Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Claudio Alvarez Ferreira.pdf: 963163 bytes, checksum: 8b18e683f55c54595243bb4a894fc010 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Brazilian religious movement known as the Santo Daime, was born at the suburb of Rio Branco, state of Acre, during the 1930`s. Its founding father was Raimundo Irineu Serra, from the state of Maranhão. This religious movement has its ritual s foundation stone in the ingestion of a sacred beverage known as Santo Daime. Because of its peculiarities and for its expansion around Brazil and the world, the Santo Daime stood out nationally and internationally in the religious scenery. During its formation process, various religious sources had been melted and reelaborated, such as: Christianism, amazon xamanism, esoteric currents, the kardecist spiritism and african-brazilian religions. Considering the xamanic source as the most important, most of the academic papers regards The Santo Daime religion as a xamanic movement, taking into account ecstatic experiences of participants in the Santo Daime rituals, leaders being compared to xamans and the healings attributed to the sacrate beverage. However, what has been observed, considering the doctrinary assemblage and the daimistic symbols, is that there is a central Christian axis which guides all the symbolic reelaboration that constitutes the Santo Daime. Therefore, even more than a xamanic movement, the Santo Daime is a Christian movement, stablishing a much more peculiar way of following the Christian principies, deeply influenced by the praxis and symbols from the Brazilian popular Catholicism. In this direction, The Daime de Guarda, a particular category of the holy beverage s private usage, approaches copiously the domestic saints cult in the Catholic popular praxis in Brazil / O movimento religioso brasileiro, conhecido como Santo Daime, nasceu na periferia de Rio Branco, estado do Acre, durante a década de 30, do século XX. Fundado pelo maranhense Raimundo Irineu Serra, esse movimento religioso tem como eixo central de sua ritualística a ingestão de uma bebida sagrada conhecida como Santo Daime. Em decorrência de suas peculiaridades e pela sua expansão pelo Brasil e pelo mundo, o Santo Daime se destacou no cenário religioso nacional e internacional. Durante seu processo de formação, foram sendo fundidas e reelaboradas matrizes religiosas das mais diversas, como o cristianismo, o xamanismo amazônico, correntes esotéricas, o espiritismo kardecista e as religiões afro-brasileiras. Considerando a matriz xamânica como a mais importante, boa parte dos trabalhos acadêmicos sobre o tema interpreta o Santo Daime como um movimento xamânico, levando em conta as experiências extáticas dos participantes dos rituais daimistas, as lideranças comparadas aos xamãs e os processos de cura com a bebida sagrada. Entretanto, o que se observa, considerando-se o conjunto doutrinário e de símbolos daimistas, é que existe um eixo central cristão que norteia todo processo de reelaboração simbólica na constituição do Santo Daime. Portanto, mais que um movimento xamânico, o Santo Daime é um movimento cristão, estabelecendo uma forma muito peculiar de seguir os princípios do cristianismo, profundamente influenciada pelas práticas e símbolos do catolicismo popular brasileiro. Neste sentido, o Daime de Guarda, uma categoria particular de utilização privada da bebida sagrada, se aproxima amplamente do culto doméstico aos santos nas práticas católicas populares do Brasil

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Ramus de Aquino.pdf: 1119002 bytes, checksum: 905bcc5abda4523ab072e8b0c46df26f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Every religion implies the production of discourses of truth and articulates modes of subjectivities that determine the constitution of the subject. The religious discourses produce moral codes and result in types of conduct. Therefore, it is impossible to deal with religion apart from a political perspective. It has emerged within Christianism what Michel Foucault calls pastoral power. It consists in the association of the sovereign with the priest, whose role is to conduct and provide the needs for its herd. The pastoral power is a political technology that individualizes and totalizes: a governmentality device. Exposing Christianism to a political analysis is to place it within a clash between authority and freedom. In the end of the 19th Century, Liev Tolstoi developed a libertarian interpretation of Christianism, providing it a subversive behavior. The Christian practice developed by the Russian writer suggests the denial of the state based on a peaceful resistance the point of departure to what has been called Christian anarchism. Tolstoi s thought has provoked anarchist activists in Brazil, between 1890 and 1938, to develop novels with the objective of disseminating anarchist ideas. These activists have used a new literature that was emerging in Brazil: the social literature. If it was possible to bring Christianism closer to an anarchist perspective, it may well be possible to discuss the opposite process, i.e., the revolutionary discourse as production of truths acquiring the form of a pastoral / Toda religião implica produção de discursos de verdade e articula modos de subjetividades que determinam a constituição do sujeito. Os discursos religiosos produzem códigos de moralidade e resultam em formas de condutas. Portanto, é impossível tratar de religião fora de uma perspectiva política. No interior do cristianismo emergiu o que Michel Foucault denomina de poder pastoral. Trata-se da aproximação da figura do governante com o pastor, cuja função é conduzir e prover as necessidades de seu rebanho. O poder pastoral é uma técnica política individualizante e totalizante: um dispositivo de governamentalidade. Submeter o cristianismo a uma análise política é inseri-lo no interior de um embate entre autoridade e liberdade. No final do século XIX, Liev Tolstoi elaborou uma interpretação libertária do cristianismo, atribuindo-lhe um comportamento subversivo. A prática cristã desenvolvida pelo escritor russo sugere uma negação ao Estado a partir de uma resistência pacífica, o ponto de partida do que se denominou anarquismo cristão. O pensamento de Tolstoi incentivou militantes anarquistas no Brasil que, entre 1890 e 1938, dedicaram-se à produção de romances com o objetivo de difundir ideais anarquistas. Esses militantes lançaram mão de uma nova literatura que estava surgindo no Brasil: a literatura social. Se foi possível aproximar o cristianismo de uma perspectiva anarquista é possível problematizar o processo inverso, o do discurso revolucionário como produção de verdades tomando forma de uma pastoral

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Ramus de Aquino.pdf: 1119002 bytes, checksum: 905bcc5abda4523ab072e8b0c46df26f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Every religion implies the production of discourses of truth and articulates modes of subjectivities that determine the constitution of the subject. The religious discourses produce moral codes and result in types of conduct. Therefore, it is impossible to deal with religion apart from a political perspective. It has emerged within Christianism what Michel Foucault calls pastoral power. It consists in the association of the sovereign with the priest, whose role is to conduct and provide the needs for its herd. The pastoral power is a political technology that individualizes and totalizes: a governmentality device. Exposing Christianism to a political analysis is to place it within a clash between authority and freedom. In the end of the 19th Century, Liev Tolstoi developed a libertarian interpretation of Christianism, providing it a subversive behavior. The Christian practice developed by the Russian writer suggests the denial of the state based on a peaceful resistance the point of departure to what has been called Christian anarchism. Tolstoi s thought has provoked anarchist activists in Brazil, between 1890 and 1938, to develop novels with the objective of disseminating anarchist ideas. These activists have used a new literature that was emerging in Brazil: the social literature. If it was possible to bring Christianism closer to an anarchist perspective, it may well be possible to discuss the opposite process, i.e., the revolutionary discourse as production of truths acquiring the form of a pastoral / Toda religião implica produção de discursos de verdade e articula modos de subjetividades que determinam a constituição do sujeito. Os discursos religiosos produzem códigos de moralidade e resultam em formas de condutas. Portanto, é impossível tratar de religião fora de uma perspectiva política. No interior do cristianismo emergiu o que Michel Foucault denomina de poder pastoral. Trata-se da aproximação da figura do governante com o pastor, cuja função é conduzir e prover as necessidades de seu rebanho. O poder pastoral é uma técnica política individualizante e totalizante: um dispositivo de governamentalidade. Submeter o cristianismo a uma análise política é inseri-lo no interior de um embate entre autoridade e liberdade. No final do século XIX, Liev Tolstoi elaborou uma interpretação libertária do cristianismo, atribuindo-lhe um comportamento subversivo. A prática cristã desenvolvida pelo escritor russo sugere uma negação ao Estado a partir de uma resistência pacífica, o ponto de partida do que se denominou anarquismo cristão. O pensamento de Tolstoi incentivou militantes anarquistas no Brasil que, entre 1890 e 1938, dedicaram-se à produção de romances com o objetivo de difundir ideais anarquistas. Esses militantes lançaram mão de uma nova literatura que estava surgindo no Brasil: a literatura social. Se foi possível aproximar o cristianismo de uma perspectiva anarquista é possível problematizar o processo inverso, o do discurso revolucionário como produção de verdades tomando forma de uma pastoral

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-01-31Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:03:02Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 parmegiani_rf_dr_assis.pdf: 992382 bytes, checksum: a8ff67e55c119956db2ce173b81b3796 (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Nosso trabalho procura investigar como o universo simbólico ligado à literatura apocalíptica cristã – mais especificamente as idéias de Juízo Final e Salvação – foi apropriado pelo Beato de Liébana na Alta Idade Média hispânica para compor seu Comentário ao Apocalipse e como, a partir desta obra, ele foi utilizado no processo de construção e divulgação de um referencial – representação – cristão de visão de mundo. Nossa pesquisa volta-se, portanto, para a relação entre o “mundo dos leitores” e o “mundo do livro”, ou seja, para as práticas da leitura e da escrita que permearam a produção, a circulação e a leitura do C Ap. Coube a nos pensarmos como uma cultura que privilegiava a oralidade, como aquela da Alta Idade Média, apoiou-se neste texto escrito para, em face dele, produzir um sentido e construir uma normatização cristã do universo sócio-religioso. Por conseguinte, nosso intuito esteve em buscar os vestígios das práticas de leitura que acompanharam os destinatários do C Ap e dos indícios que eles podem nos dar da atuação deste texto enquanto discurso (processo), revelando-nos pontos de sua coerência (interação com o leitor) e sua intenção (efeito de sentido). / Our research applies on an investigation about how the universe linked to the apocalyptic Christian – more specifically the concepts the concepts on Revelations and the Gospel of Salvation – were appropriated by the Beatus of Liébana in the Hispanic High Middle Ages to write his Commentary of Revelations and how, from this masterpiece, the ideas were used in the process of creation e dissemination of a Christian referent – representation – concerned to point of view. So, we focuses the relation between “the world of readers” and “the word of the book”, that is, we highlight the reading and writing practices that permeated the production, distribution and reading of the Beatus Apocalypse. It was our duty to think how a culture that used to privilege oral records, like that one in the High Middle Ages, was supported by that written text to, before it, produce a meaning and build a Christian standardization of the social-religious universe. Consequently, our objective was regarded in looking for the traces of the reading habit that accompanied the destinations of Beatus Apocalypse and in the evidences that the revelations may give us in order to comprehend such manuscripts as speech (process), showing points of its coherence (interaction with the reader) and its intention (meaning effect).

Utilizando-se da metodologia proposta pela Arqueologia da Imagem, assim como dos estudos iconográficos tradicionais, este trabalho procura compreender a origem e posterior evolução das imagens paleocristãs entre os séculos III e inícios do VI.Considerando que a cristianização do mundo romano foi um processo lento e gradual, o estudo deimagens cristãs do período assinalado pretende averiguar, com o auxílio da análise da cultura material, a possibilidade de se identificar a formação de um discurso imagético, ou de um programa doutrinário visual cristãoao longo da Antiguidade Tardia. A investigação e explicitação deste discurso, por meio da pesquisa arqueológica, intenta decifrar a conexão existente entre arte e sociedade, localizando na evolução da iconografia cristã antiga a essência do poder das imagens para aquela comunidade, seu conteúdo de produção e difusão de símbolos identitários e espirituais. / Using the methodology established by the Archaeology of Image and the traditional iconographic studies, this present work intends to understand the origins and further evolution of paleochristian images between the IIIth and the beggining of the VIth century. The christianization of the Roman world was a slow and gradual process. The work with christian images of the period tries to investigate, with also the help of christian material culture, the creation of an imagetic discourse, or a visual doctrinal program through the Late Antiquity. The research and the exploitations of this discourse in archaeology intends to decipher the connection between art and society, localizing in the evolution of the ancient christian iconography the power of images, its content of production and the diffusion of spiritual and identity symbols.

Le dialogue culturel méditerranéen connaît aujourd'hui une période difficile. Or, à la fois connexe et indépendante, la dimension religieuse offre un autre canal possible de dialogue dans les relations méditerranéennes. Les transformations du regard chrétien porté sur l'islam amorcées dès l'entre-deux-guerres, puis les pratiques du dialogue entre chrétiens et musulmans, en métropole et outre-Méditerranée, favorisent progressivement l'affirmation du dialogue islamo-chrétien sur le devant de la scène méditerranéenne. Dans les années 1960, le concile Vatican II marque un temps fort dans ce processus. Rattrapé par ses propres ambiguïtés et soumis aux forces de la géopolitique méditerranéenne, le dialogue islamo-chrétien entre cependant, à la fin des années 1970, dans une période plus chaotique rythmée aussi bien par des actes symboliques en faveur de la paix que par des crispations identitaires. En faisant appel à diverses sources de documentation, en particulier le fonds réuni par le Service des Relations avec l'Islam (SRI), ce travail propose un panorama historique des acteurs, des enjeux et des limites du dialogue islamo-chrétien en Méditerranée au XXe siècle. Des retours sur l'histoire et les acteurs marseillais illustrent ces évolutions. / Intercultural dialogue in the Mediterranean is undergoing hard times. However the religious dimension, connected and independent at the same time, offers another possible channel of dialogue in the Mediterranean relations. The transformations of the Christian perception of Islam started during the interwar period, then the practices of the dialogue between Christians and Muslims, in mainland France and beyond the Mediterranean Sea, gradually promote the Islamo-Christian dialogue on the Mediterranean forefront. In the 1960s, the Second Vatican Council stands out in this process. Trapped inside its own ambiguities and conditioned by Mediterranean geopolitical settings, the Islamo-Christian dialogue however enters a much more chaotic period punctuated both by symbolic acts for peace and identical tensions at the end of 1970s. Inspiring by multiple documentation sources, in particular by the collection of the Service des Relations avec l'Islam (SRI), the present work offers an historic overview of the actors, the stakes and the limits of the Islamo-Christian dialogue in the Mediterranean Sea throughout the 20th century. Historic reviews and the actors from Marseille illustrate such development.

Pour saisir les contradictions de Péguy, nous proposons de partir du lieu où elles se forment : l’espace politique. Au gré des appartenances idéologiques plurielles de Péguy, nous faisons apparaître une série de « cités », ensembles collectifs à la fois concrets et imaginaires, qui reposent chaque fois sur une certaine idée, contradictoire, de l’individu. Dans la République, dans la « cité socialiste » ou anarchiste, comme ensuite dans la nation, à travers l’idée de « race », ou dans une pensée de la cité chrétienne, l’individu s’avère à la fois le principe fondateur de la cité et l’élément perturbateur qui vient empêcher sa consolidation. Par delà l’évolution du discours politique de Péguy, la même contradiction se recompose et s’aiguise, jusqu’à prendre la forme d’une aporie pratique, dans le rapport concret de Péguy à toute forme de communauté – au premier chef : aux Cahiers de la quinzaine. Cette contradiction maintenue et aggravée conduit à un régime d’écriture « mystique », marqué par la fréquence de l’oxymore et de la prétérition, figures permettant, dans le même mouvement, de dire et de taire, de maintenir la contradiction sans la dévoiler comme antithèse. C’est en particulier la question de la représentation de soi, comme individu inscrit dans une communauté, qui se trouve régie par cette écriture de la contradiction, de l’usage de la première personne grammaticale, au singulier ou au pluriel, à la pratique du pseudonyme, jusqu’au projet de Confessions de Péguy, horizon d’une écriture individuelle toujours indiquée sans être mise en œuvre, afin que soit maintenu son état nécessairement aporétique. / In order to grasp Péguy’s contradictions, we propose to start from where they appear: the political realm. In observing the course of Péguy’s diverse political affiliations, we discover in fact a series of “Cities” – aggregates of people both real and imaginary, the common denominator of which is to rest on a distinct and contradictory idea of the individual. In his Republic, in his socialist or anarchist utopias as is later the case in his ideas of the “nation”, the “race” or the Christian City, the individual appears both as the corner stone of the City and the disruptive element which prevents its strengthening. Beyond the evolution of Péguy’s political discourse, the same contradiction rebuilds and sharpens itself until it becomes a genuine aporia in Péguy’s tangible relationship with any kind of group – first and foremost within the Cahiers de la quinzaine. This persistent and “worsened” contradiction leads to a “mystical” system of writing filled with oxymorons and preteritions – such tropes allowing the writer, in a single gesture, to tell while keeping quiet and to sustain a contradiction without revealing it as an antithesis. This “writing of the contradiction” rules in particular Péguy’s self-representation as an individual included in a community, from the use of pseudonyms and of the first-person singular and plural to Péguy’s Confessions project – horizon of a true writing of the self which is always pointed out but never written, so as to preserve its aporetic nature.

Originaire de Tūlā (Liban) le religieux maronite Buṭrus al-Tūlāwī (1657-1746) fut élève du Collège maronite de Rome où il suivit la totalité du cursus scolastique enseigné par les pères jésuites. Après son retour en Orient, il partit pour Alep pour servir son Église et y composa une importante œuvre philosophique et théologique. Il est certes bien connu des historiens pour son rôle dans l’histoire de l’Église maronite et pour la place que ses écrits occupèrent dans les sphères religieuse et intellectuelle au Proche-Orient. Toutefois, son œuvre philosophique n’a été que peu étudiée et n’a jamais fait l’objet d’une édition critique. Dans cette thèse, nous proposons une édition critique accompagnée d’une traduction française commentée des deux premiers examens (baḥṯ-s) du Livre de la Logique (al-Manṭiq), enseigné dès 1693. Cette partie est précédée par un inventaire détaillé des 153 témoins des textes philosophiques d’al-Tūlāwī, Logique y compris, inventaire dont les résultats servent de point de départ pour une réflexion sur la circulation de ce corpus. Nous consacrons le chapitre suivant à une analyse stemmatique des 24 témoins de la Logique, qui, sur les 29 répertoriés, nous sont accessibles pour mettre en évidence l’existence de trois versions distinctes dans lesquelles ce texte a circulé et qui jouent un rôle capital dans les principes de notre édition, qui est synoptique, et dans l’eliminatio codicum. Les références doctrinales employées par al-Tūlāwī dans ses traités sont variées et nombreuses. Nous présentons et référençons, au chapitre suivant, toutes les citations qui, dans la Logique, proviennent de deux grandes figures de la philosophie : Jean Damascène et Avicenne. / Born in Tūlā (Lebanon), the Maronite clergyman Buṭrus al-Tūlāwī (1657-1746) was a pupil at the Maronite College of Rome, where he followed the whole scholastic curriculum taught by Jesuit fathers. After his return to the East, he left for Aleppo to serve his Church and there he composed an important series of philosophical and theological works. To be sure, he is well known among historians for his role in the history of the Maronite Church and for the place his writings occupied in the religious and intellectual spheres in the Near-East. Nevertheless, his philosophical works have not been the object of much research so far and were never critically edited. In this dissertation, we offer a critical edition accompanied by a commented French translation of the two first examinations (baḥṯ-s) of the Book of Logic (al-Manṭiq), taught in 1693 onward. That part is preceded by a detailed inventory of the 153 witnesses of al-Tūlāwī’s philosophical texts, Logic included, the results of which constitute the starting point for a reflection on the circulation of this corpus. In the following chapter, we proceed to the stemmatic analysis of the 24 witnesses of the Logic to which we could have access out of the 29 listed, in order to underline the existence of three distinct versions in which this text circulated, and which are of paramount importance for the principles of our edition, which is synoptic, and for the eliminatio codicum. The doctrinal references used by al-Tūlāwī in his treatises are varied and numerous. We present and reference, in the following chapter, all the quotations which are, in the Logic, taken from two major figures of philosophy: John Damascene and Avicenna.

Le premier verset de la Genèse raconte qu’au commencement, Dieu créa le ciel et la terre. Le monde, sa forme et sa matière, de même que le temps, soutient Augustin, surgissent alors dans l’être, à partir de rien, en un seul instant, celui de la Création. Censés couronner l’œuvre créatrice, l’homme et la femme, pourtant, ne tardent pas à rompre le lien de confiance qui les unit à leur Créateur, en faisant mauvais usage d’une chose bonne : leur liberté. À cause de sa première transgression, nous dit Augustin, l’humanité portera désormais la marque du péché, que seule la figure rédemptrice du Christ, le Second Adam, pourra effacer, grâce au pardon donné à tous ceux qui choisissent d’emprunter sa voie. Or, en raison de son désir irrépressible de connaître et de faire l’expérience du monde par le biais de son propre être donné, soumis au changement, l’homme semble perpétuellement tenté par la transgression des limites essentielles de sa relativité à Dieu. Pourtant, Dieu, l’unique créateur de l’être des choses créées, crée toute chose bonne, du moins dans une certaine mesure : le mal dont semblent caractérisés l’être même et les actions des hommes, correspond, en vérité, aux multiples degrés de bien qui résultent d’une privation plus ou moins grande du Bien suprême qu’est Dieu. Berbère de culture romaine, témoin et acteur des derniers jours de l’Antiquité, penseur bouillonnant et théologien essentiel, Augustin laissera une œuvre importante et féconde. Nous tenterons ici de comprendre le contexte d’émergence de sa doctrine du péché originel. / The first verse of Genesis says that in the beginning, God created the heavens and the earth. The world, its form and matter, and time, argues Augustin, arose in Being out of nothing, in one single instant, that of the Creation. Conceived as the coronation of Creation, man, however, quickly breaks the trust relationship with his Creator, and does this by making evil use of a good thing: his free will. Because of its first transgression, says Augustine, humanity will, from now on, bear the mark of sin, which only the redemptive figure of Christ, the Second Adam, can erase, for all of those willing to follow his path. Yet, because of his irrepressible desire to acquire knowledge and experience of the world through his own given being, subject to change, man appears to be perpetually tempted by the transgression of his essential relativity to God. God, however, being the sole creator of the very being of created things, creates all things good, but to a certain degree: evil, which seems to characterize the being and actions of men, in reality, corresponds to varying degrees of goodness, which themselves result from more or less privation of the Supreme Good, namely, God. Berber of roman culture, witness and actor of the last days of Antiquity, passionate thinker and essential theologian, Augustine has produced some of humanity’s most important writings. In this work, we will attempt to understand the context which led to the emergence of his doctrine of original sin.

Orientador: Ruy de Oliveira Andrade Filho / Banca: Ivan Esperança Rocha / Banca: Giulia Crippa / Banca: Ana Paula Tavares Magalhães / Banca: Leila Rodrigues da Silva / Resumo: Nosso trabalho procura investigar como o universo simbólico ligado à literatura apocalíptica cristã - mais especificamente as idéias de Juízo Final e Salvação - foi apropriado pelo Beato de Liébana na Alta Idade Média hispânica para compor seu Comentário ao Apocalipse e como, a partir desta obra, ele foi utilizado no processo de construção e divulgação de um referencial - representação - cristão de visão de mundo. Nossa pesquisa volta-se, portanto, para a relação entre o "mundo dos leitores" e o "mundo do livro", ou seja, para as práticas da leitura e da escrita que permearam a produção, a circulação e a leitura do C Ap. Coube a nos pensarmos como uma cultura que privilegiava a oralidade, como aquela da Alta Idade Média, apoiou-se neste texto escrito para, em face dele, produzir um sentido e construir uma normatização cristã do universo sócio-religioso. Por conseguinte, nosso intuito esteve em buscar os vestígios das práticas de leitura que acompanharam os destinatários do C Ap e dos indícios que eles podem nos dar da atuação deste texto enquanto discurso (processo), revelando-nos pontos de sua coerência (interação com o leitor) e sua intenção (efeito de sentido) / Abstract: Our research applies on an investigation about how the universe linked to the apocalyptic Christian - more specifically the concepts the concepts on Revelations and the Gospel of Salvation - were appropriated by the Beatus of Liébana in the Hispanic High Middle Ages to write his Commentary of Revelations and how, from this masterpiece, the ideas were used in the process of creation e dissemination of a Christian referent - representation - concerned to point of view. So, we focuses the relation between "the world of readers" and "the word of the book", that is, we highlight the reading and writing practices that permeated the production, distribution and reading of the Beatus Apocalypse. It was our duty to think how a culture that used to privilege oral records, like that one in the High Middle Ages, was supported by that written text to, before it, produce a meaning and build a Christian standardization of the social-religious universe. Consequently, our objective was regarded in looking for the traces of the reading habit that accompanied the destinations of Beatus Apocalypse and in the evidences that the revelations may give us in order to comprehend such manuscripts as speech (process), showing points of its coherence (interaction with the reader) and its intention (meaning effect) / Doutor