The aim with this essay is to examine how two Swedish newspapers, Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter, have framed Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton during the US presidential election in 2016. The goal with this essay is to contribute to research on how politicians are described in the news media and how politicians’ gender affect this description. The research questions are as follows:  1. How did the Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter frame Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton during US presidential election in 2016? 2. What similarities and differences can be seen between the two candidates, in how they were framed? 3. Were there any similarities and differences between the two newspapers, in how they framed the candidates?    In order to answer the research questions, we conducted a quantitative content analysis, in which we analyzed 160 news articles. The articles were published between February first and November eighth in 2016. Through, first, a strategic, and then, a systematic selection 80 articles for each candidate were selected. For the survey three theoretical fields were chosen; framing theory, media logic (focusing on personalization) and gender theory. The quantitative content analysis coding scheme is based on these theories.   The results show that game and strategy framing was the most prevalent form of framing in both newspapers, about half of all the articles were framed as game and strategy. The most common topic of the articles was “the election, opinion polls and media”. The result also showed that Trump often was termed as evil, as a loser, and the articles were often negatively angled towards him. Clinton was more often termed as good, as a winner and the articles were more positive towards her. However, Trump got the most attention in both papers. The survey also shows a higher degree of personalization against Clinton and she weren’t quoted in the articles as much as Trump. No major differences were seen between the newspapers in their use of frames and the degree of personalization.

This thesis aims to study notions of the USA in Aftonbladet and Expressen, the two major Swedish evening papers, during the American presidential elections of 1984 and 1996. This thesis examines how the predominance of Ronald Reagan's neoliberalism in the 1980s, the US victory in the ColdWar and the success of Bill Clinton's New Democrats in the 1990s affected the notions of the USA expressed in the a forementioned Swedish newspapers. In 1984 the notions were widely different between the two newspapers. Aftonbladet (socialdemocratic) had a very negative view of the USA. American politics was described as fundamentally corrupt, while the American society was seen as violent and harsh. Globally the USA was a destabilizing force and was primarily to blame for the escalating tensions with the Soviet Union. Expressen (liberal) had a more positive notion of the USA. American politics was seen as modern but shallow and callous, the last trait made even worse by the politics of Reagan. USA had a tremendous potential to do good in the world, but lacked the progressive leadership needed to do so. By 1996 the notions of the USA were interchangeable between the two papers. Both papers described American politics as shallow, unsympathetic and pandering to the middle-class. Neither corruption nor violence were mentioned. Under the leadership of Bill Clinton the USA was seen as a guardian of peace in the world.

The Divine Coming of the Light is a memoir-in-essays that covers an experience, from 2007 to 2010, when I lived in Kosuge Village (population 900), nestled in the mountains of central Japan. I was the only foreigner there. My memoir uses these three years as a frame to investigate how landscape affects identity. The book profiles who I was before Japan (an evangelical and then wilderness guide), why I became obsessed with mountains, and the fall-out from mountain obsession to a humanistic outlook. The path my narrator takes is one of a mountain hike. I was born in tabletop-flat West Texas to conservative, Christian parents in the second most Republican county by votes in America. At 19, I made my first backpacking trip to the San Juan Mountains of western Colorado and was awed by their outer-planetary-like massiveness. However, two friends and I became lost in the wilderness for three days without cell phones. During this time, an obsession possessed me as we found our way back through the peaks to safety, a realization that I could die out there, yes, but amid previously unknown splendor. I developed an addiction to mountains that weakened my religious faith. Like the Romantic poets before me, God transferred from the sky to the immense landscape. I jettisoned my beliefs and became an outdoor wilderness instructor. On every peak I traveled up, I hoped to recreate that first conversion experience when I was lost in the woods. After college, while teaching English in Kosuge Village, I learned about the mountain-worshipping religion Shugendo: a mixture of Buddhism, Shintoism, and Shamanism. I climbed dozens of peaks, spending several days backpacking. However, while in Japan, I was nearly fatally injured on a solo, month-long hike. I saw the accident as a warning and turned my attention to studying writing and literature. When I came to Japan, I went up mountains, but as I left, I came down. The book profiles my experiences with mountains and my double disillusionment, leveling off with a humanistic outlook, leaving the narrator less a wanderer but more willing to empathize with other people.

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This study examined the rhetoric of First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton. Specifically, this analysis explored the relationship between Clinton's rhetoric and her public image. In addressing this issue, Foss' (1989) framework for feminist criticism was used to examine three key components: 1) the type of gender roles that Clinton describes and advocates in her rhetoric; 2) her gender portrayal of the first lady role; and 3) whether any alterations in her enactment of the first lady have helped or hindered the feminist cause. Clinton's rhetoric is focused on the empowerment of women, their children, and their families. Clinton's rhetorical perspective is aligned with a liberal feminist ideology and declares that women should make their own choices and should not fall victim to traditional patriarchal values and societal expectations. This analysis further reveals that Clinton combines feminine and masculine rhetorical styles to overcome the contradictory expectations that are placed upon women speakers. This analysis indicates that Clinton's image and role as first lady has fluctuated as she has grappled with societal expectations. Throughout Clinton's tenure in the White House, America has become more comfortable with her redesigned role as first lady. This analysis contributes to the lives of women by providing a model of a female rhetor who is successful despite the confines of a patriarchal society. In addition, this examination also legitimizes a woman's right to fight for equality and to use alternative ways to raise a family. Further, this analysis indicates the need to expand communication models to encompass a rhetor's blend of communication styles. / Department of Speech Communication

The aim of the study was to examine the ways in which the presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump were portrayed in articles regarding the first presidential debate of 2016. We also wanted to examine the differences and similarities between the framing of the two candidates as well as which frames varied between the newspapers from Sweden and the USA and which they had in common. We made a qualitative framing analysis of 14 articles from 14 different newspapers half of which were from Sweden and half from the USA. The result shows that Hillary Clinton is most often portrayed as an experienced and professional politician whereas Donald Trump is portrayed as her opposite in both regards. The framing of Trump shows him as an outsider from the business world, who has a history of controversial behavior in which he is accused of both racism and sexism. Both candidates are portrayed as highly disliked by the American people. They are also portrayed as dishonest as a consequence of their respective scandals where they are being accused of having hidden something from the public – Clinton in her use of a private e-mail server during her time as secretary of state – Trump due to his unreleased tax returns. The American and the Swedish articles frame the candidates similarly, although the American newspapers are more prone to the usage of harsh language in describing the candidates and their actions in the debate. The Swedish newspapers tend to use less emotive words in re-telling the debate.

Pour la première fois dans l'histoire américaine, une politique africaine ambitieuse et raisonnée, s'adressant à l'ensemble du continent, a été mise en place lors de la présidence Clinton (1993-2001). Cette politique fut développée et appliquée à la faveur des évolutions du contexte international, et particulièrement de la mondialisation. Celle-ci rendit nécessaire une politique américaine globale du fait de l'interdépendance croissante des enjeux, et posa entre autres la question des relations américano-africaines du point de vue d'une recomposition géostratégique et économique globale. Les évolutions constatées sur le continent africain dans le domaine politique et économique, en rencontrant la volonté de l'administration Clinton, permirent à une politique de rapprochement de voir le jour. Celle-ci fut basée sur l'objectif principal du développement des relations économiques et commerciales entre les deux espaces. Cet objectif fut conditionné par la recherche de nouveaux débouchés pour les productions américaines, et fut relié dans la rhétorique américaine aux opportunités de développement qu'il offrait aux pays africains. La politique américaine de partenariat avec la région se développa autour de cet axe. Divers domaines d'actions vinrent élargir le champ de cette politique, articulant les opportunités et les nécessités américaines avec les perspectives de développement, de réforme et de pacification du continent.La gouvernance de la politique africaine de l'administration Clinton donna l'image d'un processus cohérent et maîtrisé, aboutissant à l'implantation d'une politique importante aux thématiques variées, qui marqua de son empreinte l'histoire des relations américano-africaines. Cette gouvernance parvint de même à atteindre son objectif principal, qui était de faire adopter la loi sur le commerce entre les Etats-Unis et l'Afrique. Au titre de ces deux éléments, cette gouvernance fut une réussite. Afin d'atteindre cette forme d'accomplissement, la gouvernance de cette politique dut s'appliquer à de multiples niveaux et dans nombre de domaines recouvert par son processus, avec la nécessité de prendre en compte un nombre important et disparate de paramètres pour aboutir à son harmonisation d'ensemble et à sa réussite finale. Pour cela, elle s'est appliquée sous diverses formes, afin de gérer au mieux chacun des aspects entrant en ligne de compte dans le développement de son objet principal. A l'épreuve de la gouvernance, la politique africaine de l'administration Clinton a démontré la complexité qui a procédé de son édification, et le rôle essentiel de la communication dans le processus de sa gouvernance. Si certains aspects de la politique fondée ont pu démontrer leurs lacunes ou leur décalage d'avec le discours officiel, la politique africaine a néanmoins su atteindre ses objectifs, laisser une image positive de son action et mettre en place un lien pérenne entre les Etats-Unis et l'Afrique, dont elle restera l'étape initiale et historique d'édification. / For the first time in American history, an ambitious, comprehensive African policy was set up during the Clinton's presidency (1993-2001). This politic was developed and applied, according to the evolutions of the international context, and particularly on account of the globalisation's paradigm. The growing interdependency of the issues made necessary a global American policy, asking among other things the question of the American-African relations, from a global, strategic and economical point of view. The political and economical evolutions on Africa, meeting the will of the Clinton's administration, gave to an African policy chances to can be done. The objective of this politic was first and foremost to strengthen economics and trades relations between the two areas. It was motivated by the search of new outlets for American products and investments, and linked to development opportunities this way gave to the African countries. The American partnership with Africa was developed around this thematic axis. Afterwards, others initiatives extended the area of this policy, articulating the US opportunities and necessities with the continent's perspectives of development, reform and pacification.The governance of the Clinton administration's African policy gave it the appearances of a coherent and controlled process, leading to the implement of an important, varied-topics policy, which marked the American-African relations history. This governance also succeeded to reach his leading goal, which was the proclamation of an American-African trade bill. According to these two elements, this governance was a success. In order to get this fulfil, the governance of this African policy had to be applied to many levels and areas which were parts of his process, with the necessity to take care about many and different parameters to carry out his harmonisation and to success. For that, the governance was applied on many ways, in order to manage for the best the characteristics they took part in his construction. Putting to the test by his governance, the Clinton's administration African policy has showed the complexity of his building, and the essential function of the institutional communication in the governance process. If some aspects of this policy could showed their gap or their discrepancy with the US official speak, the African policy has nevertheless reached his objectives, set up a positive impress of his action, and implemented the ties between the United States and the Africa they has been continuing to be growth, making this policy the first and historical step of building to topical, and probably future, American-African relations.

Il est assez difficile pour la jeune génération d’électeurs démocrates qui ont contribué à porter Barack Obama au pouvoir en 2008 et 2012 d’imaginer l’état de déroute dans lequel se trouvait le parti démocrate après les victoires électorales de Ronald Reagan en 1980 et 1984. Obama doit sa double élection à la fois à l’efficacité de ses campagnes et aux changements qui ont affecté le parti démocrate depuis les années 1980. Certes, les élus démocrates n'avaient pas attendu l'échec humiliant de Jimmy Carter en 1980 pour engager un travail de réflexion mais c'est pendant les années Reagan que certains démocrates influents commencèrent à se mettre concrètement au travail. Le Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) fut la pièce maîtresse d'une sorte d'aggiornamento politique et idéologique qui permit au parti démocrate de reconstituer ses forces en moins de dix ans et de reconquérir la présidence en 1992 avec l’élection de Bill Clinton. Depuis le début des années 1980 jusqu’à sa disparition en 2011, le DLC se consacra à la modernisation idéologique du parti démocrate. / It is quite difficult for the young generation of Democratic voters who contributed to bring Barack Obama into power in 2008 and 2012 to imagine the electoral losing streak the Democratic Party endured after Ronald Reagan’s electoral victories in 1980 and 1984. Obama owes credit to both his efficient campaigns and the changes which have affected the Democratic Party since the 1980s for winning the executive office twice. The Democratic elected officials certainly had not waited for Jimmy Carter’s humiliating defeat in 1980 to reflect upon the situation but it is during the Reagan years that some Democratic influential members started taking action. The Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) became a key part of a sort of political and ideological aggiornamento which allowed the Democratic Party to rebuild its forces in less than ten years and to win back the executive office in 1992 with Bill Clinton’s election. From the early 1980s to its dissolution in 2011, the DLC devoted itself to the ideological modernization of the Democratic Party.

This thesis analyzes President William Jefferson Clinton's self-defense during the first four months of 1998. The study focuses on Clinton's denial of the sex scandal with White House intern Monica Lewinsky when the story broke out in the Washington Post on January 21, 1998. William L. Benoit's theory of Image Restoration is used to examine each strategy's distribution. Benoit's framework consists of identifying strategies used by denial to clarify and repair a positive image despite negative public accusations.The study employed a content analysis as the research methodology. There were a total of 1,392 sentences contained in twenty-four articles from the Washington Post, only articlesfrom the Post were included in the initial search. Research was conducted using microfilm of the Washington Post full-text articles during the time period of interest: January 21, 1998 to April 20, 1998. The dependent variables were the number of sentences devoted to the amount of the Washington Post coverage given to the strategies utilized by Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, Clinton's staff, Clinton' s lawyer, Clinton's friends, the media, Al Gore, and the Democratic Party. Meanwhile, the sentences were coded on the basis of image restoration theory and strategy categories defined by Benoit.The data showed the strategy of denial was employed at the highest rate among all strategies during the three selected time periods. Specifically, the denial strategy was used the most frequently with 348 quotations (25%). In the short run, Clinton's popularity among followers was not damaged, but in the long run, he faced impeachment proceedings. Therefore, the strategy of denial is not always a clarification action. This study indicates that the strategy of denial merely complicates and prolongs the whole process; therefore twisting Benoit's original definition. / Department of Journalism