theoretician that could restrict our research to a possible unilateral vision, therefore we chose to work with semiotics, linguistic, historical, discoursives and social elements. Accumulating a range of theoretical visions in face of a subject that, by itself makes us distrust that the interdisciplinarity is nearer to the investigated object than to the investigated citizen, we ve searched for information in plural sources of references such as twines, periodicals, books, cartoons, literary compositions, biographical books, agricultural magazines, countryside environments, cinematographic productions, and also verbal history of the popular interviewed people. We ve decided to base our work according to Le Goff, Walter Benjamin, Eric Hobsbawm, Sharpe (in Peter Burke) and Eni Orlandi. We ve made a northeast contextualization having as reference the representation of the main members of the catholic church, as well as the coronelism and the large state, opposing these institutions in face of the against-institution of cangaço, in the end of the second chapter, in reason of its conceptual crisis. The proposal to elicit/group the considered anonymous groups it made possible to establish small biographies, as we ve had as the main principle of the work a boarding that was centered in the limits of the interpretation, covering the description of the facts and the analysis of the speech of the deponents. We ve had as evidence at the end of the work, that the hypotheses formulated initially had been confirmed with: the discovery of other groups to the group of Corisco, considered, accoding to the official speech, as the last cangaçal group; the ratification that the anonymity of the groups/bands is generally due to the lack of photographic registers; and the register of bands that had covered areas of the wasteland, despite cariri and the hinterland, already mentioned officially. / O resgate histórico dos bandos anônimos cangaçais foi a maneira pela qual tentamos ostentar ao público leitor em geral, a existência de uma demasiada maioria omitida intencionalmente em oposição à canonização individualizada de Lampião como processo semi-acabado de formação discursiva. Tivemos o objetivo geral de retomar os bandos anônimos, realizando especificamente o traçado de pequenas biografias destes bandos, elencados através dos respectivos cangaceiros-chefes, assim como a análise dos discursos dos entrevistados. A partir de uma perspectiva interdisciplinar, buscamos orientar o texto sem nos prendermos a um ou a outro teórico que pudesse nos restringir a uma possível visão unilateral, por isso optamos por lançar mão de elementos semióticos, lingüísticos, históricos, discursivos e sociais. Abarcando diversas visões teóricas em face de um tema que, por si só nos faz desconfiar que a interdisciplinaridade está mais próxima do objeto investigado do que do sujeito investigador, pesquisamos informações em fontes plurais de referências tais como cordéis, jornais, livros, quadrinhos, obras literárias, livros biográficos, revistas, ambientes rurais, produções cinematográficas, além da inquietante história oral dos populares entrevistados. Buscamos fundamentar nosso trabalho a partir de Le Goff, Walter Benjamin, Eric Hobsbawm, Sharpe (in Peter Burke) e Eni Orlandi. Fizemos uma contextuação do Nordeste tendo como referência a representação dos principais membros da igreja católica, assim como o coronelismo e o latifúndio, contrapondo estas instituições em face da contra-instituição do cangaço, abordado no final do segundo capítulo, em razão de sua crise conceitual. A proposta de elencarmos os bandos considerados anônimos possibilitou estabelecer pequenas biografias, haja vista que tínhamos como princípio norteador do trabalho uma abordagem que estava centrada nos limites da interpretação, englobando a descrição dos fatos e a análise do discurso dos depoentes. Constatamos ao final do trabalho, que as hipóteses formuladas inicialmente foram confirmadas com: a descoberta de bandos posteriores ao grupo de Corisco, considerado pelo discurso oficial como sendo o último bando cangaçal; a ratificação de que o anonimato dos bandos se deve geralmente a carência de registros fotográficos; e o registro de bandos que percorreram áreas do brejo e do agreste, além do cariri e do sertão, já mencionadas oficialmente.

No description available.

À partir de sources inédites et exceptionnelles, à savoir les dossiers de procédure de plus de quatre cents affaires jugées aux Assises par le président Vincent de Caraffa (fonds privé conservé aux Archives de Bastia), nous proposons d’étudier la criminalité corse au second XIXe siècle, dans l’interaction des pratiques et de leur appréciation. La réalité insulaire fait état d’un impressionnant niveau de criminalité et montre que les violences reposent souvent (mais pas systématiquement) sur l’honneur. Les contemporains ne sont pas indifférents face à l’ampleur excessive et à la nature particulière des homicides, qu’il s’agisse des vendettas ou du banditisme, en Corse. Leurs discours, ceux des autorités comme ceux des simples citoyens, ceux des continentaux comme ceux des insulaires, sont loin d’être uniformes, mais tous concourent à la construction d’un « cas corse » à la fin du XIXe siècle. Or, l’idée d’une singularité absolue des pratiques criminelles du département peut pourtant être fortement relativisée, au regard de l’existence d’autres espaces violents et d’autres sociétés à honneur en France et en Méditerranée. S’il n’est donc pas véritablement attesté par les faits, le « cas corse » n’en existe pas moins, puisqu’il est présent dans les imaginaires du temps. / Using hitherto unseen and exceptional sources, namely the files from procedures of more than four hundred cases that were judged in a criminal Court by Judge Vincent de Caraffa (private collection in Bastia archives), we shall endeavour to study Corsican criminality in the second 19th century, in the interplay of its practices and their perception. The island reality demonstrates an impressive crime rate and shows that violence often – but not consistently – lies on honour. Corsican and French people in the 19th century could not be indifferent to the excessive scope and the particular nature of homicides – such as vendettas and banditry – in Corsica. Their speeches, those of the authorities as those of ordinary citizens, continentals or islanders, are far from being identical but they all contribute to the construction of a « Corsican case » at the end of the 19th century. Yet, the idea of an absolute singularity of criminal practices in Corsica may strongly be qualified as regards the existence of other more violent areas and other honor societies in France and in the Mediteranean Basin. If it is not truly proved by facts, the « Corsican case » nonetheless remains true, since it has been present in collective minds for a long time.

The Yugoslav wars of the 1990s - namely Croatia/ Bosnia (1991-1995) and Kosovo (1998-1999) - were the focus of unprecedented, and uninformed, international attention. This attention accepted at face value an ethnic rationale for the conflict that was often peddled by the combatants themselves; such rationales served to mask the economic and political aspirations of engaged state- and non-state actors. The wars allowed organised crime to take root and proliferate exponentially across geographical, political, and economic spheres. It became a tool of states, militaries and militias; states co-opted criminals, and vice-versa. The Serbian state became a criminal entity (as did, to a lesser extent, surrounding states) in partial control of a thoroughly criminalised regional combat economy, often in collusion with supposed ethnic `enemies.¿ Reconstruction, development, and governance interventions conducted by international actors in the successor states of the former Yugoslavia remain stifled by an absence of understanding of both the systematic infrastructural presence of organised crime, and a lack of acknowledgement of the economic rationales underlying the wars themselves.

No description available.

Cette thèse remet en question la perception négative, dominante dans la littérature et largement répandue dans les organisations, de l'utilisation personnelle d'Internet au travail. Une étude de cas a été réalisée auprès d’environ 80 d’employés et superviseurs dans un bureau d’un département du gouvernement canadien. La thèse confirme que, non seulement ces employés de bureau transgressaient-ils régulièrement des règles explicites conçus pour cadrer l’utilisation des technologies d’information et de communication (TIC), ces comportements étaient largement tolérés au sein du département. L’analyse des pratiques et interactions quotidiennes a révélé une relation entre des gestionnaires et leur personnel basée sur une confiance réciproque, mais pas absolue. Il ressort une moralité située fondée sur la promotion du professionnalisme et le maintien de la productivité. Le relâchement de contraintes organisationnelles autour de l’utilisation de l’Internet à des fins personnelles est utilisé comme outil de gestion par les superviseurs et cette flexibilité accrue est bien accueillie par les employés pour des raisons à la fois pragmatiques et psychologiques. Une sondage, des entretiens approfondis avec un certain nombre d’employés et gestionnaires et l’observation participante ont révélé un désir de paraître professionnel malgré les activités non liées au travail; une perception généralisée de l’utilisation d'Internet comme compensation informelle pour temps et effort; et un sens partagé de confiance entre des salariés et leurs superviseurs, ce qui favorise la satisfaction au travail et productivité. Avec ces observations, on offre des éléments de réponse pour expliquer comment les employés de bureau négocient ce qui est acceptable en termes de leur utilisation d’Internet non liée au travail, et comment les gestionnaires justifient leur application subjective des règles à ce sujet. Finalement, la recherche montre que l'utilisation personnelle d’Internet au travail peut rapporter des bénéfices et ne devrait donc pas toujours être vu comme du "cyber-loafing" ou du "time banditry" comme la littérature l’a principalement représentée depuis que l’Internet est arrivé massivement sur les lieux du travail. La forme et la faisabilité de restrictions organisationnelles sur ces pratiques devront faire objet de réflexion dans le contexte de brouillage accru de frontières entre le travail et la vie personnelle des employés de bureau du 21e siècle. / This case-study investigation challenges the negative perception by organizations and researchers towards the personal use of the Internet in the workplace. While confirming that office employees in the field site were breaking explicit rules governing the use of information and communication technologies (ICT), this thesis provides evidence of informal relations between managers and their staff built on a tacit toleration of rule-violation. Their daily practices and interactions revealed a relationship that was shown to satisfy the conditions of a situated morality in promoting desired occupational identities and relaxing organizational constraints. Survey results, interview responses and observations of about 80 office workers and supervisors in a Canadian government department uncovered a desire to appear professional in spite of the non-work-related activity; Internet use as an informal compensation for time and effort; and a shared sense of trust to foster job satisfaction and productivity. Through these findings, answers are offered to explain how office workers negotiate what is acceptable in terms of non-work-related Internet use, and how supervisors justify their subjective enforcement of rules. Lastly, the research showed that personal Internet use in the workplace can yield positive outcomes and should not always be seen as “cyber-loafing” or “time banditry” as the literature has predominantly portrayed it since the Internet age entered the workplace. Lastly, this thesis raises questions as to the value of employee monitoring and organizational restrictions amid the increasing blurring of work and personal lives of 21st Century office workers.