This study broadly investigates South African energy policy with specific emphasis on the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPPP). It investigates how the procurement programme links to rights-based climate justice principles. Climate justice principles have the potential to greatly impact the socio-economic development characteristics of the renewable energy sector. These principles incorporate the notions of participation and self-representation, equality, and the anti-commodification of nature, thus linking to the collective ownership aspect of renewable energy plants. Depending on the procurement model chosen, renewable energy has the potential to offer true broad-based empowerment and developmental benefits to the country. A neo-Gramscian theoretical framework was selected in order to draw links between the renewable energy sector and the political economy which are so entrenched in the Minerals- Energy Complex (MEC). The neo-Gramscian framework demonstrates strength in the uncovering of the shift in the social relations of production and how these interact with the state and the international class project. It is utilised to expose the character of power and hegemony and how the needs of transnational capital are satisfied within local perceptions of development. This research revealed that the renewable energy sector has been annexed by the transnational neoliberal agenda through the non-participative nature of the REIPPPP. To challenge this power relation, the neo-Gramscian notion of a counter-hegemony is particularly pertinent. Community renewables, the focus of this research, are presented as such a counterhegemonic alternative. A number of European countries have successfully integrated community owned renewable energy plants into their energy sectors. Various case studies of community renewables in Denmark, Sweden and the UK respectively are proposed as alternative ownership models to those being promoted in the REIPPPP in South Africa. Barriers to community renewables in the South African context have been identified. These identified barriers allow one to make informed predictions about the future ownership of the renewable energy sector in South Africa. Recommendations are suggested that would work towards promoting a more inclusive and participatory renewable energy sector with greater adherence to climate justice principles. / M. Development and Management, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

This study broadly investigates South African energy policy with specific emphasis on the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPPP). It investigates how the procurement programme links to rights-based climate justice principles. Climate justice principles have the potential to greatly impact the socio-economic development characteristics of the renewable energy sector. These principles incorporate the notions of participation and self-representation, equality, and the anti-commodification of nature, thus linking to the collective ownership aspect of renewable energy plants. Depending on the procurement model chosen, renewable energy has the potential to offer true broad-based empowerment and developmental benefits to the country. A neo-Gramscian theoretical framework was selected in order to draw links between the renewable energy sector and the political economy which are so entrenched in the Minerals- Energy Complex (MEC). The neo-Gramscian framework demonstrates strength in the uncovering of the shift in the social relations of production and how these interact with the state and the international class project. It is utilised to expose the character of power and hegemony and how the needs of transnational capital are satisfied within local perceptions of development. This research revealed that the renewable energy sector has been annexed by the transnational neoliberal agenda through the non-participative nature of the REIPPPP. To challenge this power relation, the neo-Gramscian notion of a counter-hegemony is particularly pertinent. Community renewables, the focus of this research, are presented as such a counterhegemonic alternative. A number of European countries have successfully integrated community owned renewable energy plants into their energy sectors. Various case studies of community renewables in Denmark, Sweden and the UK respectively are proposed as alternative ownership models to those being promoted in the REIPPPP in South Africa. Barriers to community renewables in the South African context have been identified. These identified barriers allow one to make informed predictions about the future ownership of the renewable energy sector in South Africa. Recommendations are suggested that would work towards promoting a more inclusive and participatory renewable energy sector with greater adherence to climate justice principles. / M. Development and Management, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

The Warsaw Loss and Damage Mechanism holds high appeal for complementing actions on climate change adaptation and mitigation, and for delivering needed support for tackling intolerable climate related-risks that will neither be addressed by mitigation nor by adaptation. Yet, negotiations under the UNFCCC are caught between demands for climate justice, understood as compensation, for increases in extreme and slow-onset event risk, and the reluctance of other parties to consider Loss and Damage outside of an adaptation framework. Working towards a jointly acceptable positionwe suggest an actionableway forward for the deliberations may be based on aligning comprehensive climate risk analytics with distributive and compensatory justice considerations. Our proposed framework involves in a shortmedium term, needs-based perspective support for climate risk management beyond countries ability to absorb risk. In a medium-longer term, liability-based perspective we particularly suggest to consider liabilities attributable to anthropogenic climate change and associated impacts. We develop the framework based on principles of need and liability, and identify the policy space for Loss and Damage as composed of curative and transformativemeasures. Transformativemeasures, such as managed retreat, have already received attention in discussions on comprehensive climate risk management. Curative action is less clearly defined, and more contested. Among others, support for a climate displacement facility could qualify here. For both sets of measures, risk financing (such as "climate insurance") emerges as an entry point for further policy action, as it holds potential for both risk management as well as compensation functions. To quantify the Loss and Damage space for specific countries, we suggest as one option to build on a risk layering approach that segments risk and risk interventions according to risk tolerance. An application to fiscal risks in Bangladesh and at the global scale provides an estimate of countries' financial support needs for dealing with intolerable layers of flood risk.With many aspects of Loss and Damage being of immaterial nature, we finally suggest that our broad risk and justice approach in principle can also see application to issues such as migration and preservation of cultural heritage.

The debate on "Loss and Damage" (L&D) has gained traction over the last few years. Supported by growing scientific evidence of anthropogenic climate change amplifying frequency, intensity and duration of climate-related hazards as well as observed increases in climate-related impacts and risks in many regions, the "Warsaw International Mechanism for Loss and Damage" was established in 2013 and further supported through the Paris Agreement in 2015. Despite advances, the debate currently is broad, diffuse and somewhat confusing, while concepts, meth ods and tools, as well as directions for policy remain vague and often contested. This book, a joint effort of the Loss and Damage Network - a partnership effort by scientists and practitioners from around the globe - provides evidence-based insight into the L&D discourse by highlighting state-of-the-art research conducted across multiple disciplines, by showcasing applications in practice and by providing insight into policy contexts and salient policy options. This introductory chapter summarises key findings of the twenty-two book chapters in terms of five propositions. These propositions, each building on relevant findings linked to forward-looking sugges tions for research, policy and practice, reflect the architecture of the book, whose sections proceed from setting the stage to critical issues, followed by a section on methods and tools, to chapters that provide geographic perspectives, and finally to a section that identifies potential policy options. The propositions comprise (1) Risk management can be an effective entry point for aligning perspectives and debates, if framed comprehensively, coupled with climate justice considerations and linked to established risk management and adaptation practice; (2) Attribution science is advancing rapidly and fundamental to informing actions to minimise, avert, and address losses and damages; (3) Climate change research, in addition to identifying physical/hard limits to adaptation, needs to more systematically examine soft limits to adaptation, for which we find some evidence across several geographies globally; (4) Climate risk insurance mechanisms can serve the prevention and cure aspects emphasised in the L&D debate but solidarity and accountability aspects need further attention, for which we find tentative indication in applications around the world; (5) Policy deliberations may need to overcome the perception that L&D constitutes a win-lose negotiation "game" by developing a more inclusive narrative that highlights collective ambition for tackling risks, mutual benefits and the role of Transformation.

The fossil fuel divestment movement is a directed-network campaign that strategically uses economic and ethical arguments to challenge the social license of the fossil fuel industry. Fossil fuel divestment campaigns have become an induction point for the youth climate movement in North America (Grady-Benson & Sarathy, 2015; Rowe et. al., 2016). The analytical and operational approaches to social change employed by the fossil fuel divestment movement are having a ripple effect on the political orientation of a new generation of activists and environmental leaders. This thesis explores concepts and practices of climate justice in the fossil fuel divestment movement on Canadian university campuses, as a flashpoint in the shifting terrain of environmentalism. The research uses qualitative methods to analyze three case study campaigns, as well as supplemental interviews from additional campaign members and national coordinating organizations like 350.org and the Canadian Youth Climate Coalition. This project contributes to a growing body of literature concerned with applied political theory (Rowe et. al., 2016; Schifeling & Hoffman, 2017) and the social impacts of fossil fuel divestment (Bratman et al, 2016; Grady-Benson & Sarathy, 2015; Mangat et al., 2018), providing new insight into the potential of divestment organizing to disrupt dominant narratives of mainstream environmentalism. Fossil fuel divestment organizers are articulating climate justice analysis that calls for transformative system change, including critiques of neoliberal capitalism that are predominantly grounded in climate justice approaches. / Graduate

Submitted by Igor Matos (igoryure.rm@gmail.com) on 2017-01-23T15:19:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Rita de Cassia Levanti Aleixes.pdf: 4159463 bytes, checksum: 48a8dd9866ae9bbc32c58d374c380fc3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-01-27T13:48:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Rita de Cassia Levanti Aleixes.pdf: 4159463 bytes, checksum: 48a8dd9866ae9bbc32c58d374c380fc3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-27T13:48:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Rita de Cassia Levanti Aleixes.pdf: 4159463 bytes, checksum: 48a8dd9866ae9bbc32c58d374c380fc3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-18 / O Fórum de Direitos Humanos e da Terra de Mato Grosso (FDHT-MT) é uma instância da sociedade civil que agrega diversos sujeitos e entidades – a maioria de organizações não-governamentais (Ongs) – que buscam proteger os Direitos Humanos e também as vidas não humanas e seus ambientes. O fórum possui 11 Grupos de Trabalho (GT), entre esses o GT “Meio Ambiente e Grupos Sociais” composto por 7 entidades que, juntas, buscam usar táticas para combater as violações socioambientais. O objetivo da pesquisa foi compreender de que maneira os participantes deste GT percebem a dimensão ambiental e climática em suas formas de luta e organização, se trabalham com o conceito de justiça climática e também se consideram o fórum como uma estrutura educadora capaz de promover a aprendizagem entre seus participantes. Compreendendo diferentemente mudança climática e justiça climática, considero que os grupos sociais vulneráveis e as comunidades economicamente desfavorecidas estão mais expostos aos riscos e desastres provocados pelas alterações extremas do clima, e sofrerão mais os efeitos dos câmbios de forma injusta. Com inspiração metodológica na pesquisa participante, os integrantes do fórum foram entrevistados com perguntas não-estruturadas, algumas gravadas por meio eletrônico, outras por transcrições manuscritas, mas todas expressamente autorizando a utilização de imagens e das entrevistas, bem como a identificação de seus nomes completos. Os resultados revelam que os membros do FDHT-MT possuem uma visão que entrelaça o ambiente com a sociedade humana na intrincada teia que tece os cuidados da vida. Possuem organizações, projetos, programas e ainda respondem a demanda dos Movimentos Sociais, muitas vezes fugindo do próprio escopo da constituição original das entidades. Embora concebam a mudança climática, e estejam preocupados com os efeitos deste fenômeno, raras são as organizações que possuem ações diretas com os princípios da Justiça Climática. Todos os participantes compreendem que o fórum é uma estrutura educadora capaz de promover aprendizagens que tecem as políticas públicas sobre Direitos Humanos e da Terra. Esta constatação autoriza afirmar que o fórum é uma instância da Educação Ambiental popular, capaz de propor, construir e sustentar as políticas públicas que visem a inclusão social, a proteção ecológica e a democracia / The Human Rights Forum and of the land of Mato Grosso (FDHT-MT) is an instance of civil society that aggregates various subject and entities - the majority of nongovernmental organizations – that seek to protect human rights and non-human also. The Forum has 11 working groups (WG), among these the GT "environment and social groups" composed of 7 entities, which together seek to use tactics to combat the environmental violations. The objective of the research was to understand in what way the participants of this GT realize the environmental dimension and climate in its forms of struggle and organization, if they work with the concept of climate justice and also consider the Forum as an educator structure able to promote learning among its participants. Understanding contrary to climate change and climate justice, I believe that the vulnerable social groups and economically disadvantaged communities are more exposed to risks and disasters caused by extreme climate changes, and will suffer more the effects of currency exchange unfairly. Methodological research inspired participant, the members of the Forum were interviewed with unstructured questions, some recorded by electronic means, other by handwritten transcriptions, but all expressly authorizing the use of images and interviews, as well as the identification of their full names. The results show that the members of the FDHT-MT have a vision that interweaves the environment with the human society on the intricate web that weaves the cares of life. Have organizations, projects, programs and still respond to demands of social movements, often fleeing from the scope of the original Constitution of the entities. Although devise climate change, and are concerned about the effects of this phenomenon, rare are the organizations that have direct action with the principles of climate justice. All participants understand that the Forum is an educational framework able to promote learning that weave public policy on human rights and of the Earth. This authorizes state that the Forum is an instance of popular environmental education, able to propose, to build and sustain public policies aimed at social inclusion, environmental protection and democracy

Ever since the governments began to meet for the Conferences of the Parties (COP) to try to come to agreement over an international climate agreement, civil society organizations involved in the climate issue have also gathered for their own conferences in relation to the COP. Still the role of these re-occurring “COP counter summits” in global climate governance have not been researched in depth. In order to contribute to a better understanding of the role the COP counter summit in climate governance in general, the aim of this study is to conduct a qualitative single-case study of one of these meetings. This is carried out by a field study to the COP counter summit in Paris 2015 with methods of participatory observation and semi-structured interviews with informants. An analytical framework was developed based on theory within related research fields, like parallel summits, social movements and globalization studies. The study contributes with research about what functions of the COP counter summit in Paris had for civil society and how these functions were performed.

This project is a book which facilitates thinking about the ongoing climate crisis from a Degrowth perspective. Methods are to the greater part reading literature, watching interviews and also to a lesser extent conducting a survey, contacting a researcher and holding a workshop. The key visual tools that are used in this book are typography, infographics, illustration, layout and bookbinding. Firstly, the connection between personal experience and global warming is illustrated. Secondly, based on the severity and scope of the crisis, it is argued that radical societal change is required. Thirdly, the solution approach of shrinking the economy is investigated and suggested. Importantly, some key dynamics of capitalism are deconstructed, such as the accumulation of wealth and power, the exploitation of the global South, the disconnect of money and social value, the misconception of work and finally how these lead to disastrous greenhouse gas emissions as well. Essentially, shrinking the economy is identified as an absolute necessity to supporting and indeed extending human well-being to all.

Climate change as a global phenomenon threatens human rights and causes social injustices. This thesis examines the genealogies of climate justice discourse and climate change denial discourse in the context of international climate change politics. The aim is to understand the construction of and the correlation between the discourses and how the discourses relate to human rights. The thesis employs discourse analysis with a conception of climate justice and a neoclassical realist theory applied to climate change politics. Climate justice discourse is found to interact with chiefly moral and political terms, whereas the denial discourse interacts mainly with economic and scientific terms. Consequently, there is a lack of interaction between the discourses as they operate in different levels of communication and it has, to some extent, caused stalemate in climate change politics. Additionally, while climate justice discourse makes use of the human rights framework, the denial discourse undermines it.

Every individual, regardless of ethnicity, religion, income, etc., has the right to health. The right to health is a fundamental human right that can be further strengthened through the lens of Martha Nussbaum's central capabilities. This thesis explores how Canada's current national energy policy is focused on fossil fuel extraction and combustion, which is a leading cause in the rise in the levels of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere and changing the climate. Based on the evidence this thesis explores how, through its role in the climate crisis, the government of Canada is hindering the full enjoyment of the right to health by the Inuit, and how there is a need for a redesign in the national energy policy. A focus on climate justice is raised as the best possible focus for this redesign, in the energy policy, in order to respect the right to health of the Inuit.