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This study argues that foreign intervention is not a concept that could lend itself to any theoretical inquiry. It is a norm that is applicable mainly in juridical inquiries and in systems theory. It is a norm in systems theory in that the system is made up of two important elements: (1) the distribution of resources; and (2) the norms of conduct that accompany the resources. As a systemic norm, the norm of nonintervention seeks to guarantee stability and predictability in the international system. It is a juridical norm in that it calls either for the indictment or vindication for the violation of sovereign sanctity. It produces a dichotomous debate (such as legal/illegal; right/wrong; etc.) that has none of the operational ingredients of a theory. If foreign intervention is a norm and not a theoretical concept, it means therefore that social scientists have yet to come up with a theory for the study of the pervasive phenomenon of foreign involvement in civil conflicts. Conceptual tools such as 'power theory,' and the psychoanalysis of perceptions/misperceptions have been used by social scientists to study the Vietnam, Nicaragua and other wars simply for lack of more specific conceptual tools. While these concepts have been successful in describing and in explaining these conflicts, they still in a sense remain broad conceptual tools. Explaining the Soviet involvement in Afghanistan in terms of the power theory rationale of national security interest, or the U.S. involvement there in terms of the psychoanalysis of perceived Soviet expansionism only recreate a dichotomous, non-dialectic evaluation of "who's wrong/who's right" elements of the conflict. Crucial factors such as factionalization, escalation, and stalemate, remain unexplained and unaccounted for when these broad concepts are used to analyze such conflicts. It is for this reason that the present study tailors the concept of "Interventionary Alliance" in a manner that addresses both systemic as well as subsystemic properties, internal as well as external (f)actors; and provides explanations that account for the escalations and stalemates that are characteristic of the civil conflicts that proliferate our present international system.

Introduction HIV remains a severe global health problem. The Republic of Chad is moderately affected (1.3%), compared to Cameroon who suffers more of the burden of the HIV/AIDS (4.5%). We described the HIV risk factors in two neighboring Central African Republics, and compared the gaps in both countries. Methods This was a retrospective cross-sectional study; data was obtained from the Demographic and Health Survey. A stratified multi-stage cluster sample design was conducted. The sample size was 5248 in Chad and 7191 in Cameroon. We used SAS to fit a multilevel logistic model, and conducted a multivariate analysis. Results The median age of respondents was 30 (IQR, 20-40) years in Chad, and 28 (IQR, 20-40) in Cameroon. Only 12.45% reported had ever been tested for HIV in Chad, (41.77% in Cameroon). In Chad, 46.40% of participants did not know a place to get HIV test, (11.15% in Cameroon). The median number of lifetime sexual partners was 2 (IQR, 1-4) in Chad, and 6 (IQR, 3-15) in Cameroon. Among Chadian participants 31.63% had only one lifetime sexual partner, (10.76% in Cameroon). In Chad 86.95% of participants reported having no sex partner other than their spouse in the last 12 months; (57.3% in Cameroon). Conclusion Condom use and HIV testing rates were very low among Chadian men comparing to Cameroonian men; however, Cameroonian men were more likely to engage in multiple sexual partners and extra-marital relationship than Chadian men.

Cette thèse représente une analyse sur le rôle et la mission de l’ombudsman en tant Autorité Administrative Indépendante (AAI) et surtout s’interroger sur son utilité alors qu’il existe d’autres organes en charge de la protection non juridictionnelle des droits fondamentaux.Elle ausculte le traitement de conflits entre les administrés et les différents organes de l’administration publique, puis les origines principales des conflits, en particulier au sens normatif et sociologique du terme, en revisitant le concept de justice sociale. Il a été aussi question d’étudier la différence entre l’ombudsman et la justice et d’examiner le rôle de la médiation dans les situations conflictuelles à l’égard du droit coutumier et d’aborder « les forces et faiblesses des pratiques qui irriguent la médiation » parlementaire depuis son apparition.Nous nous sommes aussi intéressés au développement et aux techniques de l’institution, à la typologie des conflits et aux traits communs de certains types d’institutions. L’accent est aussi mis sur la culture, la consolidation de la paix et le rôle de la Médiatologie sociologique particulièrement dans l’espace scolaire.Enfin, un chapitre a été consacré à la jeunesse, l’extrémisme et le rôle que peut jouer la Médiatologie sociologique dans la prévention du conflit violent. / This thesis represents an analysis of the role and the mission of the ombudsman as an independent administrative authority (AAI) and specifically questions its utility even though there are other bodies in charge of the non-judicial protection of fundamental rights.It examines the treatment of conflicts between citizens and the various organs of public administration, then the main origins of conflicts, particularly in its normative and sociological sense, by revisiting the concept of social justice. It also explores the difference between the function of the ombudsman and the justice system. It also examines the role of mediation in such situations of conflict with customary law and addresses "the strengths and weaknesses of practices that irrigate parliamentary mediation" since its creation.We also studied the development and the techniques used by the institution, the typology of conflicts and the common features of certain types of institutions, with a specific emphasis on the culture, the consolidation of peace and the role of sociological mediology particularly in the school area.Finally, a chapter was devoted to youth, extremism and the role that sociological mediology can play in the prevention of violent conflict.

This thesis demonstrates the level of environmental disaster that oil TNCs have brought into Sub-Sahara Africa as a direct consequence of economic globalization. The analysis reveals the weaknesses of the environmental regime in the Sub-Sahara African region, particularly in Nigeria, Chad and Cameroon as well as the lack of administrative capacity of the governments. The thesis explores alternative means through which environmental responsibility of oil TNCs could be pursued at the supranational arena and within the legal system of home states of the oil TNCs. It seeks to do so by examining the phenomenon of tort-based action for foreign direct liability of the parent oil TNCs for the conduct of their foreign subsidiaries extraterritorially.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1972. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Sujet d’actualité, le phénomène de l’ethnicisation est devenu un fait urbain contemporain dans les métropoles du monde. Dans le contexte actuel du Tchad, les conflits ethniques et sociaux semblent investir les champs économiques par une ethnicisation du commerce, la spécialisation de certaines branches. La ville de N’Djamena, avec son espace marchand varié et coloré, fournit un exemple d’étude singulier. L’étude du commerce ethnique - dans l’espace marchand tchadien à travers la ville de N’Djamena - traite d’une part les branches des commerces spécialisées par les groupes ethniques, en majorité nordistes et musulmans, d’autre part les divers circuits et réseaux marchands sur lesquels s’appuient ces groupes. La géographie humaine, comme discipline et méthode, pointe à travers cette étude une double approche théorique : celle qui interroge les modalités de formation, du maintien et de l’extension des réseaux sociaux et marchands par la pratique du commerce ethnique, et celle qui analyse ces modalités comme moyen de reproduction sociale et identitaire des commerçants. A l’instar des autres villes tchadiennes, N’Djamena est devenu, au fil de temps, le théâtre de ces conflits d’intérêts ethno-régionalistes, instrumentalisés par le contexte de la "géopolitique tchadienne"[recherche d’équilibre entre le nord musulman et le sud chrétien]. Ainsi, au prisme d’analyses nécessairement pluridisciplinaires autour d’une approche géographique qui privilégie l’organisation spatiale, l’ethnicisation du commerce apparait comme un processus de mutation socio-économique par lequel se consolide l'économie ethnique et la spécialisation des quartiers [des régions] de la ville. / As a contemporary topic, the phenomenon of racialization has become a contemporary urban phenomenon in the world's metropolises. In the current context of Chad, ethnic and social conflicts seem to invest economic fields along ethnic trade, specialization in certain industries. The city of N'Djamena, with its varied and colorful merchant space, provides an example of singular study. The study of ethnic business - in the merchant Chad area around the city of N'Djamena - addresses a hand branches of specialized shops by ethnic groups, mostly northerners and Muslims, on the other hand the various merchants trails and networks that support these groups. Human geography as a discipline and method, leading through this study a double theoretical approach which questions the methods of training, maintenance and expansion of social and merchants through the practice of ethnic business networks, and the analysis that these terms as a means of social reproduction and identity of the traders. Like other cities of Chad, N'Djamena has become, over time, the theater of ethno-regionalist conflicts or interest, manipulated by the context of the "geopolitical Chad" [search for balance between the north Muslims and south Christians]. Thus, through the prism of necessarily multidisciplinary analyzes around a geographic approach that emphasizes the spatial organization, the ethnicization of trade appears as a process of socio-economic transformation through which consolidates the ethnic economy and specialization areas [regions] of the city.

Le ngambai est parlé principalement dans la préfecture du Logone occidental où, phénomène rare au Tchad, à part l’ethnie Ngambai il n’existe pas d’autres ethnies autochtones. Le ngambai tend à être utilisé de plus en plus comme langue véhiculaire par des locuteurs d’autres ethnies.