This is a study about the “grilljanne”, a type of young dandy in fin-de-siècle Stockholm. The “grilljanne” was known for his odd, flamboyant sense of style, his constant economic troubles, and his disruptive behaviour in public. The main source for descriptions of the “grilljanne” is the boulevard newspaper Figaro and its editor-in-chief Georg Lundström (who published under the signature Jörgen). The purpose of the study is to examine how the “grilljanne” was portrayed as an opposite to the dominant bourgeoise ideals of the 1890s. By considering the “grilljanne” a stereotype, it looks at how the stereotype was constructed by the writers of Figaro, and how it relates to contemporary discussions about class, gender, sexuality and youth. The analysis is inspired by recent research into the history of masculinity, and how deviant forms of masculinity have been constructed as countertypes to the dominant ideals. The “grilljanne” was continuously mocked in Figaro, both because of his style and his behaviour. Specifically, he was portrayed as the antithesis of bourgeois masculine ideals of self-restraint and moderation. His vanity, snobbishness and excessive interest in fashionable consumption makes him comparable to various forms of dandyism during the second half of the nineteenth century and made him a caricature of over-the-top elegance. The negative portrayal can also be seen as an expression of anxieties regarding blurred lines between classes, changing sexual morality and increasingly unclear distinctions between male and female behaviour. The “grilljanne” was often also described as a symptom of a debased and degenerate youth. This related to the specific fear of decadence, a phenomenon which has usually been studied by historians of literature. This study has shown that phenomena such as decadence and dandyism were intimately connected to fin-de-siècle anxieties about class, masculinity, sexuality and youth.

Recent discussions on corporate citizenship (CC) highlight the new political role of corporations in society by arguing that corporations increasingly act as quasi-governmental actors and take on what hitherto had originally been governmental tasks. By examining political and sociological citizenship theories, the authors show that such a corporate engagement can be explained by a changing (self-)conception of corporate citizens from corporate bourgeois to corporate citoyen. As an intermediate actor in society, the corporate citoyen assumes co-responsibilities for social and civic affairs and actively collaborates with fellow citizens beyond governmental regulation. This change raises the question of how such corporate civic engagement can be aligned with public policy regulations and how corporate activities can be integrated into the democratic regime. To clarify the mode of CC contributions to society, the authors will apply the tenet of subsidiarity as a governing principle which allows for specifying corporations’ tasks as intermediate actors in society. By referring to the renewed European Union strategy for Corporate Social Responsibility, the authors show how such a subsidiary corporate-governmental task-sharing can be organized.

Notre travail a comme objectif d’étudier la fonction de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane pendant la révolution de 1848 en Allemagne. A partir d’un corpus constitué des numéros du journal, y compris les éditions spéciales et les suppléments, notre étude analyse la conception du journal voulue par ses fondateurs, sa réalisation journalistique ainsi que l’évolution de sa ligne politique. Comme outil d’analyse nous nous appuyons sur la notion de l’espace public, notamment de l’espace public bourgeois, conçue par Jürgen Habermas en 1961, mais aussi sur les notions d’un espace public plébéien et d’un espace public prolétarien que la recherche a développées entre-temps. Après avoir étudié l’état de l’espace public en Allemagne, l’évolution du mouvement ouvrier avant et au début de la révolution et les prémices de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane, nous développons l’hypothèse que le journal fut un projet indépendant, explicitement conçu pour l’espace public bourgeois, en parallèle avec le projet de la Ligue des communistes qui, elle, a été créée à l’attention du mouvement ouvrier et pour l’espace public prolétarien naissant. La conception de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane puise ses sources dans les analyses de ses fondateurs, notamment de son rédacteur en chef Karl Marx, notamment en ce qui concerne la situation en Allemagne et en Europe. Suivant ces analyses, le journal a l’exigence de peser sur le cours de la révolution. L’idée de départ est de faire pression sur les parties progressistes de la bourgeoisie. En conséquence sa stratégie est de s’insérer dans le mouvement démocrate afin de pousser les démocrates vers une politique de confrontation avec la monarchie absolue. En s’adaptant au début de son existence aux critères de l’espace public bourgeois, la Nouvelle gazette rhénane correspond aux critères d’excellence de son époque : son travail rédactionnel, son organisation, sa production matérielle et sa distribution sont à la pointe du journalisme politique. Notre étude statistique des articles concernant l’Allemagne et l’étranger montre qu’il s’agit d’un journal prussien qui bénéficie d’un réseau dense de correspondants dans les régions et les Etats d’Allemagne ainsi qu’en Europe. Un accent particulier est porté sur les informations venant des pays européens. Ce fait s’explique par la conception européenne que le journal a de la révolution de 1848.La particularité du journal est à notre sens qu’il a accompagné toutes les modifications de l’espace public pendant la révolution. Sa politique se caractérise par la défense de la révolution et en premier lieu la défense de la liberté de la presse. Confronté à un morcellement et une destruction partielle de l’espace public bourgeois, sa ligne politique évolue d’une critique de la politique des parlements de Francfort et de Berlin vers une ligne de plus en plus insurrectionnelle. Notamment pendant les crises de septembre et de novembre, son influence sur les démocrates est notable sans qu’elle puisse s’imposer entièrement. En réaction à un bilan négatif de la politique du mouvement démocrate, ses rédacteurs quittent leurs fonctions dirigeantes au sein du mouvement au printemps 1849 pour intégrer la fraternité ouvrière (Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverbrüderung) de Leipzig. Cette décision correspond à une orientation vers l’espace public prolétarien ; le processus de cette réorientation est cependant interrompu par la fin de la révolution et ne pourra pas se concrétiser. / Our work has the objective of studying the function of die Neue Rheinische Zeitung during the German revolution in 1848. Our work is based on a corpus that consists of all the numbers of the journal that comprise of special editions and supplements. Our study analyses the conception of the newspaper as imagined by its founders, its journalistic creation as well as the evolution of its political direction. The basis of our analysis is the notion of public sphere, notably the bourgeois public sphere conceived by Jürgen Habermas in 1961 but also the notions of the plebeian public sphere and the proletarian public sphere. These notions had been developped by the research in the meantime.After having studied the situation of the public sphere in Germany and the evolution of the labour movement that already existed at the start of the revolution and the beginnings of die Neue Rheinische Zeitung, we developped the hypothesis that the journal was an independent project conceived for the bourgeois public sphere in parallel with the project of the Communist League, which was created for the attention of the labour movement and the emerging proletarian public sphere. The conception of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung takes its inspiration from his founders, namely chief contributor Karl Marx and his analyses about the situation in Germany and in Europe. According to his analysis, the newspaper had an impact on the course of the revolution. The first idea behind it is to put the progressive parties under pressure. Consequently, his strategy is to enter the democratic movement in order to push its members towards a political confrontation with the monarchy. At the start of its existence, it adapted itself to the criteria of the bourgeois public sphere and therefore matched the criteria and the political standards of journalism at that time in terms of writing skills, organization, production and distribution. Our statistics of the articles dealing with Germany and other foreign countries show that it is about a Prussian newspaper, which benefited from a wide network of correspondents in the regions and states in Germany as well as Europe. Information coming from European countries is extremely important, certainly because of the European conception which the journal developed of the revolution in 1848. A particular feature of the journal is that it followed all the changes of the public sphere during the revolution. Its politics was characterized by the defence of the revolution ad in the first instance of the Freedom of the Press. Confronted by a splitting up and a partial destruction of the bourgeois public sphere, the political movement started moving from a critic of the Parliaments in Frankfurt and Berlin into a more and more insurrectional direction against the government. During the crises of September and November 1848, its influence on the democrats is notable without being completely imposing. In reaction to the negative results of the democratic political movement, the contributors started quitting the leadership in Rhineland in spring 1849 to integrate die Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverbrüderung of Leipzig. The decision corresponded to a changing direction towards the proletarian public sphere whose progress had been interrupted by the end of the revolution and could not be realized.

The thesis deals with the Czechoslovak communist politician Gustáv Husák in connection with the cause of the Slovak bourgeois nationalism. It is structured chronologically, sometimes interspersed with thematic areas. It draws from a wide variety of sources. The prevailing approach is positivistic and analytical. The aim is to explain the emergence of the cause of the Slovak bourgeois nationalism and the way in which Husák was incorporated into it. The work points to a pivotal link with the international context and reveals poor relations between leading Party officials. Furthermore, the thesis raises issues of Husák's political fall, fabricated charges, imprisonment and subsequently the complexity of the rehabilitation process, at the end of which Husák's Communist Party membership was restored and a further political career remained a possibility. Additionally, the text tries to consider to a large extent the social relations between different participants and understand their motives of behavior. All of this is also put into perspective with respect to Czech-Slovak relations, which were significantly influenced by the aforementioned cause. The intention of the work deliberately exceeds the biographical theme.

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-11-24T17:15:18Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Rodrigo Jurucê Mattos Gonçalves - 2016.pdf: 3892287 bytes, checksum: ad62e49878dccd031b5b3501f905cb79 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-11-28T17:53:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Rodrigo Jurucê Mattos Gonçalves - 2016.pdf: 3892287 bytes, checksum: ad62e49878dccd031b5b3501f905cb79 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-28T17:53:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Rodrigo Jurucê Mattos Gonçalves - 2016.pdf: 3892287 bytes, checksum: ad62e49878dccd031b5b3501f905cb79 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-01 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / In our thesis, we start from the historical reconstruction of bourgeois autocracy in Brazil and the development of class society after 1930. From this historical perspective of autocratic developments as renovation, that is, as a constant rearrangement and update of the structural power of the ruling class, reconstituting the formation of the University of São Paulo, after 1934 as a project of the São Paulo‟s oligarchy, and the Brazilian Institute of Philosophy (IBF – the acronym in Portuguese) from 1949 as a program of some sectors of autocratic intelligentsia. The IBF was the entity responsible for the publication of the Brazilian Magazine of Philosophy (RBF – the acronym in Portuguese), which is our main research‟s source. Aiming at a critical questioning of our object (the IBF and RBF), rescued the concept of philosophical hegemony apparatus (AHF), which allowed us to elucidate the IBF‟s contribution to the formation of an autocratic ideology. The main contribution came from São Paulo‟s renowned jurist, Miguel Reale, leader and founder of the Institute. Known to have belonged to the “movimento integralista” (a fascista movement), Reale will provide new ideology of the ruling class after the decline of fascism and with the defeat of fascists regimes in the mid 40‟s. In the Philosophy of Law (1953) book, the jurist will finalize the so-called "three-dimensional theory of law", which, however, has a number of formulations in order to exploit the ruling class with an authoritarian legal ideology. Later, in the early 60‟s, when Brazil was at the culmination of a general crisis, which was reflected in the economy, society, politics and culture, Reale publish two political works: Brazilian parliamentarianism (1962) and Pluralism and Freedom (1963). In these books the author will refine the borders of democratic liberalism, together with authoritarian-legal formulations of 50‟s, will give life to an autocratic ideology that will thrive as one of the most important formulations of the brazilian autocratic intelligentsia. With the 1964‟s coup and the military dictatorship, the brazilian ruling class completes its historical maturity, putting its decision as a major factor in external relation to the central powers of capitalism and, internally, to social classes dominated. This historical maturation occurred, however, with the decisive ideological contribution of IBF leader who, in turn, widely developed autocratic ideology inside the AHF that, together with the RBF, was the locus of expansion, discussion and propagation of that thought. / Em nossa tese, partimos da reconstrução histórica da autocracia burguesa no Brasil e dos desenvolvimentos da sociedade de classes, após 1930. A partir dessa perspectiva histórica dos desenvolvimentos autocráticos como aggiornamento, isto é, como constante rearranjo e atualização das estruturas de poder da classe dominante, reconstituímos a formação da Universidade de São Paulo, a partir de 1934, como um projeto da oligarquia paulista, e do Instituto Brasileiro de Filosofia (IBF), a partir de 1949, como um programa de alguns setores da intelectualidade autocrática. O IBF era a entidade responsável pela publicação da Revista Brasileira de Filosofia (RBF), sendo esta nossa fonte privilegiada. Visando uma problematização crítica de nosso objeto (o IBF e a RBF), resgatamos o conceito de aparelho de hegemonia filosófico (AHF), que nos permitiu elucidar a contribuição ibeefeana para a formação de uma ideologia autocrática. A principal contribuição veio do renomado jurista paulista, Miguel Reale, líder e fundador do Instituto. Conhecido por ter pertencido ao movimento integralista, Reale dará novas formulações à ideologia da classe dominante após o ocaso do integralismo e com a derrota dos regimes fascistas, em meados dos anos 40. Na obra Filosofia do Direito (1953), o jurista dará forma acabada à chamada “teoria tridimensional do direito”, que, todavia, traz uma série de formulações no sentido de instrumentalizar a classe dominante com uma ideologia jurídica autoritária. Posteriormente, no início dos anos 60, quando Brasil vivia o auge de uma crise geral, que se refletia na economia, na sociedade, na política e na cultura, Reale publicaria duas obras políticas: Parlamentarismo brasileiro (1962) e Pluralismo e liberdade (1963). Nestes livros o autor irá aparar as “arestas” democráticas do liberalismo que, unido às formulações autoritário-jurídicas dos anos 50, darão vida à uma ideologia autocrática que vicejaria como uma das mais importantes formulações da intelectualidade autocrática brasileira. Com o golpe de 1964 e a Ditadura Militar, a classe dominante brasileira completa sua maturação histórica, colocando a sua decisão como fator preponderante em relação, externamente, às potências centrais do capitalismo e, internamente, às classes sociais dominadas. Essa maturação histórica ocorreu, no entanto, tendo a contribuição ideológica decisiva do líder do IBF que, por sua vez, pode dar amplo desenvolvimento à ideologia autocrática no interior do AHF que, junto da RBF, foi o locus de desenvolvimento, debate e disseminação daquele pensamento

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Rodrigo Jurucê Mattos Gonçalves - 2016.pdf: 3892287 bytes, checksum: ad62e49878dccd031b5b3501f905cb79 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-01 / In our thesis, we start from the historical reconstruction of bourgeois autocracy in Brazil and the development of class society after 1930. From this historical perspective of autocratic developments as renovation, that is, as a constant rearrangement and update of the structural power of the ruling class, reconstituting the formation of the University of São Paulo, after 1934 as a project of the São Paulo‟s oligarchy, and the Brazilian Institute of Philosophy (IBF – the acronym in Portuguese) from 1949 as a program of some sectors of autocratic intelligentsia. The IBF was the entity responsible for the publication of the Brazilian Magazine of Philosophy (RBF – the acronym in Portuguese), which is our main research‟s source. Aiming at a critical questioning of our object (the IBF and RBF), rescued the concept of philosophical hegemony apparatus (AHF), which allowed us to elucidate the IBF‟s contribution to the formation of an autocratic ideology. The main contribution came from São Paulo‟s renowned jurist, Miguel Reale, leader and founder of the Institute. Known to have belonged to the “movimento integralista” (a fascista movement), Reale will provide new ideology of the ruling class after the decline of fascism and with the defeat of fascists regimes in the mid 40‟s. In the Philosophy of Law (1953) book, the jurist will finalize the so-called "three-dimensional theory of law", which, however, has a number of formulations in order to exploit the ruling class with an authoritarian legal ideology. Later, in the early 60‟s, when Brazil was at the culmination of a general crisis, which was reflected in the economy, society, politics and culture, Reale publish two political works: Brazilian parliamentarianism (1962) and Pluralism and Freedom (1963). In these books the author will refine the borders of democratic liberalism, together with authoritarian-legal formulations of 50‟s, will give life to an autocratic ideology that will thrive as one of the most important formulations of the brazilian autocratic intelligentsia. With the 1964‟s coup and the military dictatorship, the brazilian ruling class completes its historical maturity, putting its decision as a major factor in external relation to the central powers of capitalism and, internally, to social classes dominated. This historical maturation occurred, however, with the decisive ideological contribution of IBF leader who, in turn, widely developed autocratic ideology inside the AHF that, together with the RBF, was the locus of expansion, discussion and propagation of that thought. / Em nossa tese, partimos da reconstrução histórica da autocracia burguesa no Brasil e dos desenvolvimentos da sociedade de classes, após 1930. A partir dessa perspectiva histórica dos desenvolvimentos autocráticos como aggiornamento, isto é, como constante rearranjo e atualização das estruturas de poder da classe dominante, reconstituímos a formação da Universidade de São Paulo, a partir de 1934, como um projeto da oligarquia paulista, e do Instituto Brasileiro de Filosofia (IBF), a partir de 1949, como um programa de alguns setores da intelectualidade autocrática. O IBF era a entidade responsável pela publicação da Revista Brasileira de Filosofia (RBF), sendo esta nossa fonte privilegiada. Visando uma problematização crítica de nosso objeto (o IBF e a RBF), resgatamos o conceito de aparelho de hegemonia filosófico (AHF), que nos permitiu elucidar a contribuição ibeefeana para a formação de uma ideologia autocrática. A principal contribuição veio do renomado jurista paulista, Miguel Reale, líder e fundador do Instituto. Conhecido por ter pertencido ao movimento integralista, Reale dará novas formulações à ideologia da classe dominante após o ocaso do integralismo e com a derrota dos regimes fascistas, em meados dos anos 40. Na obra Filosofia do Direito (1953), o jurista dará forma acabada à chamada “teoria tridimensional do direito”, que, todavia, traz uma série de formulações no sentido de instrumentalizar a classe dominante com uma ideologia jurídica autoritária. Posteriormente, no início dos anos 60, quando Brasil vivia o auge de uma crise geral, que se refletia na economia, na sociedade, na política e na cultura, Reale publicaria duas obras políticas: Parlamentarismo brasileiro (1962) e Pluralismo e liberdade (1963). Nestes livros o autor irá aparar as “arestas” democráticas do liberalismo que, unido às formulações autoritário-jurídicas dos anos 50, darão vida à uma ideologia autocrática que vicejaria como uma das mais importantes formulações da intelectualidade autocrática brasileira. Com o golpe de 1964 e a Ditadura Militar, a classe dominante brasileira completa sua maturação histórica, colocando a sua decisão como fator preponderante em relação, externamente, às potências centrais do capitalismo e, internamente, às classes sociais dominadas. Essa maturação histórica ocorreu, no entanto, tendo a contribuição ideológica decisiva do líder do IBF que, por sua vez, pode dar amplo desenvolvimento à ideologia autocrática no interior do AHF que, junto da RBF, foi o locus de desenvolvimento, debate e disseminação daquele pensamento.

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Master of Music / Department of Music / Frank C. Tracz / The following report is an in depth research and analysis project based on the graduation requirement for a Masters in Music Degree from Kansas State University. The product of this project was a conducting recital performed by Michael E. Bistline with the Union High School Concert Band. This performance was held on May 5, 2009 in Matt Auditorium at Union High School. The repertoire included National Emblem March by E.E. Bagley/edited by Frederick Fennell, On An American Spiritual by David Holsinger, Portraits by Jim Colonna, and Serenade Op. 22 (c) by Derek Bourgeois. The theoretical, historical and technical analyses of this project was collected using the Unit of the Teacher Resource Guide, developed by Richard Miles and the Macro, Micro, Macro score analysis form developed by Dr. Frank Tracz. This report also includes documentation of the planning and evaluation of each rehearsal.

Cette thèse de doctorat constitue la première étude transversale et systématique de l’œuvre et de la pensée théorique de l’architecte Victor Bourgeois (1897-1962). A contrepied d’une image de Bourgeois formée dans l’historiographie de l’architecture moderne en Belgique, cette étude est basée sur la cohérence fondamentale entre son œuvre d’avant et d’après-guerre, et sur la congruence entre sa théorie et sa pratique. Celles-ci résultent d’un engagement social permanent auquel Bourgeois, aux côtés de son frère, le poète Pierre Bourgeois, désirait donner forme à travers sa pratique professionnelle. <p>L’étude se présente en deux parties :un catalogue raisonné qui offre une vision complète des projets réalisés et non réalisés, ainsi qu’un commentaire et une courte bibliographie par projet. Ceci constitue la seconde partie, le premier volume étant consacré à un essai lui aussi divisé en deux parties. La première rassemble toute l’information disponible dans la littérature consacrée aux années de formation et à la carrière internationale de l’architecte, augmentée de quelques corrections et additions importantes. La seconde explore, sur la base de trois textes clefs, les trois champs d’action par lesquels Bourgeois a donné corps à son engagement social :l’urbanisme, l’architecture et l’éducation.<p>Il est question dans un premier temps de la forme qu’a pris l’engagement social de Victor Bourgeois à travers son œuvre construite. Cette interrogation s’appuie sur les écrits de Bourgeois à ce sujet. Sa réflexion sur la dimension sociale de sa profession est en permanente évolution et se construit autour de termes tels que :« l’art social », « le rendement de l’architecture », « la rationalisation de l’architecture », « la neutralité urbaine, », « la paix plastique », et « le civisme ». Ces concepts sont ici confrontés à quelques-uns de ses projets parmi les plus importants. Les interprétations successives que fait Bourgeois de cette dimension sociale de l’architecture moderne ont pour effet une érosion progressive de sa signification. Cette évolution ne le conduit pas nécessairement à une vision purement technocratique de l’architecture. Après-guerre, ses différentes pensées convergent dans deux textes aux titres révélateurs :De l’architecture au temps d’Erasme à l’humanisme social de notre architecture (1947) et L’architecte et son espace (1955).<p>Dans un second temps, cette thèse retrace la figure de l’urbaniste moderne tel qu’il émerge dans la pensée et la pratique urbanistique de Bourgeois. Alors qu’il était initialement proche des théories socio-biologiques (d’orientation esthétique) de Louis Van der Swaelmen, la figure de l’urbaniste en tant qu’organisateur apparaît progressivement dans ses textes :“L’architecte n’est plus ramené seulement à un rôle de dessinateur ou d’ingénieur, il devient un organisateur de toutes les valeurs utiles.” Et ailleurs: “L’urbaniste est un chef d’orchestre :il doit organiser et hiérarchiser cent, mille instruments différents.” C’est à la fin des années ’30 que la finalité sociale de la pratique urbanistique trouve sa formulation la plus explicite :“L’urbanisme ajuste l’espace au progrès social.” Ses projets urbanistiques des années 30 oscillent entre l’approche architecturo-urbanistique de Ludwig Hilberseimer, le modèle de ville linéaire de Nikolaï Miljutin et les théories du 19e siècle de Patrick Geddes et Paul Otlet. Ses prises de positions radicales aboutiront souvent, sur le terrain, à des solutions pragmatiques.<p>Enfin, dans un troisième temps, la dissertation thématise l’enseignement de Bourgeois. De ses premiers écrits, dans lesquels il défend les propositions de Victor Horta pour la réforme de l’Académie, jusqu’à sa retraite forcée de l’Institut d’Architecture La Cambre (quelques semaines avant sa mort), l’enseignement de l’architecture a été une préoccupation centrale pour Bourgeois. C’est ici que sa réflexion se manifeste le plus explicitement et qu’elle a été – comme il est souvent répété – la plus fertile. L’objectif est double :D’une part nous avons prêté attention à sa réflexion et au développement de sa carrière à l’ISAD-La Cambre ;d’autre part, nous proposons d’éclairer la complexité de sa figure à l’aide d’œuvres d’un certain nombre de ses ‘disciples’ qui revendiquent tous Bourgeois comme leur ‘père spirituel’, et qui ont chacun thématisé un aspect de sa ‘doctrine’ dans leur travail respectif.<p><p>La question en filigrane relève du domaine de la critique architecturale :Quelle est l’approche de Bourgeois? Comment s’est-elle incarnée dans ses projets (réalisés ou non réalisés)? Et enfin, quelles problématiques en constituent le fondement? Plus profondément, en dehors de l’évidente importance d’une documentation extensive et systématique du travail de cette figure majeure du modernisme Belge, ce questionnement a pour ambition d’évaluer le poids et l’importance du travail de Bourgeois. Pourquoi devrions-nous même en discuter encore aujourd’hui? Quelle est la pertinence de son approche au regard de la situation contemporaine?<p>La méthode de recherche utilisée est double. D’une part la thèse est basée sur l’histoire de la réception critique de l’œuvre construite et écrite de Bourgeois. Cette méthode permet d’isoler partiellement le travail (sous tous ses aspects) de l’accumulation d’interprétations dont il a fait l’objet jusqu’ici, et de nous faire prendre conscience de la trop grande simplicité des conclusions auxquelles elles ont souvent mené. D’autre part, la recherche est basée sur une étude comparative de la théorie et de la pratique :les écrits et les bâtiments. Quels effets concrets peut avoir une position théorique sur un projet, et vice versa, que peut nous transmettre un bâtiment des intentions de son créateur?<p>L’essai se propose donc de tracer un portrait complexe et nuancé de Victor Bourgeois. Il y est présenté comme un moderniste qui a cherché la continuité avec la tradition, un iconoclaste radical qui est toujours resté pragmatique. Dans le cas de Bourgeois, cette ambivalence résulte à la fois d’une attitude critique et d’une fascination vis-à-vis de la ville historique. Tout au long de sa carrière, la ville a été l’enjeu principal de son architecture, de sa pensée, de ses textes, de ses voyages et de son approche. Ainsi la thèse étudie Bourgeois en tant qu’éminent représentant d’une autre tradition moderniste qui a cherché, à l’encontre de la Charte d’Athènes, la continuité avec la morphologie de ville existante. <p> / Doctorat en Art de bâtir et urbanisme / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished