Multilayered immigration enforcement regimes comprising state and federal statutes and local police practices demand research on their social and health-related consequences. This dissertation explores the multiple impacts of immigrant policing: sets of laws and police activities that make undocumented immigrants more visible to authorities and increase their risk of deportation. Examining immigrant policing through a multi-sited framework and drawing from principles of engaged anthropology, findings from this dissertation suggest how immigrant policing impacts undocumented immigrants' overall wellbeing, health providers' professional practice, and reveals troubles with safety net medical care. Interviews and participant observation experiences suggest how immigrant policing perpetuates a type of fear-based governance that shapes where undocumented immigrants seek health services, the types of services they seek, and exacerbates intimate partner violence. Moreover, research findings point to how immigrant rights organizations and health providers resist biopolitical efforts to control undocumented immigrants, especially in situations of life or death when institutional authority may limit how undocumented immigrants receive life-sustaining care. Findings from this research respond to calls to examine state immigration laws and their impact on health, and demonstrate the lived experiences of undocumented immigrants in Atlanta who confront an increasingly hostile immigration system.

The topic of this thesis is the biopolitics of video activism vis-à-vis racialized police violence. It is written against the backdrop of recent developments in the critique of two central concepts in field of biopolitics, namely Giorgio Agamben’s bare life and Michel Foucault’s biopower. Offsetting their respective framework, Alexander G. Weheliye (et al.) has introduced the imposition of race onto bodies as anterior to biopolitics. I incorporate this in a critique of Pasi Väliaho’s notion of biopolitical screens. To facilitate grounded theorizing, a field study of police accountability video activist groups in the United States was conducted. I argue that their observed practices should be seen as forms of embodied counter-surveillance and I situate them in the racially saturated field of visibility specific to the U.S. context. Moreover, I argue that the practices entail an extension of corporealities which is not inherently political in the sense of overt discursive iconography. It is, however, ideologically disrupting in how it networks politicized bodies through time and space. I conclude that raising the video camera to “look back” in the face of racializing assemblages constitutes a rights claim to a political subjectivity, however not necessarily in terms of polity or citizenship. Instead, the media practices are transversal and hold the potential to entail a political subjectivity ontologically anterior to state sovereignty.

Peace bonds are a legal tool of governance dating back to 13th c. England. In Canada, a significant change in the application of peace bonds took place in the mid-1990s, shifting their purpose from governing minor disputes between individuals to allowing for persons who have not been charged with a crime to be governed as if they had. Given the legal test for a peace bond has always been the determination of ‘reasonable fear’, the advent of these ‘specialized’ peace bonds suggests that the object of reasonable fear has changed. Despite their lengthy history, peace bonds have limited coverage in academic literature, a weakness compounded by a predominant doctrinal approach based in a liberal framework. The central inquiry of this thesis moves beyond this predominant perspective of ‘peace bonds as crime prevention’ by developing a governmental criminology, which deepens our understanding of the role of specialized peace bond law in contemporary society. Specifically, governmental criminology takes a Foucaultian critical legal studies approach, which acknowledges legal pluralism and sets out the historical context required for analysis. Ultimately, by unearthing underlying social, economic, and political power relations it is possible to critique the accompanying modes of calculation of fear and risk, thus challenging the regimes of practices that make specialized peace bonds possible. Specialized peace bonds merely manage the consequences of a criminal justice system limited by social, political, and economic circumstances, in a broader biopolitical project of integrating risky populations.

Biopolitics is a concept that, much like the apparatus it refers to, has kept evolving ever since Foucault coined its modern meaning in 1976. Its usage and interpretation have especially changed with the recent publication of The Birth of Biopolitics and Society, Territory, Population, books that helped expand its perceived field of application, specifically vis-à-vis the modern governmental rationales of neo-liberalism and, by association, neo-conservatism. In a separate development, the Western dispositif (apparatus) of biopolitics has undergone a dramatic transformation as a result of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, attacks after which, to quote Donald Rumsfeld, ‘everything changed’. My thesis takes both of these developments into account and provides a critical exploration of contemporary biopolitical US counter-terrorist measures. Emphasis is placed on a contextual juridico-political analysis that sheds more light on the complex interrelations between the relatively novel biopolitical dispositif and the classical legal dispositif of sovereignty. This is accomplished by a two-part empirical genealogical study that traces some of the pivotal judicial changes that have resulted from the counter-terrorist measures introduced in the wake of 9/11. It proposes that the PATRIOT Act, one of the primary legislative tools introduced after 9/11, is a distinctively ‘bio-legal’ document that allows for the integration of the biopolitical discourses of pre-emption, exception and contingency within the existing legal framework. I argue that this is a genuinely novel development that significantly alters the intersection of biopolitics, geopolitics and law. The second part of the empirical analysis presents a detailed interrogation of the legal disputes that involve the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay and, over the course of three key legal cases, shows that, even though the logic of biopolitics has now established a foothold within the US juridical system, the classical apparatus of Sovereignty still plays a decisive role in US governance. My key arguments are preceded and supported by an extensive overview of the notion of biopolitics, both as it was first introduced and developed by Foucault over the course of five publications, and as it is currently being used by key contemporary social theorists, especially insofar as this usage relates to the changes in Western politics after 9/11. Overall, the thesis provides a profound interrogation of the epistemic status of biopolitics, and it supplements this purely theoretical analysis with a detailed overview of how biopolitics and sovereignty interact in practice through the mechanism of the law, in the context of US counter-terrorist policies after 9/11.

The thesis traces the successive urban responses made by the Hong Kong government from 1997 to 2014, in an attempt to achieve “imagined immunity” for the city. The urban responses being analysed are efforts to regulate the ways in which “live poultry” (especially live chickens) is metabolized and circulating in the city. The efforts are made to re-order the human-birds-microbes relationships in Hong Kong - a process conceptualized as “re-urbanization of nature.” The consequence of these re-urbanization of nature processes, led to changes in the specific practice of consuming “live poultry” in the city. Four periods of re-urbanization of nature are identified in the analysis, and it is argued that in each wave of restructuring there were markedly different frames constructed to generate distinctive meanings of the “contagion condition,” imagined urban immunity, and practices of re-urbanization of nature. Their meanings and resultant practices were products of negotiations, within an entangled web of human and nonhuman features in particular periods. The context of these interventions and the biopolitical contestations are analyzed in the thesis. It is then argued that such contingencies and context-sensitive processes, call for further studies of post-epidemic urban changes. The thesis also explores the possibility of developing a theoretical framework of “urban biopolitical immunology” to accomplish the inquiry. By so doing, it seeks to contribute to studies of the politics of contemporary epidemics, and to research on the production of urban nature.

Orientador: José Geraldo Alberto Bertoncini Poker / Banca: Isabel Pauline Hildegard Georges / Banca: Marcos César Alvarez / Banca: José Sterza Justo / Banca: Luís Antônio Francisco de Souza / Resumo: Esta tese analisa o acolhimento intersetorial (Saúde e Assistência Social) para a população em situação de rua de um município de médio porte do interior paulista. Para tal intento, foi realizada uma pesquisa de campo no equipamento público denominado Casa Transitória "Adélia Portella Volpe" e na rede de acolhimento intersetorial da população em situação de rua, em Jaboticabal-SP. A partir das concepções de biopolítica, tanatopolítica e vida nua, esta tese analisa a gestão atual da população de rua. Para isso, são elencados os dados da pesquisa de campo, a análise documental e o contexto de guerra às drogas, evidenciado pelo Programa Crack - é preciso vencer, que articula Saúde, Assistência Social e Segurança Pública no plano nacional. Desta forma, a argumentação da tese se estrutura em duas perspectivas de análise: a. uma primeira mais "positiva" das políticas públicas, que as leva a sério e descreve suas características, impasses e limitações. Ou seja, uma análise do que denominei "políticas de governo"; b. uma segunda análise, mais pessimista, que faz a crítica do próprio limite do Estado em sua relação com a população. Então, apresenta a análise do dispositivo de gestão nas margens do Estado. E, desta forma, trabalha com a ideia de "políticas de Estado". Ambas perspectivas, embora distintas, fazem parte de uma mesma análise. E, em qualquer uma das duas perspectivas, as políticas públicas destinadas para população em situação de rua não dão conta do que se propõem. A não s... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This thesis analyses the intersectorial host institution (health and social assistance) for homeless population in a small town located near São Paulo. For this purpose, a field research was carried out on the public equipment called Casa Transitória (Halfway House) "AdéliaPortela Volpe" and on the intersectorial network of homeless people, in Jaboticabal-SP. From the conceptions of biopolitics, thanatopolitics and bare life, this thesis analyses the current management about homeless population. In this regard, it listed the field research data, documentary analysis and the war on drugs context, indicated by the Programa Crack - é preciso vencer (Crack Program - It needs overcome), that articulates Health, Social Assistance and Public Security at national level. Thus, the argument of the thesis has two perspectives: a. the first one is more "positive" about public policy, which understand seriously and describe its characteristics, problems and restrictions. In other words, an analysis I named "government policies"; b. the second, a more pessimist analysis, criticizes the limits of State in its relationship with the population. So, it presents an analysis of management device in the margins of the State. Both perspectives, although different, are part of the same investigation. And, both perspectives the public polices intended to homeless population does not get effective results. Except for the control of this population, which reinforce the device and does not emancipate anybody. / Résumé: Cette thèse analyse l'accueil intersectoriel (Santé et Assistance Sociale) destiné à la population sans domicile fixe (SDF) d'une commune moyenne de l'intérieur de l'État de São Paulo. Pour ce faire, on a réalisé une recherche sur le terrain dans l'équipement public nommé Casa Transitória « Adélia Portella Volpe » (Maison Transitoire « Adélia Portella Volpe ») et dans le réseau d'accueil intersectoriel de la population sans domicile fixe, dans la ville de Jaboticabal - SP. À partir des conceptions de biopolitique, de thanatopolitique et de vie nue, cette thèse analyse la gestion actuelle de cette population. Pour ce faire, on répertorie les données de la recherche sur le terrain, de l'analyse documentaire et du contexte de la guerre aux drogues, mis en évidence par le Programa Crack - é preciso vencer (Programme Crack - il faut vaincre), qui articule les domaines de la Santé, de l'Assistance Sociale et de la Sécurité Publique dans le plan national. Ainsi, l'argumentation de la thèse se structure selon deux perspectives d'analyse : a. une première plus « positive » des politiques publiques, qui les prend au sérieux et décrit leurs caractéristiques, leurs impasses et leurs limitations, c'est-à-dire, une analyse de ce que j'ai nommé « politiques de gouvernement » ; b. une seconde analyse, plus pessimiste, qui fait la critique des limites de l'État dans sa relation avec la population. Alors, on présente l'analyse du dispositif de gestion en marge de l'État et, ainsi, on travaille avec l'idée de « politiques d'État». Ces deux perspectives, quoique distinctes, font partie d'une même analyse. Et, dans n'importe laquelle de ces perspectives, les politiques publiques destinées à la population sans domicile fixe n'atteignent pas les buts qu'elles se ... (Résumé complet accès életronique ci-dessous) / Doutor

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2017-07-31T12:33:47Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Tese_PatriciaMonteiroCruzMendes_UFPE.pdf: 6007130 bytes, checksum: 8c92bbf798b296112e1a633214a764f7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-31T12:33:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Tese_PatriciaMonteiroCruzMendes_UFPE.pdf: 6007130 bytes, checksum: 8c92bbf798b296112e1a633214a764f7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / CAPES / A presente tese aborda a televisão enquanto tecnologia do imaginário que promove uma biopolítica da saúde ao disseminar o nexo cuidados com o corpo e aparência. O estudo foi alicerçado em compreender como o imaginário midiático utiliza a associação entre cuidados com o corpo e responsabilização dos indivíduos para produzir uma estética específica de saúde, que estamos chamando de saúde imaginária. Partindo da sociologia compreensiva, utilizamos o conceito de biopolítica em Foucault e as noções de imaginário em Maffesoli e Durand como base teórico-metodológica para a análise do material empírico: os reality shows Medida Certa e Além do Peso, veiculados pela TV Globo e TV Record, respectivamente. As confluências entre o sistema foucaultiano de corpo e as reflexões do imaginário social permitiram compreender a aparência como uma estrutura antropológica que põe o corpo em comunicação. Assim, para a análise do corpus, identificamos as formas do imaginário midiático por meio da proposição de um modelo teórico-metodológico centrado em três categorias: corpo sem formas, baseado no imaginário social sobre os riscos da gordura/sedentarismo à saúde; modelagem midiática dos corpos, com a formação/estimulação de uma imaginação sobre os esforços em busca dos pesos e medidas da saúde; e corpo prêt-à-porter, considerando a apresentação da imagem de uma estética saudável pronta para exposição/consumo. Com base nisso, foi possível compreender que o imaginário midiático dissemina uma noção de saúde cujas imagens e conteúdos estão materializados nas formas dos corpos. / This dissertation addresses the television as an imaginary technology that promotes health in the biopolitics to spread the caring with the body and appearance. The study was based to understand how the imaginary media uses the association between body care and the responsibility of individuals to produce a specific health appearance, that we call the imaginary health. Starting from the comprehensive sociology, we use the concept of biopolitics in Foucault and imaginary notions of Maffesoli and Durand as a theoretical and methodological basis for the analysis of the empirical material: the reality shows Medida Certa and Além do Peso, televised by TV Globo and TV Record respectively. The confluences of the Foucault system body and the reflections of the social imaginary allowed understanding the appearance as an anthropological structure that puts the body into communication. Thus, to analyze the corpus, we identified the forms of the imaginary media by proposing a theoretical and methodological model based on three categories: body without forms, based on the social imaginary about the risks of fat / inactivity to health; media modeling of the bodies, with formation / stimulation of an imagination on the efforts in search of weight and health measures; and prêt-à-porter body considering the presentation of the image of a healthy aesthetic ready for exposure / consumption. Based on this, it was possible to understand that the media imaginary spread a sense of health whose images and contents are materialized in the shapes of bodies.

On 27 February 2020, Erdogan announced that he would open the Turkish border, allowing refugees to cross into Europe. Greece’s response was the deployment of military forces and the suspension of asylum applications. This study theoretically draws heavily upon Giorgio Agamben’s work on biopolitics by analyzing discourses conducted by three representatives of the Greek government. It illustrates how the New Democracy party represents the arrival of asylum seekers at the Greek-Turkish border and investigates the rationale it developed regarding the implementation of the exceptional measures. The portrayal of asylum seekers as an ‘asymmetrical threat’ activates the biopolitical machine and through the exception, the sovereign exposes its raw power over the bodies of refugees, and the management of death becomes sovereign’s absolute objective. Consequently, the exception becomes indistinguishable from the norm and expands beyond the Greek-Turkish border, rendering those who dispute the Greek government’s practices as a potential homo sacer.

In response to the humanitarian crisis of 2015, Sweden introduced ‘temporary’ bordercontrols. The increasingly permanent controls warrant critical assessment and raise urgentquestions: How is border security exercised in practice? What is the relationship betweenintent and practices on the ground? Which logics drive the border control? This studyexplores these questions through in-depth interviews with border guards andethnographic field observations conducted at Hyllie station. Applying Foucault’s conceptof biopolitics and Walters’ image of the border-as-firewall, the study critically probes thepractices of border security and the logics that underpin it. The study argues that theSwedish border control acts as a (biopolitical) firewall. Yet, this conceptual frameworkalone cannot account for the multiple logics, rationalities, and objectives that intersectand drive the project of border control. The analysis suggests that biopolitics framessecurity as a rather monolithic, omnipotent performance of overarching state objectives.In reality, the exercise of border control is assembled ad hoc, constrained by the limits ofavailable resources of the Swedish police and mediated by the agency of individual borderguards. Finally, the study reflects on the exclusionary logic embedded in the practices ofborder control and stakes out paths for future research.

Svitková, K. 2019. Securing cities: 'Urban resilience' as a technology of government, 282 pp. Doctoral thesis (PhD) Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Political Studies. Department of Security Studies. Academic supervisor: doc. PhDr. PNDr. Nikola Hynek, M. A., PgDip Res, PhD Abstract Resilience has become a buzzword in policy and practice of 'securing' and 'developing' cities and urban populations. This study discusses the use of this concept in the context of governance of subjectivities. More specifically, reflecting its empirical focus, it poses critical questions about constructing and promoting 'urban resilience subjects', and scrutinizes the process of internalization of resilience as a self-governance technique, self-imposed on and by citizens for their own good. The purpose is to problematize resilience as a universal tool or strategy to govern cities and their inhabitants, be it in ordinary or extreme circumstances. The study ventures beyond the traditional critique of neoliberalism to ask questions about what resilience does in terms of a performative governance, exploring the disciplinary and biopolitical nature of this process. Keywords resilience, governmentality, urban, cities, power, biopolitics