Esta dissertação de mestrado apresenta um estudo comparativo de socialização política de jovens em escolas pública e privadas de Porto Alegre/RS. Utiliza-se o conceito de competência cívica, entendido como sistema complexo de desempenho psicossocial, com o objetivo de comparar o acúmulo de recursos políticos afetivos e cognitivos desenvolvidos nos dois modelos de escola, que podem ser mobilizados para o engajamento político. A hipótese central é, no processo de socialização política, dada a grande diferença de qualidade da educação, as escolas públicas e privadas reproduzem as desigualdades sociais e econômicas no âmbito da formação da competência cívica dos jovens, o que impacta na sua capacidade de participar politicamente. Para isso, utiliza-se dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul em 2015. O trabalho identifica que o sistema público de ensino básico não forma cidadãos capacitados para participar politicamente. Pelo contrário, a desigualdade de recurso entre os grupos é significativa em todas as dimensões avaliadas. Enquanto, os jovens de ensino privado se apresentam mais próximos de um ideal assertivo de cidadania, os jovens de ensino público reproduzem as características de uma cultura política híbrida, demonstrando mais apatia, ineficácia e descrença, e menos informação e habilidades cívicas. / This master’s level dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization of youths in public and private schools of Porto Alegre/RS. Based on the concept of civic competence, understood as a complex system of psychosocial performance, the work aims to compare the reserves of affective and cognitive political resources developed in both types of school, which may be mobilized for political engagement. The hypothesis is that, in the process of political socialization, given the difference of quality of education, public schools propagates socioeconomic inequality in the ambit of the formation of civic competence in young people, which impacts in their capacity to participate politically. For this goal, survey data is employed, which was develop by the Research Center on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the University of Rio Grande do Sul in 2015. The work identifies that the public basic system of education does not form capable citizens to participate politically. On the contrary, resource inequality is significant in all evaluated dimensions. While students in private school are closer to an assertive ideal of citizenship, those in public schools reproduce the characteristics of a hybrid political culture, presenting more apathy, inefficacy and disbelief, and less civic information and abilities.

Esta dissertação de mestrado apresenta um estudo comparativo de socialização política de jovens em escolas pública e privadas de Porto Alegre/RS. Utiliza-se o conceito de competência cívica, entendido como sistema complexo de desempenho psicossocial, com o objetivo de comparar o acúmulo de recursos políticos afetivos e cognitivos desenvolvidos nos dois modelos de escola, que podem ser mobilizados para o engajamento político. A hipótese central é, no processo de socialização política, dada a grande diferença de qualidade da educação, as escolas públicas e privadas reproduzem as desigualdades sociais e econômicas no âmbito da formação da competência cívica dos jovens, o que impacta na sua capacidade de participar politicamente. Para isso, utiliza-se dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul em 2015. O trabalho identifica que o sistema público de ensino básico não forma cidadãos capacitados para participar politicamente. Pelo contrário, a desigualdade de recurso entre os grupos é significativa em todas as dimensões avaliadas. Enquanto, os jovens de ensino privado se apresentam mais próximos de um ideal assertivo de cidadania, os jovens de ensino público reproduzem as características de uma cultura política híbrida, demonstrando mais apatia, ineficácia e descrença, e menos informação e habilidades cívicas. / This master’s level dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization of youths in public and private schools of Porto Alegre/RS. Based on the concept of civic competence, understood as a complex system of psychosocial performance, the work aims to compare the reserves of affective and cognitive political resources developed in both types of school, which may be mobilized for political engagement. The hypothesis is that, in the process of political socialization, given the difference of quality of education, public schools propagates socioeconomic inequality in the ambit of the formation of civic competence in young people, which impacts in their capacity to participate politically. For this goal, survey data is employed, which was develop by the Research Center on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the University of Rio Grande do Sul in 2015. The work identifies that the public basic system of education does not form capable citizens to participate politically. On the contrary, resource inequality is significant in all evaluated dimensions. While students in private school are closer to an assertive ideal of citizenship, those in public schools reproduce the characteristics of a hybrid political culture, presenting more apathy, inefficacy and disbelief, and less civic information and abilities.

Esta dissertação de mestrado apresenta um estudo comparativo de socialização política de jovens em escolas pública e privadas de Porto Alegre/RS. Utiliza-se o conceito de competência cívica, entendido como sistema complexo de desempenho psicossocial, com o objetivo de comparar o acúmulo de recursos políticos afetivos e cognitivos desenvolvidos nos dois modelos de escola, que podem ser mobilizados para o engajamento político. A hipótese central é, no processo de socialização política, dada a grande diferença de qualidade da educação, as escolas públicas e privadas reproduzem as desigualdades sociais e econômicas no âmbito da formação da competência cívica dos jovens, o que impacta na sua capacidade de participar politicamente. Para isso, utiliza-se dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul em 2015. O trabalho identifica que o sistema público de ensino básico não forma cidadãos capacitados para participar politicamente. Pelo contrário, a desigualdade de recurso entre os grupos é significativa em todas as dimensões avaliadas. Enquanto, os jovens de ensino privado se apresentam mais próximos de um ideal assertivo de cidadania, os jovens de ensino público reproduzem as características de uma cultura política híbrida, demonstrando mais apatia, ineficácia e descrença, e menos informação e habilidades cívicas. / This master’s level dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization of youths in public and private schools of Porto Alegre/RS. Based on the concept of civic competence, understood as a complex system of psychosocial performance, the work aims to compare the reserves of affective and cognitive political resources developed in both types of school, which may be mobilized for political engagement. The hypothesis is that, in the process of political socialization, given the difference of quality of education, public schools propagates socioeconomic inequality in the ambit of the formation of civic competence in young people, which impacts in their capacity to participate politically. For this goal, survey data is employed, which was develop by the Research Center on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the University of Rio Grande do Sul in 2015. The work identifies that the public basic system of education does not form capable citizens to participate politically. On the contrary, resource inequality is significant in all evaluated dimensions. While students in private school are closer to an assertive ideal of citizenship, those in public schools reproduce the characteristics of a hybrid political culture, presenting more apathy, inefficacy and disbelief, and less civic information and abilities.

The overall aim of this thesis is to enquire into and problematize the governance of career guidance and how individuals’ career management is constructed within EU policy. The empirical material consists of European policy documents produced during 2000-2015. The two central research questions explore (1) how European career guidance is made governable, and (2) how individuals’ career management is constructed and governed. The Foucauldian governmentality perspective and the analytic method of problematization is utilized. The analysis focuses on the compositions of normative forms of reason, discursive practices and techniques by which governing is exercised and knowledge is produced. The thesis is based on four articles, three of which concern career guidance and career management. The fourth article concerns education of citizenship. The analysis shows that the formation of a policy space for comparison of national systems of career guidance is significant for making European career guidance amenable to governance. It is mobilized by governing practices for involvement of institutional actors and the construction of standards of performance. This form of governance becomes effective on the condition that institutional actors use and produce knowledge and practices about what works in career guidance, and this implies self-control and constant monitoring. It is a complex process of producing self-regulation of career guidance adjustable to change and innovation in which both standardization and modulation are inbuilt. Moreover, this is dependent on the interplay of governance and self-government. Knowledge and practices shape career management as an individual competence, which each individual is assumed to achieve. The use of guidance techniques supporting this design and self-regulating practices contributes to responsibilizing individuals to achieve this competence. Knowledge of individuals’ management of their careers includes civic competence. This led me to extend my use of the theoretical framework to investigate how knowledge of civic competence is constructed in European policy documents concerning teacher education from 2000 to 2012. My analysis shows that presumptions of teaching civic competence support the production of the active and learning subject.

Uppsatsen avser att undersöka hur läroböcker förbereder ungdomar för de samhällsutmaningar som finns. Med samhällsutmaningar menas den ökade mängd information och informationsflöde som finns i samhället. Det ska undersökas genom att studera hur läroböcker i samhällskunskap på gymnasienivå framställer kritiskt tänkande. Den forskning som finns sedan tidigare är begränsad och den som finns visar att det finns skillnader i läroböckerna, men inte hur skillnaderna tar sig uttryck i praktiken. Denna uppsats ska därför undersöka kritiskt tänkande i läroböcker med utgångspunkt i att fylla den kunskapsluckan. För att göra det har tre forskningsfrågor formulerats och som ska besvaras. För att besvara de formulerade forskningsfrågorna har en kvalitativ innehållsanalys valts som metod. Den analysen kommer att genomföras på fyra läroböcker, utvalda enligt ett målstyrt urval. Analysen av böckerna kommer att ske genom att först koda materialet till små koder. Därefter kommer koderna att sättas samman till olika teman som besvarar forskningsfrågorna. Resultatet av analysen visar att läroböckerna framställer kritisk tänkande som dolt lärande. Det innebär att läroböckerna inte framställer kritiskt tänkande explicit, utan att det sker som en konsekvens av andra delar i läroböckerna. Ett annat resultat är att de typer av uppgifter som läroböckerna erbjuder eleverna är kunskaper i kritiskt tänkande. Det vill säga att eleverna får träna på att jämföra, granska och utvärdera, även om det inte är uttalat kritiskt tänkande. Kunskaper om kritiskt tänkande är en andra typ av innehåll som framkommer eftersom eleverna lär sig om behovet av att källkritiskt granska och varför det behövs i dagens samhälle. En tredje typ av innehåll är praktiska uppgifter. Eleverna ges möjlighet att kontinuerligt öva på detta i med praktiska inslag. Praktiska inslag som förekommer är debatter, uppgifter och diskussioner som alla innehåller inslag som utvecklar kritiskt tänkande. Det sista resultat som framkom i analysen var angående skillnaderna mellan studieförberedande och yrkesförberedande program angående kritiskt tänkande var att studieförberedande är mer fördjupande i uppgifterna. Läroböckerna efterfrågar mer analytiska frågor och diskussioner, medan böckerna för yrkesförberedande elever var grundläggande och efterfrågade mer vad och vem, istället för analytiska frågor. / The study aims to investigate how textbooks prepare young people for the societal challenges that exist. Here, societal challenges are meant by increased amount of information and information flow that exists in society. It should be investigated by studying how textbooks in civics, directed at pupils in upper secondary school, present critical thinking. The research that already exists is limited and the existing one shows that there are differences in the textbooks, but not how the differences are expressed in practice. This essay will therefore examine critical thinking in textbooks based on filling that knowledge gap. To do this, three research questions have been formulated and answered. To answer the formulated research questions, a qualitative content analysis has been chosen as the method. That analysis will be made on four textbooks, selected according to a goal-oriented sample. The analysis of the books will be done by first coding the material into small codes. The codes will then be put together into different themes that answer the research questions. The results of the analysis show that the textbooks present critical thinking as hidden learning. This means that the textbooks do not present critical thinking explicitly, but that it takes place as a consequence of other parts of the textbooks. Another result is that the content that the textbooks offer students is knowledge in critical thinking. That is, students are given opportunities to practice comparing, reviewing and evaluating, even if it is not explicitly critical thinking. Knowledge of critical thinking is a second type of content that emerges as students learn about the need to critically review sources and why it is needed in today's society. A third type of content is practical tasks, the pupils are given the opportunity to continuously practice this in practical tasks. Practical elements that occur are debates, tasks and discussions, all of which contain elements that develop critical thinking. The last result that emerged in the analysis was about the differences between study preparation and vocational preparation programs regarding critical thinking. The analysis showed that study preparation is more in- depth in the tasks. The textbooks call for more analytical questions and discussions, while the books for vocational students were more basic requesting questions asking for what and who instead of analytical questions.

This thesis deals with the comparison of selected topics from the political climate among students from both Germany and the Czech Republic. For this purpose, a survey of 108 Czech students from Charles University in Prague and 102 German students from the University Bremen was collected and the results were analysed. The research dealt with the claims rate of electoral and non-electoral participation, party preferences, whether left-right scale or support a particular party, the level of discussions about politics and watching political news, patriotism and attitude to European integration, civil society and direct democracy. The aim of the research is also a measure of political alienation and disgust with politics, media and confidence in the effectiveness of the state apparatus and not least the degree of knowledge about politics between Czech and German respondents. Each orientation is watched primarily by nationality of respondent, also according to gender in the whole group and in some cases also between the Czech and especially among German respondents. Where it was relevant, were also compared by field of study respondents. Most respondents from both countries have clearly defined links to the political system and its place in it, which showed such a high level of electoral participation,...

Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo comparativo da socialização política nas escolas de ensino médio em Porto Alegre/RS, entre os anos de 2002 e 2015. Utilizando o conceito de competência cívica, buscou-se avaliar as dimensões afetivas e cognitivas que impulsionam os jovens à cidadania ativa. O objetivo principal foi verificar se o aumento de investimentos em políticas educacionais neste período gerou uma maior competência cívica nos jovens. A hipótese central é de que estas políticas não foram capazes de alterar os níveis de capital social, cultura e sofisticação política dos jovens, indicando a continuidade de uma cultura política híbrida e pouco participativa. Para isso, utilizam-se os dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina (NUPESAL) da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS), bem como dos investimentos realizados pelo Governo Federal nos anos de 2002 e de 2015 Os resultados obtidos comprovam a hipótese enunciada de que as políticas sociais e educacionais não foram suficientes para modificar o padrão de cultura política híbrida nos jovens. As escolas públicas não somente diminuíram seu índice de competência cívica em relação a 2002, como também ampliaram a distância dos seus indicadores em relação às escolas privadas em 2015. A conclusão da dissertação é de que as políticas implementadas entre 2002 e 2015 possibilitaram uma ampliação e universalização do acesso à educação sem expandir a qualidade de ensino, sobretudo quando em comparação à rede privada. Os índices encontrados demonstram que a desigualdade educacional no país, principalmente no âmbito da inclusão cidadã, ainda está longe de ser solucionada. / This dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization in secondary schools in Porto Alegre/RS, in the years of 2002 and 2015. Using the concept of civic competence, we sought to evaluate the affective and cognitive dimensions that impel young people to become active citizens. The main objective was to verify if the increase of investments in social policies in this period generated a greater civic competence among the youth. The central hypothesis is that these policies were not able to change the levels of social capital, culture and political sophistication of young people, indicating the continuity of a hybrid political culture. To do so, we used the survey data of the Research Centre on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) in the years of 2002 and 2015, as well as the investments made by the Federal Government through this period. The results obtained prove the hypothesis that social and educational policies were not sufficient to change the pattern of hybrid political culture in the public school system. Public schools not only reduced their civic competence index in relation to 2002, but also stretched the distance of their indicators from private schools in 2015. The conclusion of this dissertation is that the policies implemented between 2002 and 2015 allowed an expansion and universalization of the access without increasing the quality of education, especially when compared to the private schools. The index found in this study, indicate that educational inequality in the country, especially in the context of citizen inclusion, is still far from being solved.

Civic competence is critical to the successful functioning of pluralistic democracies. Developing the knowledge, skills, and motivations for effective democratic participation is a national and global imperative that many higher education institutions have embraced through the teaching strategies of community-based learning and service-learning. Yet, scant research literature has focused on the relationship between pedagogical approaches and civic competence outcomes. This five-year longitudinal study of 11,000 students in 700 senior-level capstone courses at an urban research university empirically tested a new theoretically constructed model of civic competence development in order to identify epistemological and pedagogical elements that enhance civic competence. Eight epistemological domains embedded within four components of civic competence (knowledge, skills, attitudes, and actions) were analyzed utilizing item and factor analysis. The model was extremely robust (r = .917) for civic competence development and indicated strong effect size for multiple pedagogical elements of course design, teaching strategies, and integration of community service. Significantly, the greatest effect for developing civic competence is pedagogical incorporation of diversity and social justice issues. Thus, the Critical Pedagogy Model of Civic Competence offers faculty a heuristic taxonomy of teaching and learning strategies to utilize diversity of thought and interaction in community-based learning as a catalyst for transforming students into competent democratic participants.

Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo comparativo da socialização política nas escolas de ensino médio em Porto Alegre/RS, entre os anos de 2002 e 2015. Utilizando o conceito de competência cívica, buscou-se avaliar as dimensões afetivas e cognitivas que impulsionam os jovens à cidadania ativa. O objetivo principal foi verificar se o aumento de investimentos em políticas educacionais neste período gerou uma maior competência cívica nos jovens. A hipótese central é de que estas políticas não foram capazes de alterar os níveis de capital social, cultura e sofisticação política dos jovens, indicando a continuidade de uma cultura política híbrida e pouco participativa. Para isso, utilizam-se os dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina (NUPESAL) da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS), bem como dos investimentos realizados pelo Governo Federal nos anos de 2002 e de 2015 Os resultados obtidos comprovam a hipótese enunciada de que as políticas sociais e educacionais não foram suficientes para modificar o padrão de cultura política híbrida nos jovens. As escolas públicas não somente diminuíram seu índice de competência cívica em relação a 2002, como também ampliaram a distância dos seus indicadores em relação às escolas privadas em 2015. A conclusão da dissertação é de que as políticas implementadas entre 2002 e 2015 possibilitaram uma ampliação e universalização do acesso à educação sem expandir a qualidade de ensino, sobretudo quando em comparação à rede privada. Os índices encontrados demonstram que a desigualdade educacional no país, principalmente no âmbito da inclusão cidadã, ainda está longe de ser solucionada. / This dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization in secondary schools in Porto Alegre/RS, in the years of 2002 and 2015. Using the concept of civic competence, we sought to evaluate the affective and cognitive dimensions that impel young people to become active citizens. The main objective was to verify if the increase of investments in social policies in this period generated a greater civic competence among the youth. The central hypothesis is that these policies were not able to change the levels of social capital, culture and political sophistication of young people, indicating the continuity of a hybrid political culture. To do so, we used the survey data of the Research Centre on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) in the years of 2002 and 2015, as well as the investments made by the Federal Government through this period. The results obtained prove the hypothesis that social and educational policies were not sufficient to change the pattern of hybrid political culture in the public school system. Public schools not only reduced their civic competence index in relation to 2002, but also stretched the distance of their indicators from private schools in 2015. The conclusion of this dissertation is that the policies implemented between 2002 and 2015 allowed an expansion and universalization of the access without increasing the quality of education, especially when compared to the private schools. The index found in this study, indicate that educational inequality in the country, especially in the context of citizen inclusion, is still far from being solved.

Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo comparativo da socialização política nas escolas de ensino médio em Porto Alegre/RS, entre os anos de 2002 e 2015. Utilizando o conceito de competência cívica, buscou-se avaliar as dimensões afetivas e cognitivas que impulsionam os jovens à cidadania ativa. O objetivo principal foi verificar se o aumento de investimentos em políticas educacionais neste período gerou uma maior competência cívica nos jovens. A hipótese central é de que estas políticas não foram capazes de alterar os níveis de capital social, cultura e sofisticação política dos jovens, indicando a continuidade de uma cultura política híbrida e pouco participativa. Para isso, utilizam-se os dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina (NUPESAL) da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS), bem como dos investimentos realizados pelo Governo Federal nos anos de 2002 e de 2015 Os resultados obtidos comprovam a hipótese enunciada de que as políticas sociais e educacionais não foram suficientes para modificar o padrão de cultura política híbrida nos jovens. As escolas públicas não somente diminuíram seu índice de competência cívica em relação a 2002, como também ampliaram a distância dos seus indicadores em relação às escolas privadas em 2015. A conclusão da dissertação é de que as políticas implementadas entre 2002 e 2015 possibilitaram uma ampliação e universalização do acesso à educação sem expandir a qualidade de ensino, sobretudo quando em comparação à rede privada. Os índices encontrados demonstram que a desigualdade educacional no país, principalmente no âmbito da inclusão cidadã, ainda está longe de ser solucionada. / This dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization in secondary schools in Porto Alegre/RS, in the years of 2002 and 2015. Using the concept of civic competence, we sought to evaluate the affective and cognitive dimensions that impel young people to become active citizens. The main objective was to verify if the increase of investments in social policies in this period generated a greater civic competence among the youth. The central hypothesis is that these policies were not able to change the levels of social capital, culture and political sophistication of young people, indicating the continuity of a hybrid political culture. To do so, we used the survey data of the Research Centre on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) in the years of 2002 and 2015, as well as the investments made by the Federal Government through this period. The results obtained prove the hypothesis that social and educational policies were not sufficient to change the pattern of hybrid political culture in the public school system. Public schools not only reduced their civic competence index in relation to 2002, but also stretched the distance of their indicators from private schools in 2015. The conclusion of this dissertation is that the policies implemented between 2002 and 2015 allowed an expansion and universalization of the access without increasing the quality of education, especially when compared to the private schools. The index found in this study, indicate that educational inequality in the country, especially in the context of citizen inclusion, is still far from being solved.