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This thesis investigates the ways in which literary and artistic modernism interpreted the Spanish institution of the corrida, or the bullfight. The sheer volume of modernist intellectuals who engaged with the corrida is startling. From Joyce to Picasso, Stein to Hemingway, Leiris to Lawrence, the bullfight provided inspiration to so many of the writers and artists of canonical modernism. Indeed, the relevance of the corrida to modernist intellectuals is perhaps captured best by Michel Leiris’s lucid metaphor of the bullfight as a mirror revealing ‘certain dark parts of ourselves’. In other words, in addition to providing the content of literature of the early twentieth century, many of the writers we identify as modernist used the corrida in a metaphorical capacity too. In light of this, it seems significant that the peak of modern interest in the corrida occurred in the context of a cultural crisis in western civilization in the first half of the twentieth century. Thus the key questions that this thesis seeks to address are as follows: why did the modernist gaze rest so intently upon the corrida? Why did so many European intellectuals cling to bullfighting and insist upon its enduring relevance given the apparent paradox between its own lack of adaptation to modern conditions and the very ‘newness’ that modernism championed? To what extent did the corrida act as a mirror to many of the cultural tensions problems addressed by modernism? How did modernism’s engagement with bullfighting, and the easy manner in which Hemingway’s body of work came to stand alone for that rich engagement, affect subsequent works that focussed on the bullring? These phenomena are examined in the context of the anomic cultural landscape of the era, taking into consideration the artistic, sexual and archaeological revolutions that informed and affected writers of the time.

Os vínculos identitários associados ao toureio estão presentes na formação de um conceito de Espanha, apropriados por diferentes grupos ao longo dos séculos, e referendados por todos eles. A reflexão da historiografia presente na dissertação, indica a possibilidade de as touradas a pé profissionais terem se tornado o amálgama geográfico cultural no século XVIII, de uma sociedade aglutinada por um ritual espetacularizante, onde uma rigorosa estética se configurou como o cumprimento indissolúvel de uma nova ética burguesa, articulada por trabalhadores urbanos. Esse percurso de transferência das projeções simbólicas das touradas cavalheirescas nobres para as touradas a pé profissionais foi o resultado de um processo de crise e consequentemente de busca de novas alternativas de reiteração social e outros significados para o toureio. Assim, por meio de testemunhos documentais do século XVIII, na voz de um dramaturgo ilustrado, um cavaleiro plebeu e um famoso toureiro, perscrutamos os caminhos das apropriações identitárias e de que maneira aparecem como processos constitutivos de um sentido de Espanha, para a historiografia taurina contemporânea. / The identity ties associated with bullfighting are present in the formation of a concept of Spain, appropriated by different groups throughout the centuries, and endorsed by all of them. The reflection of the historiography present in the dissertation indicates the possibility that professional bullfights have become the cultural geographic amalgam in the eighteenth century, a society agglutinated by a spectacular ritual, where a rigorous aesthetic was configured as the indissoluble fulfillment of a new Bourgeois ethics, articulated by urban workers. This transfer of the symbolic projections of the noble chivalrous bullfights to the professional bullfights was the result of a crisis process and consequently of search of new alternatives of social reiteration and other meanings for the bullfighting. Thus, through documentary testimonies of the eighteenth century, in the voice of an illustrated dramatist, a plebeian knight and a famous bullfighter, we investigate the paths of identity appropriation and how they appear as processes, that constitute a sense of Spain for bullfighting historiography contemporary.

Os vínculos identitários associados ao toureio estão presentes na formação de um conceito de Espanha, apropriados por diferentes grupos ao longo dos séculos, e referendados por todos eles. A reflexão da historiografia presente na dissertação, indica a possibilidade de as touradas a pé profissionais terem se tornado o amálgama geográfico cultural no século XVIII, de uma sociedade aglutinada por um ritual espetacularizante, onde uma rigorosa estética se configurou como o cumprimento indissolúvel de uma nova ética burguesa, articulada por trabalhadores urbanos. Esse percurso de transferência das projeções simbólicas das touradas cavalheirescas nobres para as touradas a pé profissionais foi o resultado de um processo de crise e consequentemente de busca de novas alternativas de reiteração social e outros significados para o toureio. Assim, por meio de testemunhos documentais do século XVIII, na voz de um dramaturgo ilustrado, um cavaleiro plebeu e um famoso toureiro, perscrutamos os caminhos das apropriações identitárias e de que maneira aparecem como processos constitutivos de um sentido de Espanha, para a historiografia taurina contemporânea. / The identity ties associated with bullfighting are present in the formation of a concept of Spain, appropriated by different groups throughout the centuries, and endorsed by all of them. The reflection of the historiography present in the dissertation indicates the possibility that professional bullfights have become the cultural geographic amalgam in the eighteenth century, a society agglutinated by a spectacular ritual, where a rigorous aesthetic was configured as the indissoluble fulfillment of a new Bourgeois ethics, articulated by urban workers. This transfer of the symbolic projections of the noble chivalrous bullfights to the professional bullfights was the result of a crisis process and consequently of search of new alternatives of social reiteration and other meanings for the bullfighting. Thus, through documentary testimonies of the eighteenth century, in the voice of an illustrated dramatist, a plebeian knight and a famous bullfighter, we investigate the paths of identity appropriation and how they appear as processes, that constitute a sense of Spain for bullfighting historiography contemporary.

Catastrophe et Répétition pensent le théâtre. Ils en donnent une intelligence. « Uneintelligence du théâtre » : une idée ou plusieurs, que l’on peut s’en faire en usant de formes,notions ou principes qui ne relèvent pas essentiellement de cet art. À partir des propositionsde Jean Genet dans Le Funambule, texte mis en regard notamment avec le récit de GeorgesBataille Le mort ; de la corrida et d’une phrase prononcée par le matador José Tomás, quiaffirme laisser son « corps à l’hôtel » avant de faire son entrée sur la piste des arènes (procheen cela de l’« acteur en vrai » suicidé dans Le Théâtre des paroles de Valère Novarina) ; ouencore, de quelques représentations, poétiques, urbanistiques ou théoriques de la villeenvisagée comme une scène oeuvrée par « la Mort » (celle dont on ne meurt pas encore : cemonde antérieur, cette « région désespérée et éclatante où opère l’artiste », écrit Genet) ; àpartir de ces textes et images, Catastrophe et Répétition forment un couple pensif, et leurtravail a décidément quelque chose à dire de ces scènes où l’amour et la mort ont leursentrées. Quelque chose à dire de leurs spécificités, de ce qui les fonde et les structure, les fait tenir ou les défait. Quelque chose à dire de ce qui fait scène. / Catastrophe and Repetition make one think about theater. They give an intelligence of it. « Anintelligence of theater » : one or several ideas of this last we can arrive at, using forms,notions or principles which don’t essentially originate in this art itself. Thus, starting fromJean Genet’s propositions in The Tightrope-Walker, notably viewed in the light of GeorgesBataille’s The Dead Man ; from bullfighting and especially a sentence pronounced by thematador José Tomás, who claims he’s leaving his « body at the hotel » before making hisentrance unto the arena floor (akin to the « acteur en vrai » who committed suicide in ValèreNovarina’s Le Théâtre des paroles) ; as well as from several poetic, urban, or theoreticalrepresentations of the city as a scene operated upon by « Death » (the one from which we donot yet die : this preceding world, this « desperate and radiant region where the artistoperates », as Genet put it) ; starting from these texts and images, Catastrophe and Repetitionform a pensive couple, and sometimes their work has something to tell about those sceneswhere love and death have their entries. Something to tell about their specificities, about whatgrounds and structures them, what keeps them standing or makes them come undone.Something to tell about what makes a scene.

La figure du torero a été érigée en mythe par le régime franquiste à des fins de propagande et pour mieux détourner le peuple espagnol des revendications qu’il aurait pu légitimement avoir sur des questions politiques, économiques et sociales. Entre 1939 et 1975, la longue période de dictature peut être scindée en trois étapes historiques : le premier franquisme (1939-1945), le moyen franquisme (1945-1957) et le second franquisme (1957-1975). Chacune de ces plages historiques se trouve illustrée par une figure de torero d’exception, respectivement Manolete (1917-1947), Luis Miguel Domingu’n (1926-1996) et El cordobés (1936-). La recherche s’efforcera de montrer en quoi précisément chacun d’eux incarne chaque période et dans quelle mesure chacun d’eux est au service du régime, entretenant des relations plus ou moins proches avec le pouvoir, ou s’en écarte dans et hors les arènes. / The figure of the torero was given a mythical status by the Franco regime for propaganda purposes and to help divert the Spanish people from claims that they might legitimately have made on political, economic and social issues. Between 1939 and 1975, the long period of dictatorship may be divided into three historical stages: First Stage Francoism (1939-1945), Transitional Francoism (1945-1957) and Second Stage Francoism (1957-1975). Each of these historical phases is represented by a torero of exceptional renown, respectively Manolete (1917-1947), Luis Miguel Domingu’n (1926-1996) and El CordobŽs (1936-). The research endeavours to show precisely how each of them embodies his period and the extent to which each of them was at the service of the regime, how closely he related to it, and how far he distanced himself from it within and outside the arena.

A basic premise of this paper is Hemingway's definition of bullfighting as a tragic art form. Americans have been so conditioned to view any sort of contest as sport that it is virtually impossible for us to consider the bullfight in other terms. Once accepted as tragedy, however, the implications of the bullfight as an influence upon Hemingway become manifold. It must be understood that this paper is not meant to imply that the bullfight is the only influence, or even the most paramount, for it is to be recognized that any artist derives from many sources, both external and psychic. I will show that Hemingway was subjected to an intense association with the bullfight at an age and a period in his life when he would have been greatly impressed by the things he found there. To be an afficianado conveys more than interest. It has the connotation of passionate devotion. Becoming so concerned that one cannot talk to another on a lower plane. Hemingway was an afficianado. He probably holds the Anglo-Saxon record for watching bullfights-- some fifteen hundred over a period of ten years.

Au Moyen-âge, les hommes ont coutume de courir avec les taureaux à travers les rues de leur village. Dès le XVIe siècle, l’Eglise et la Monarchie interdisent cette pratique au motif qu’elle occasionne de trop nombreuses blessures et des pertes humaines. Toutefois, ce divertissement est tellement ancré dans les mœurs qu’il finit par être toléré. Sous la pression de la Société protectrice des animaux, la loi du 2 juillet 1850, dite loi Grammont, va sanctionner les mauvais traitements commis publiquement et abusivement envers les animaux domestiques. A cette même époque, les courses de taureaux à la mode espagnole s’implantent dans le pays. Diverses actions sont alors intentées sur le fondement de ce nouveau texte pour condamner l’ensemble des acteurs des spectacles taurins, mais certains juges refusent d’appliquer cette loi à de telles manifestations malgré la position contraire de la Chambre criminelle. Face à cette situation paradoxale, les courses de taureaux avec mise à mort sont finalement légalisées sous certaines conditions à partir de 1951. Cette exception est confirmée par la loi du 19 novembre 1963 lorsqu’une tradition locale ininterrompue est rapportée. Contestant fermement ce compromis dégagé par le législateur, les opposants à la corrida réclament la suppression de cette dérogation prévue au régime protecteur des animaux domestiques. La reconnaissance de la sensibilité et du bien-être de l’animal dans sa dimension d’être vivant par la loi du 10 juillet 1976 et le traité d’Amsterdam, va fragiliser cet équilibre instauré par le législateur français, même si l’Union européenne entend préserver les traditions culturelles propres à chaque Etat membre. / In the Middle Ages, it was commonplace for the men to run with the bulls in the streets of their villages. From the 16th century, the Church and the monarchy forbade this practice on the grounds that it caused too many casualties. Nevertheless, this entertainment was so weaved into the fabric of society that it ended up being tolerated. Following pressure from the animal welfare organisations, the Act of 2 July 1850 – or the Grammont Act - sanctioned any public ill-treatment wrongly perpetrated against domestic animals. At the same time, Spanish-style bullfights were established in the country. Various legal actions were initiated on the basis of this new law in order to condemn the bullfight actors, but some judges refused to apply this legislation to such events despite the contrary opinion of the Criminal Division. In response to this paradoxical situation, from 1951 the bullfights ending with the killing of the bull were eventually legalized under certain conditions. This exception is confirmed by the Act of 19 November 1963 when an unbroken local tradition is claimed. Firmly contesting this compromise reached by the legislator, the opponents of bullfighting asked for this derogation planned in the animal protection regime to be abolished. The recognition of the animal welfare and sensitivity by the Act of 10 July 1976 and the Treaty of Amsterdam weakens the balance established by the French legislator even if the objective of the European Union is to maintain the cultural traditions specific to each Member State.

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