This dissertation brings together a variety of interpretive theoretical perspectives born of the fields of disability studies, critical race theory, cultural studies and queer and feminist studies to analyze the social significance and productive effects of cultural representations of autism. Specifically, this work addresses contemporary enactments of autism advocacy as found in the mass media, education literature and policy as well as in fundraising campaigns. In response to a global/izing economy that privileges the fast, efficient exchange of information and knowledge, I attend to how autism appears in the field of autism advocacy as an abbreviation; its multiple meaning distilled down to a series of ‘red flags’ in awareness campaigns, bulleted ‘facts’ in information pamphlets, statistics in policy reports. I analyze the relationships between these fragmentary enactments of autism and trace their continuities so as to make legible an underlying logic: a powerful and ubiquitous logic that casts autism as a pathological threat to normative life, and advocacy as that which must eliminate this threat, thus, limiting the role of the ‘good’ autism advocate to one positioned ‘against’ autism. This dissertation shows how dominant, contemporary discourses of autism advocacy that narrate autism as some ‘thing’ to be ‘fought’, ‘combated’, or ‘warred against’ function to shape ‘life’ as conditional and cast autism as (one of) its condition(s). As autism is discursively and ideologically made separate from the vital category of life itself, and as bodies and minds of living people are relentlessly divided up into vital and non-vital parts, individual and collective life ‘with’ (the condition of) autism becomes life that is conceptualized as ‘almost living’ or ‘mostly dead’. I demonstrate how such an understanding of the conditionality of life is a necessary pre-condition for normative acts of violence – violence enacted in the name of securing the norm and violence that is normalized as necessary.

This dissertation brings together a variety of interpretive theoretical perspectives born of the fields of disability studies, critical race theory, cultural studies and queer and feminist studies to analyze the social significance and productive effects of cultural representations of autism. Specifically, this work addresses contemporary enactments of autism advocacy as found in the mass media, education literature and policy as well as in fundraising campaigns. In response to a global/izing economy that privileges the fast, efficient exchange of information and knowledge, I attend to how autism appears in the field of autism advocacy as an abbreviation; its multiple meaning distilled down to a series of ‘red flags’ in awareness campaigns, bulleted ‘facts’ in information pamphlets, statistics in policy reports. I analyze the relationships between these fragmentary enactments of autism and trace their continuities so as to make legible an underlying logic: a powerful and ubiquitous logic that casts autism as a pathological threat to normative life, and advocacy as that which must eliminate this threat, thus, limiting the role of the ‘good’ autism advocate to one positioned ‘against’ autism. This dissertation shows how dominant, contemporary discourses of autism advocacy that narrate autism as some ‘thing’ to be ‘fought’, ‘combated’, or ‘warred against’ function to shape ‘life’ as conditional and cast autism as (one of) its condition(s). As autism is discursively and ideologically made separate from the vital category of life itself, and as bodies and minds of living people are relentlessly divided up into vital and non-vital parts, individual and collective life ‘with’ (the condition of) autism becomes life that is conceptualized as ‘almost living’ or ‘mostly dead’. I demonstrate how such an understanding of the conditionality of life is a necessary pre-condition for normative acts of violence – violence enacted in the name of securing the norm and violence that is normalized as necessary.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Uppsala University, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 289-311).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:38:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5635.pdf: 6762544 bytes, checksum: 0b5e23a2a734407745c29ae8223d4fac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-05 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / Disasters are socio-environmental phenomena, resulting from the interaction between a natural phenomenon in this case heavy rainfall and a given social organization, and culminating in a tragic event with both material and immaterial losses. In the social sciences, disasters are not considered to be natural, but rather a product of social, historical and territorially circumscribed processes (VALENCIO, 2009). They reveal the spatial superposition of social and environmental problems, whose state of crisis causes the emergence of a biopolitics of disaster, in order to guide a way to govern in the face of the event and, thus, deal with the populace as a political, scientific and biological problem and a problem of power (FOUCAULT, 1999). Thus, a set of techniques, power mechanisms and security devices are employed with the aim of trying to manage the problems that arise in the crisis setting. Classificatory security techniques are produced, imbued with knowledgepower discourse, in order to create an administrable reality, thus aiming to frame the complexity of the social problems revealed in the scene as something propitious for technical management, emphasizing the aspects of this reality which could be solvable. Exceptional security and governance techniques to manage calamities are created, called Situation of Emergency (S. E.) and State of Public Calamity (S. P. C.), coups that permit the creation of fissures in the legal order, causing the forces of the State to grow (FOUCAULT, 2008b). In Brazil, studies by Valencio (2012) showed that there were 10,195 declarations of S. E. or S. P. C. in the period from 2003-2009 (average of 1,456.42 declarations per year), which reveals that this form of governance became the rule and not the exception. I defend the thesis that these declarations of Situation of Emergency and State of Public Calamity are part of a biopolitics of disaster, used as techniques to increase the power of the State that, in the first moment of the emergency, saves lives, but that, after the impact, leaves to die, because the social demands of reconstruction and recovery are disconnected. The logic of power, the discourses and habits of the subjects involved in the postimpact process, that is, recovery and reconstruction in the face of disasters related with heavy rains in Brazil, are described. The disaster in São Luiz do Paraitinga, SP, a city that was flooded in January 2010, is used as a case study. A review of the state-of-the-art, documentary research and qualitative field research are adopted as methodological procedures. The temporal selection includes the period between January 2010 and June 2013, with the understanding that the process of social recovery is long term and extends beyond the period of this study. The results reveal that with the passing of time, especially with the end of the 180 day validity of the State of Public Emergency, the logic of saving lives become subtly diluted and a naturalizable logic of leaving to die gradually enters the scene, in the face of which the citizens of São Luis do Paraitinga, based on their socio-cultural repertory, seek strategies to create opposition. Discursively, the day of the disaster, a disaster that occurred is spoken of, but many of the practices reveal its continued existence. / Desastres são fenômenos sócio-ambientais, resultado da interação entre um fenômeno natural no caso as chuvas e uma dada organização social, que culmina em um acontecimento trágico pelo conjunto de perdas materiais e imateriais. Para as Ciências Sociais, os desastres não são naturais, mas sim produto de processos sociais, históricos e territorialmente circunscritos (VALENCIO, 2009). Revelam a superposição espacial de problemas sociais e ambientais cujo estado de crise fará emergir uma biopolítica do desastre, para conduzir uma maneira de governar frente a este acontecimento e, assim, lidar com a população como problema político, científico, biológico e de poder (FOUCAULT, 1999). Desse modo, um conjunto de técnicas, mecanismos de poder e dispositivos de segurança circularão no intuito de tentar gerenciar os problemas que se apresentam no cenário de crise: produzem-se dispositivos de segurança classificatórios, imbuídos de discursos de saber-poder, para tornar a realidade administrável, objetivando, assim, enquadrar a complexidade dos problemas sociais revelados na cena em algo propício à gestão técnica, dando ênfase a aspectos dessa realidade que possam ser solucionáveis . Criam-se dispositivos de segurança excepcionais, técnicas de governo para gerenciar calamidades, intituladas como Situação de Emergência (S.E.) e Estado de Calamidade Pública (E.C.P) para permitir fissuras no ordenamento jurídico e fazer crescer as forças do Estado (cf. FOUCAULT, 2008b). No Brasil, estudos de Valencio (2012) demonstram que foram 10.195 portarias de reconhecimento de S.E. ou E.C.P. no período 2003-2009 (média de 1.456,42 portarias ao ano), o que revela que esta forma de governar se tornou a regra e não a exceção. Defendo a tese de que essas declarações de situações de emergência e estado de calamidade pública fazem parte de uma biopolítica do desastre, como técnicas para fazer crescer as forças do Estado que, num primeiro momento da emergência, fazem viver, mas que, no pós-impacto, deixam morrer, porque são desconexas às demandas sociais de reconstrução e recuperação. Buscou-se descrever e analisar sociologicamente as lógicas de poder, os discursos e as práticas dos sujeitos envolvidos no processo de pós-impacto, ou seja, de recuperação e reconstrução frente aos desastres relacionados às chuvas no Brasil, tomando como estudo de caso o desastre de São Luiz do Paraitinga/SP, município que foi inundado em janeiro de 2010. Adotando-se como procedimentos metodológicos a revisão do estado da arte, a pesquisa documental e a pesquisa de campo de base qualitativa, o recorte temporal de análise engloba o período entre janeiro de 2010 a junho de 2013, entendendo que o processo de recuperação social é de longo prazo e ultrapassa o período dessa pesquisa. Os resultados revelam que no transcorrer do tempo cronológico, com o término de vigência dos 180 dias do Estado de Calamidade Pública, as lógicas do fazer viver vão se diluindo sutilmente e paulatinamente entra em cena uma lógica naturalizável, que é a do deixar morrer, frente a qual os luizenses, a partir de seu repertório sócio-cultural, buscam estrategias de fazer resistir. Discursivamente se fala sobre de um dia do desastre , de um desastre que aconteceu, mas muitas das práticas revelam sua continuidade.

Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2016-08-12T16:57:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Osiel.pdf: 1359561 bytes, checksum: f27bb23603aed9440c8a0646b553e4a7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-12T16:57:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Osiel.pdf: 1359561 bytes, checksum: f27bb23603aed9440c8a0646b553e4a7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research analyzed the political position and action in the Assemblies of God of Brazil in the periods 1930-1945 and 1978-1988. We defend the thesis that since 1930 there within the Brazilian Pentecostalism positions and interventions in the world of politics. In both the 1930-1945 period and the 1978-1988 our analyzes will be carried out from the time frames discussed by Giorgio Agamben: chronos, Aion is kairos. With regard to the first period 1930-1945, research almost always binding on the eschatological discourse of Pentecostalism alienation processes and not involved with party politics. However, it is believed that the eschatological narratives were not sure because of remoteness of the Brazilian public sphere, but the effect of the exclusion of processes to which men and women belonging Pentecostal been circumscribed. Doctrines such as eschatology and pneumatology were potentiating processes that here we call biopotency. In the second period, from 1978-1988, the position and political action that prevailed in Pentecostalism were related to biopolitics. Call intermedário chapter or transition the corresponding period the dates 1946-1977. We will describe and analyze prominent Pentecostal personalities in the field of Brazilian politics. Methodologically, we did our analysis from articles published in the official communication of the religious denomination concerned, the Messenger Journal of Peace. This newspaper circulates since 1930. In addition to the articles also highlight the authors and authors, all of them and all of them leading figures in assembleianismo. During the research question the idea of the Pentecostal apoliticism. We defend the thesis that since 1930, which is the beginning of our research, there are political position and action in the Assemblies of God. As a result, we question the idea of the Pentecostal apoliticism. Our hypothesis is that in the period 1930-1945 Pentecostalism was a center of biopotency. If biopolitics is the power over life, biopotency is the power of life. Doctrines such as eschatology and pneumatology contributed to the marginal spaces where they met the Pentecostals were created new models of sociability and cooperation; They were also spaces to create other narratives and criticism of hegemonic and exclusive models. Pentecostalism was a movement that promoted the human dignity of subaltern subjects. / A presente pesquisa analisou a posição e ação política nas Assembleias de Deus do Brasil nos períodos 1930-1945 e 1978-1988. Defendemos a tese de que desde 1930 há no interior do pentecostalismo brasileiro posições e intervenções no mundo da política. Tanto no período de 1930-1945 como o de 1978-1988 nossas análises serão realizadas a partir das temporalidades discutidas por Giorgio Agamben: chronos, aiôn e kairos. No que diz respeito ao primeiro período 1930-1945, as pesquisas quase sempre vinculam o discurso escatológico do pentecostalismo a processos de alienação e não envolvimento com a política partidária. Entretanto, acredita-se que as narrativas escatológicas não foram causa de certo afastamento da esfera pública brasileira, mas sim efeito de processos de exclusão aos quais homens e mulheres de pertença pentecostal estiveram circunscritos. Doutrinas como a escatologia e a pneumatologia foram potencializadoras de processos que aqui denominamos de biopotência. Já no segundo período, de 1978-1988, a posição e a ação política que predominaram no pentecostalismo estiveram relacionadas com a biopolítica. Chamamos de capítulo intermedário ou de transição o período correspondente às datas 1946-1977. Nele descreveremos e analisaremos personalidades pentecostais de destaque no campo da política brasileira. Metodologicamente, fizemos nossa análise a partir de artigos publicados no órgão oficial de comunicação da denominação religiosa em questão, o jornal Mensageiro da Paz. Esse periódico circula desde 1930. Além dos artigos, destacamos também as autoras e os autores, todas elas e todos eles figuras de destaque no assembleianismo. Ao longo da pesquisa questionamos a ideia do apoliticismo pentecostal. Defendemos a tese de que desde 1930, que é o início de nossa pesquisa, há posição e ação política nas Assembleias de Deus. Como resultado disso, questionamos a ideia do apoliticismo pentecostal. Nossa hipótese é de que no período 1930-1945 o pentecostalismo foi um polo de biopotência. Se a biopolítica é o poder sobre a vida, a biopotência é o poder da vida. Doutrinas como a escatologia e pneumatologia contribuíram para que nos espaços marginais onde se reuniam os pentecostais fossem criados novos modelos de sociabilidade e de cooperação; eram também espaços de criação de outras narrativas e de crítica a modelos hegemônicos e excludentes. O pentecostalismo foi um movimento que promoveu a dignidade humana de sujeitos subalternos.

This paper will investigate both modern and potential future methods of data collection and analysis. The research was conducted through qualitative research practices such as an autoethnographic recounting of a personal privacy scare on a mobile device, personal interviews regarding the individual’s own online data, and observed reactions to relevant instances regarding for instance surveillance apps. This research was done while considering a wide breadth of texts and articles relevant to the question of what things like dataveillance look like today, how they affect our lives and how they may take form in the future. This research finally culminates in the form of a short film in which these topics are framed in a speculative and somewhat more dystopian near future scenario

Problematiza-se neste trabalho o poder jovem como objeto de políticas públicas no Brasil. Ele não é uma coisa que se possua ou que possa ser dado por alguém. Ele é uma produção da arena pública, um nome dado a uma situação estratégica de poder que tanto pode produzir práticas políticas direcionadas à conduta dos jovens, quanto fazer emergir novos modos de existência. No primeiro caso, ele atravessa documentos, planos e discursos da mídia que elaboram uma pauta de práticas aos jovens, propondo modos de se vivenciar a sua própria juventude, bem como maneiras de organizar a sua atuação política. No segundo, o poder jovem é uma relação entre forças que tensionam valores e modos de organização social cristalizados na sociedade. Em ambos os casos, é a vida que está em jogo, é a biopolítica enquanto produção de modos de subjetivação. Essa é a perspectiva desta pesquisa que, analisando documentos, sob um referencial genealógico inspirado pelo trabalho filosófico de Michel Foucault, incursiona por uma área tensa que são as práticas direcionadas aos jovens, especialmente os discursos que prescrevem políticas públicas, nos quais eles são tratados como um grupo populacional. Analisando alguns documentos oficiais da Organização das Nações Unidas e outros produzidos no país (Governo Federal e ONGs), percebe-se que a juventude é tratada como um problema global, ligado a várias esferas da sua vida: educação, política, ética, cidadania, saúde, etc. É o poder jovem como objeto de intervenção política a ser cultivado, canalizado e potencializado; mas, também, como possibilidade de produção do novo, como força política fundamental. Nas décadas de 1960, 1970 e 1980, há uma remodulação dos discursos acerca da rebeldia da juventude. Nesse período, o poder jovem deixa de ser visto como uma força instituidora da crise social, para ser um objeto de intervenção política e um nicho de mercado a ser explorado. Por outro lado, na década de 1990, temos uma reatualização dos discursos sobre o voluntariado da juventude, por intermédio do protagonismo juvenil que, em sintonia com a noção de capital humano, prescreve aos jovens modos de ser e de conduzir-se social e politicamente. Por fim, a problemática do poder jovem é revista, repensada enquanto condição de possibilidade da liberdade política. É nessa trama que se desenrola a nossa pesquisa. / This work aims to discuss the young power as an object of public policies in Brazil. The young power is not something somebody has or that, perhaps, could be made by someone. He is a production of the public arena, a name given to a strategic position of power that can produce both practical policies directed to the conduct of young people, as well as new modes of existence. In the first case, he goes through the documents, plans and media discourses that produce a pattern of practices to the young people, proposing ways to experience his own youth as well as ways to organize their political activities. In the second case, the young power is a relation between forces that cause tension values and modes of social organization crystallized in the society. In both cases it is life that is at stake, it is the biopolitics while production of modes of subjectification. This is the perspective of this research that, analyzing documents, under a genealogical reference inspired by the work of the philosophy Michel Foucault, moves into an area represented by the tense practices directed at young people, especially those that prescribe public policies speeches, in which they are treated as a population group. Analyzing some official documents of the United Nations and others produced in the country (the Federal Government and NGOs), one realizes that the youth is treated as a global problem, linked to various spheres of life: education, politics, ethics, citizenship, health, etc. It is the young power as the object of policy intervention that needs to be cultivated, channeled and strengthened, in the same way as a possibility of producing the new, as a fundamental political force. In the decades of 1960, 1970 and 1980 occurred a refurbishment of speeches about the rebelliousness of the youth. During this period, the young power can no longer be seen as a founding force of social crisis, and begins to be an object of political intervention and a market niche to be exploited. On the other hand, in the 1990s, we have a refresh of the speeches on youth volunteerism, thanks to the protagonism of the youth that, aligned with the notion of human capital, prescribes to the young people modes to be and to behavior socially and politically. Finally, the issue of young power is reviewed and rethought as a possibility condition of the political freedom. It is in this plot that our research is unfolded

Partindo da emergência das políticas de educação para as crianças hospitalizadas no Brasil, esta Dissertação de Mestrado em Educação traz alguns recortes históricos que tentam dar conta da visibilidade desta infância hoje. Este escrito se trama nas minúcias dos discursos sobre a invenção da infância moderna, da escola e do hospital, e ainda do encontro dessas instituições, materializadas em uma modalidade de atendimento específica de poder sobre a vida: as Classes Hospitalares. Entende-se que esta modalidade faz parte de uma rede de estratégias de afirmação da vida das crianças no hospital. Faz-se uso do pensamento de Michel Foucault, sobre as relações de poder/saber/verdade, que se imbricam nas disciplinas sobre as crianças, como a pediatria e a puericultura, e que atravessam os discursos na/sobre a escola no hospital. Buscou-se, desta forma, analisar os enunciados de alguns textos oficiais brasileiros, como a Política Nacional de Educação Especial (1994), os Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente Hospitalizados (1995), e ainda o documento do Ministério da Educação, intitulado Classe hospitalar e atendimento pedagógico domiciliar: estratégias e orientações (2002). Estes documentos foram tencionados com alguns textos acadêmicos especializados, que tratam da captura e normalização, pela escolarização, destes seres que parecem estar duplamente fugidios: por serem crianças e, ainda, doentes. / Beginning from the emergence of education politics for hospitalized children in Brazil, this paper for Master Degree of Education brings some historical clippings, trying to handle the visibility of childhood today. This writing whether the plot details of the speeches on the invention of modern childhood from school or hospital, and in the meeting of these institutions, materialized in a modality of treatment, specific of on life power: the Hospital Classes. Such modality is realized as being part of a network of life assertion strategies by children in a hospital. Using the Michel Foucault's thought, on relations of power/knowledge/true that imbricates in disciplines about the children like pediatrics and childcare, and that crosses discourses in/about school in the hospital. So, this work aimed to analyze the statements from some official Brazilian documents, as the National Policy for Special Education (1994), the Declaration of Rights of the Hospitalized Children and Adolescents (1995), as well as the document by the Ministry of Education so called - Hospital class and home pedagogical care: strategies and guidance (2002). Such documents have been planned together with some specialized academic texts, which concerned with capture and normalization by schooling, these beings which appear to be doubly elusive: because children and patients are too.

ix, 161 p. : maps / In 2002, the Russian government began distributing tens of thousands of Russian passports in the de facto states of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Some scholarly attention has been devoted to this process, known as passportization, but most of the literature treats passportization as a primarily political process, ignoring its geographic aspects. This thesis shows that passportization in Abkhazia and South Ossetia amounted to a process of "biocolonization," wherein the populations of the de facto states were discursively captured by Russia through individual naturalization. Consequently, passportization served to create "Russian spaces" within the internationally recognized borders of Georgia and, in the process challenged international legal norms rooted in the logic of the modern state system. / Committee in charge: Dr. Alexander Murphy, Chair; Dr. Shaul Cohen, Member; Dr. Julie Hessler, Member

Submitted by Andrea Hayashi (deachan@gmail.com) on 2016-06-21T17:32:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao-emanuel-dos-santos-sasso.pdf: 1148278 bytes, checksum: 5caf16d9c0844820837c0c6b88fd922d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Andrea Hayashi (deachan@gmail.com) on 2016-06-21T17:37:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao-emanuel-dos-santos-sasso.pdf: 1148278 bytes, checksum: 5caf16d9c0844820837c0c6b88fd922d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-21T17:37:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao-emanuel-dos-santos-sasso.pdf: 1148278 bytes, checksum: 5caf16d9c0844820837c0c6b88fd922d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esta dissertação pretende compreender as reflexões propostas pelo filósofo francês Michel Foucault – sem dúvida um dos pensadores mais emblemáticos do século XX – acerca do tema das tecnologias e relações de poder. Para isso discorreremos sobre o tema da disciplina, que se encontra, principalmente, na obra Vigiar e punir (1975), buscando compreender a relação entre a análise do poder disciplinar e outros momentos e conceitos da vasta produção bibliográfica foucaultiana, tais como as noções de biopolítica, governamentalidade, liberdade e resistência. Para tal, realizaremos uma incursão pelas suas diversas obras, cursos, palestras, conferências e entrevistas que, ao mesmo tempo em que dialogam e produzem intervenções em vários campos do conhecimento, não podem ser reduzidas a nenhum desses campos, sob pena de perder, significativamente, parte de sua produção. Para o pensador, filosofar consiste em pensar não no verdadeiro e no falso, mas em nossas próprias relações com a verdade e a falsidade. Seguindo tal raciocínio, o presente trabalho procura, ainda, investigar e analisar as experiências que tem submetido o homem a um processo de sujeição por meio dos mecanismos repressores ou não, e como ele, o homem, tem articulado seus pensamentos para a elaboração de um contra-poder, de uma estratégia de enfrentamento e de resistência. A nossa proposta de investigação traz, além das discussões sobre “o que é o poder”, aquelas acerca de seu funcionamento e ação. Por fim, nosso trabalho também se propõe a realizar contribuições ao estudo das relações de poder, explicitando os caminhos abertos por Michel Foucault, apontando para além de uma exegese teórica da experiência filosófica do autor, pois acreditamos ser necessário pensar diferentemente ao invés de contribuir para a constatação da inevitabilidade do que existe. / This dissertation aims to understand the reflections proposed by French philosopher Michel Foucault - undoubtedly one of the most emblematic thinkers of the twentieth century - on the theme of technologies and power relations. For this, we will discuss the issue of discipline, which is mainly appears in the book Discipline and Punish (1975), seeking to understand the relationship between the analysis of disciplinary power and other moments and concepts of Foucault's extensive bibliographic production, such as the notions of biopolitics, governmentality, freedom and resistance. In order to accomplish such task, we will approach several works, courses, lectures, conferences and interviews, while that dialogue and produce interventions in various areas of knowledge, cannot be reduced to any of these areas, under penalty of losing significantly part of its production. To the thinker, philosophize is to think not in the true and the false, but in our own relationship with the truth and falsehood. Following this reasoning, the present study also seeks to investigate and analyze the experiences that have subjected the man to a process of subjection by means of repressive mechanisms or not, and how he, the man, has articulated his thoughts to the elaboration of a counter-power, a strategy of confrontation and resistance. Our research proposal brings, besides discussing "what is the power", those concerning their operation and action. Finally, our work also intends to make contributions to the study of power relations, explaining the paths opened by Michel Foucault, pointing beyond a theoretical exegesis of philosophical experience of the author, because we believe it is necessary to think differently rather than contribute to the realization of the inevitability of what exists.