Most studies in environmental politics have traditionally examined three broad areas: the degradation of the environment; the regulatory regimes governing the environment; or environmental activism within the affluent North. This thesis provides an alternative perspective, exploring environmental activism in the less affluent South. In particular, while human rights and social justice perspectives have historically been largely absent from many environmental movements of the North, this thesis argues that, due to precarious living conditions and authoritarian governance, these issues are of primary importance for environmentalists in the South. As a result this thesis contends that most environmental movements in the South are part of a growing global justice movement and that important cultural diversities within this movement can result in novel forms of resistance and environmental governance. The focus here is on the emancipatory actors within these movements in the South who challenge existing power structures within society. Likewise, by adopting a critical perspective, this thesis argues that large business interests pursue energy projects in the South in the name of energy security and large scale industrial development that are often inappropriate for local development and security needs. To test these hypotheses, four case studies were undertaken that examine transnational gas pipeline and large dam projects at various stages of their development which originate in either Burma (Myanmar) or Thailand. Empirical research, primarily in the form of interviews, undertaken in the countries hosting the various energy projects demonstrated that although environmental activists in the South were assisted by transnational activist networks there were also important local factors that impacted on the emancipatory philosophies, strategies and tactics of many activists in this region. These strategies have achieved some success, with environmental impact assessment (EIA) processes in Thailand now providing a potential opening for the political engagement of communities. Nevertheless, this thesis finds that the power of corporate interests in the international political economy often poses insurmountable barriers for activists to achieve both their short and long term aims. The findings suggest that despite the efforts of activists, local indigenous and ethnic minority communities continue to bear the brunt of the social and environmental costs of transnational energy projects in the South while receiving few of the benefits. Rather than safeguarding these communities from deprivation, these projects often exacerbate existing social tensions and conflicts, resulting in increased community insecurity. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1474397 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2009

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Communication

In the years between 2012 and 2014, Burma has been shaken by waves of violence against Muslims which has resulted in destroyed mosques and shops, at least 140 000 displaced and 200 killed persons. The person who is said to lay behind this violence is the Burmese Theravada monk Ashin Wirathu. Being the founder and leader of the radical Buddhist movement 969, he has been accused of indirectly motivating violence against Muslims and has been portrayed with titles such as “The face of buddhist terror”. This essay investigates the relation between Wirathu and the anti-Muslim violence by applying the method of content analysis on a speech of him. Identifying an emphasis on subjects concerning politics, nationalism and anti-Muslim statements, these factors are contextualized to colonial and postcolonial Burma for the purpose of finding causes for the recent struggles. Recognizing the appearing of these factors in the context of Burma, which has undergone a tense 20th century comprising colonization and military dictatorship, offer some explanation of the rhetoric found in the analyzed speech. Using the context of the identified subjects and a theory which explains the rise of religious conflict in postmodern states, this study concludes that the content in Ashin Wirathu’s speech motivate for anti-Muslim violence through the use of political, ethnic nationalistic and islamophobic statements.

No description available.

Most studies in environmental politics have traditionally examined three broad areas: the degradation of the environment; the regulatory regimes governing the environment; or environmental activism within the affluent North. This thesis provides an alternative perspective, exploring environmental activism in the less affluent South. In particular, while human rights and social justice perspectives have historically been largely absent from many environmental movements of the North, this thesis argues that, due to precarious living conditions and authoritarian governance, these issues are of primary importance for environmentalists in the South. As a result this thesis contends that most environmental movements in the South are part of a growing global justice movement and that important cultural diversities within this movement can result in novel forms of resistance and environmental governance. The focus here is on the emancipatory actors within these movements in the South who challenge existing power structures within society. Likewise, by adopting a critical perspective, this thesis argues that large business interests pursue energy projects in the South in the name of energy security and large scale industrial development that are often inappropriate for local development and security needs. To test these hypotheses, four case studies were undertaken that examine transnational gas pipeline and large dam projects at various stages of their development which originate in either Burma (Myanmar) or Thailand. Empirical research, primarily in the form of interviews, undertaken in the countries hosting the various energy projects demonstrated that although environmental activists in the South were assisted by transnational activist networks there were also important local factors that impacted on the emancipatory philosophies, strategies and tactics of many activists in this region. These strategies have achieved some success, with environmental impact assessment (EIA) processes in Thailand now providing a potential opening for the political engagement of communities. Nevertheless, this thesis finds that the power of corporate interests in the international political economy often poses insurmountable barriers for activists to achieve both their short and long term aims. The findings suggest that despite the efforts of activists, local indigenous and ethnic minority communities continue to bear the brunt of the social and environmental costs of transnational energy projects in the South while receiving few of the benefits. Rather than safeguarding these communities from deprivation, these projects often exacerbate existing social tensions and conflicts, resulting in increased community insecurity. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1474397 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2009

The purpose of this study is to analyze whether heteronormativity conditions human rights for LGBT persons in Burma, and how “normalization processes” affect and control whose lives, according to Judith Butlers theories, possesses human value. This is done through interpreting the framework of theories by Butler with methods of idea analysis and empirical interviews and research from Burma. Specially highlighted is how the compelling heteronormative social structure affects LGBT persons in Burma, and how the system, according to Butler, is based on the notion that bodies that are “abnormal” are not recognized, and therefore seen as less human and less worthy of human rights. The thesis critically reflects on how Butlers more theoretical reasoning is challenged by the research material. The three research questions are interrelated, in such a way that they all explore how we can understand the human rights situation in Burma for persons that identify as LGBT, based on Butler and queer theory ́s criticism of heteronormativity. The conclusion shows that widespread homo- and transphobia, laws about illegality, the police as frequent perpetrators of violence, (especially against transgender women and gay men) and lack of judicial authority to turn to, makes LGBT people into "anti-citizens" that are reduced to a body without "the right to have rights". Butler's theories have considerable relevance for the context, in her analyzes of who are recognized as human and what the consequences are for human dignity to be outside the heteronormative system. However, they are lacking both legal perspective and problematization of the patriarchal power system, perspectives which has a decisive impact on LGBT persons in Burma. / Syftet med studien är att analysera huruvida heteronormativitet villkorar hbtq-personers mänskliga rättigheter i Burma, samt hur ”normaliseringsprocesser” påverkar och styr vems liv som, enligt Butlers teorier, har mänskligt värde. Studien genomförs genom att med innehållslig idéanalys tolka ett teoretiskt ramverk av Judith Butler texter, samt med empiriska intervjuer och forskning från Burma. Speciellt framhävs hur den tvingande sociala strukturen påverkar situationen för hbtq- personer i Burma, och hur det heteronormativa systemet, enligt Butler, bygger på att kroppar som är "onormala" och obegripliga inte erkänns och därmed ses som mindre mänskliga och mindre värdiga mänskliga rättigheter. Studien reflekterar kritiskt över hur Butlers mer teoretiska resonemang utman- as av resultatet från undersökningsmaterialet. De tre forskarfrågorna kan förstås som inbördes bero- ende av varandra på så sätt att de tillsammans utforskar hur vi kan förstå Butler och qeerteorins kritik av heteronormativet, utifrån situationen för hbtq-personer i Burma. Resultatet visar att en utbredd homo- och transfobi, lagar om illegalitet, polisen som frekventa förövare särskilt mot trangender- kvinnor och gay-män, och utan rättsinstans att vända sig till, gör hbtq-personer till “anti-medborgare” som kan reduceras till en kropp utan “rätten att ha rättigheter”. Butlers teorier har god bäring i analyserna om vem som erkänns som mänsklig, och vilka konsekvenser det får för människovärdet att vara utanför systemet, men saknar däremot rättsperspektivet och problematiserandet av det patriarkala maktsystemet, vilka har avgörande inverkan på livssituationen för hbtq-personer i Burma.

<p>The purpose of the essay is to investigate whether the principles formulated by Peter Ackerman and Christopher Kruegler, concerning strategic non-violent conflicts, can serve a purpose when analyzing improvised non-violent conflicts. The principles are derived from factors that have been prominent in earlier successful improvised non-violent conflicts.</p><p>The essay is based on two research questions; if the factors included in the principles formulated by Ackerman and Kruegler, exist in the two cases that this study investigates, and if those principles offer a satisfactory explanation for the outcome of an improvised non-violent conflict.</p><p>To answer the questions the study uses a comparative method, where the improvised non-violent conflict of 2004 in Ukraine is compared to the improvised non-violent conflict of 1988 in Burma.</p><p>The answer to the first question shows that the factors contained in the principles previously mentioned, exists in both cases. The answer to the second question is more uncertain, as there seems to be doubts on whether the case of Ukraine really was completely improvised. Another reason for caution is that the factors contained in the principles, only consider actions made by non-violent actors, and not by opponents or third parties. Thus the risks of missing vital explanatory factors are substantial.</p>

<p>The aim of this paper is to describe and explain which policy instruments for human rights (HR) the United States and the European Union use towards Burma and to examine the priority given to HR in their respective foreign policy. From the results of an empirical analysis this paper seeks to analyze the US and the EU as powers in the international system and aims to explain their behavior from this theoretical perspective. From the theoretical approaches used I conclude that these actors act in different ways regarding the Burmese issue. This is partially due to the structure of the international system. Both actors primarily use different forms of diplomatic tools and sanctions to try to force change for HR in Burma. From a comparison of the two this paper concludes that as a hegemon, and unlike the EU with economic interest in Burma, the US ability to focus on the HR issue in the country by far exceeds that of the European Union’s.</p><p>Though the US and the EU claim to follow liberal ideas about HR, this study shows that often other realistic preferences determine their modes of action.</p>

The largest refugee group entering the United States in recent years is from Burma. Refugee students face a daunting set of challenges, from language and cultural differences to living in poverty, in becoming successful in their new homes. To be successful in schools and gain cultural and social capital, refugee students must learn and internalize the specific norms of their classrooms. In middle school, students are particularly reliant upon their peers for support, making peer interactions especially important. In multicultural settings, students have ample opportunities for intercultural interactions, which can help refugee students navigate their new settings and become more successful. Unfortunately, there has been little research on the experiences of Burmese refugee students in classrooms in the United States. I used a qualitative, transcendental phenomenological approach to study how three female Burmese refugee students experienced multicultural middle school classrooms in the United States, especially their intercultural interactions, through interviews, observations, and stimulated recall. The participants reported wanting to understand what they were learning, stay on task, and be kind to other students. Those traits developed from their experiences in their countries of origin and combined to create a picture of what a good student should be. In observations, students acted out their ideas of what it meant to be a good student. Their intercultural interactions in class reaffirmed their identities as good students. Implications based on the findings include setting up intentional intercultural interactions with a diverse group of students in classrooms with multicultural approaches and that researchers examine the experiences of various groups of marginalized students while accounting for the context in which they learn and acknowledging a multifaceted view of adolescent identity development.

The conflict in the Far East between 1941 and 1945 is occasionally referred to as the “Forgotten War” in Britain and this description extends to the way the campaign’s air war has been analysed. However, the role of air power in Burma was vitally important to the campaign, in particular the attainment of air superiority in order to facilitate supply and close support operations. The foundation of these operations was dependent on the Allies achieving and maintaining air superiority and latterly air supremacy over the Japanese. This thesis will analyse how the Allies lost air superiority during the initial exchanges, and then how technical and material difficulties were overcome before air superiority was won in 1944 and air supremacy was gained in 1945. It will analyse the importance of the RAF’s tactics, early warning systems, equipment, training and counter-air offensive in the theatre between 1941 and 1945. Furthermore, the thesis will demonstrate how Japanese industry, their war in the Pacific, and their use of air power in Burma ultimately affected the air war’s eventual outcome. The study will examine current historiography to question and corroborate existing views, as well as to reveal new information not previously published.