published_or_final_version / Housing Management / Master / Master of Housing Management

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When do militias---whose power, riches, and legitimacy depend on the continuation of civil wars---accept negotiated settlements? An unexplored and crucial dimension of militia decision-making is the process of militia institutionalization. Militias create institutions to improve their odds of winning the war and project legitimacy internally as well as externally. / Militia institutions affect the strategic choice of decision-makers. They create financial and organizational interests that modify the preferences of the militia leadership. The modified preferences increase the win-set of militia leaders at the negotiating table. Militia institutions also change the decision-making context. Institutions unleash three dynamics that decrease a militia's ability to withstand fluctuations in the military balance of forces. Institutions can lead to factionalism, increased visibility (and hence vulnerability to attack), and strains in relations with patrons. / Using the logic of two-level games, I argue that leaders evaluate peace settlements with an eye on two boards. Externally, they evaluate their position vis-a-vis other protagonists in the conflict. Internally, leaders are concerned with their positions in power. Institutionalization results in a tension between "raison de la revolution" (ideological motivations) and "raison d'institution" (institutional preservation). Embattled leaders who increasingly find it difficult to withstand changes in the balance of forces find that their institutional interests are better preserved by peace. They agree to compromise on their ideological preferences thus opening a window of opportunity for the attainment of sustainable peace settlements. / Employing the comparative case-study method, the dissertation examines the attitudes of the Lebanese Forces and the Bosnian Serbs respectively toward conflict-resolution schemes that sought to bring the Lebanese and Bosnian civil wars to an end. / By focusing on leaders' incentives to settle, the research allows us to predict a priori which settlements are more sustainable. Theoretically, it refines the concept of "ripeness" for negotiations by specifying both its intra-communal and its extra-communal dimensions. In terms of practical policy implications, the research argues that militias are prime candidates for the role of spoilers. Thus, it is important not only to understand their incentives to settle but also to craft peace agreements that give even such radical factions a vested interest in peace.

Not available. / Thesis (M.T.R.P.)-University of Natal, 2000.

At the same time resources are becoming more scarce there is an increase in the use of parks, wilderness and other natural environments for recreational purposes. This is evident in British Columbia where much of provincial parks planning is concerned with the accommodation of an ever increasing diversity of outdoor recreation activities. For a variety of reasons the people engaged in those activities do not always get along therefore resolving these social conflicts is becoming an ever larger part of recreation resource planners’ and managers’ jobs. The problem with conflict management in outdoor recreation is that the methods which are commonly used do not address the sources of conflict. Even though it is the recreationists who are experiencing conflict the focus remains on managing the resource. The traditional conflict management prescription is to separate activities that are considered to be incompatible. This action is necessary in some cases but it can often exacerbate the conflict. Since the reasons for conflict are largely sociological and psychological it is necessary that the groups in conflict get together to find a solution. Conflict management methods based on the spatial separation of activities that do not include this step will not be as effective as those that do. This thesis establishes a number of weaknesses in activity based conflict prevention by examining both the sources of conflict in outdoor recreation and the methods of conflict management which are traditionally used. These weaknesses are then considered in a two part examination. First, the conflict management policies of BC Parks are examined. Second, a closer look is taken at a specific conflict issue: the Garibaldi Master Plan and its treatment of the issue of mountain biking in the park. In general, without a formal conflict management policy in place users of BC’S provincial parks who find themselves in conflict with other users can not be assured that the sources of conflict will be addressed. In the Garibaldi Park case study, BC Parks focused on managing the resource rather than managing the social conflict that was occurring. They took steps in the right direction but failed to take the most crucial step which is getting the parties in conflict talking to each other. Even though the sources of conflict are recognized they are not the prime consideration in resolving the conflict.

Given the destabilizing effect which conflicts have had on Africa's socio-economic and political development, attempts have been (and are still being) made by a combination of state and non-state actors towards ensuring the prevention of conflicts before they occur, including the setting up of the required capacity to deal with them. Epitomizing this tradition is Nigeria, which courtesy of its regional hegemonic status and geographic location as well as its military and economic strength has been one of the leading nations in conflict resolution, peace building and peacekeeping in Africa. In view of the foregoing, this study revisits Nigeria's conflict resolution mechanisms in Africa, through an analysis of its role within Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)-sponsored projects; such as the Nigerian-led military intervention in Liberia between 1990 and 1997. Using the realist approach as its framework of analysis and content analysis as its research methodology, the study interrogates the connection between Nigeria's interventionist role in Africa and the possible nexus or otherwise with its foreign policy dictates. The study further examines the gains or otherwise that have been achieved courtesy of the Africanization of Nigeria's foreign policy objectives from 1960 to 2010; and the probable factors responsible for the much 'politicized' shift to citizen diplomacy. The study reveals that what is presently at play is a continuation of Nigeria's traditional Afro-centric posture and advocates the need for Nigeria to put an end to its seemingly 'charity inclined foreign policy orientation'. It recommends a re-definition of Nigeria's foreign policy focus to accommodate a 'People first' approach towards conflict resolution in Africa both in theory and in practice. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

The protracted crises of authority that characterized the 1960s and 1970s left their imprints on a number of institutions in Canadian society. The dispute resolution arena, for one, was affected by the turmoil of this age as more informal, 'empowering' alternatives were sought to replace the disempowering procedures of courtroom adjudication. The present thesis focuses on one aspect of an ensuing 'alternative dispute resolution' movement in the Canadian province of British Columbia; namely, community mediation. In particular, it begins by looking at the rhetoric and practices through which community mediation has been deployed. Advocates tout this process as an 'empowering' method of resolving disputes because it encourages individuals to work conflict out in the 'community', thus - so their reasoning goes - limiting state intrusion into people's everyday lives. By contrast, critics of the movement argue that the deployment of informal justice actually expands state control, and contend that it does so rather insidiously under the guise of 'restricting' state activities. Close scrutiny of this debate, however, reveals significant weaknesses in both positions, mainly relating to their unnecessarily narrow definition of the 'problem'; i.e., whether informal justice expands or reduces state control. This is a highly questionable formulation, for it demands a simple response from what is a much more complex and ambiguous event. Taking its cue from more recent developments in the literature, the following analysis reconceptualizes the 'problem' by asking: what is the logic of control embodied by mediation practices in a given context? It responds to the question by developing certain Foucauldian precepts into a theory that explicates the model of power through which mediation regulates action. Its implicit objective is to understand the political rationale of mediation in order to pursue how this might be used to further social justice. Various genealogical procedures are employed to formulate such a theory by responding to four central questions. What are the wider lines of descent that have helped to produce the particular version of community mediation that now colours British Columbia's landscape? What precise model of power does the rhetoric and practice of mediation reflect? How does this informal model of power link up with the formal power of the law/state? What are the implications of this for engaging politically with community mediation, if one's aim is to achieve social justice? Responding to each of these in turn supplies the basic thesis of the following text. In brief, I argue that community mediation has developed in British Columbia in tandem with a shift from Fordist to Post-Fordist modes of regulation (politics) and production (economics) that characterized the 1970s. Influenced by legal reforms and experiments with 'alternatives' to courts, community mediation has assumed an identity which incorporates a 'pastoral' model of power. This model is articulated to the state's 'law-sovereign' model as a 'complementary,' but subordinate, alternative. The association between these results in an indirect form of governance - 'government at a distance' - that may expand the state's potential to control people, but which is also considerably less predictable. This offers both opportunities and barriers to political action in the informal justice arena. Consequently, while the current deployment of community mediation in British Columbia tends to support the professionalised justice of the existing legal system, it may yet be possible to transform its identity through an 'alternative' politics of law that strives for social justice.

Šiame magistro baigiamajame darbe nagrinėjamos konfliktų valdymo gerinimo galimybės smulkaus verslo organizacijose (SVO). Jo tikslas yra atskleisti SVO kylančias konfliktines situacijas, jų priežastis, organizacinių konfliktų tipus, funkcijas bei pasekmes ir tuo pačiu pasiūlyti konfliktų valdymo strategijų organizacines prielaidas ir konstruktyvius jų sprendimo būdus. Pagrindinės šio darbo užduotys yra įvertinti bendrą konfliktų foną organizacijoje, išnagrinėti darbuotojų pasirenkamus sprendimų būdus bei pateikti konstruktyvius konfliktų prevencijos ir valdymo būdus. Magistro baigiamąjį darbą sudaro trys pagrindinės dalys. Pirmoje dalyje pristatoma teorinė konfliktų valdymo analizė ir pateikiama įvairių autorių nuomonės šia tema. Antra dalis pateikia SVO atlikto tyrimo aprašymą bei rezultatus. Trečioje dalyje įvardijamos konfliktų valdymo tobulinimo SVO programos. Darbo pabaigoje pateikiamos išvados bei pasiūlymai, kaip efektyviau panaudoti konfliktų valdymo strategijas. Vienos pagrindinių magistro baigiamojo darbo nuostatų yra pagrįstos įsitikinimas, jog konfliktai yra neatskiriama organizacijos egzistavimo dalimi, taigi organizacijos nariams nereikėtų jų vengti o tiesiog išmokti efektyviai juos valdyti, naudojant siūlomas programas. / The Master Thesis concerns the theme of conflict management in small business organizations. The goal of the work is to exhibit different approaches to the organizational conflict and to identify a broad set of methods and skills for analyzing conflicts and supporting people in finding the solutions they need. The research paper represents an innovative approach to the study of conflict. Organizational conflict is perceived and defined as being not a problem itself. Well managed conflict contributes to creativity, strategic initiative, more effective systems and communication, stronger workplace relationships and greater commitment to the organization. Organizations shouldn’t attempt to prevent conflict, but should instead focus energy on preventing unresolved or destructive conflict. Left unresolved or escalating destructively, conflict is expensive, both in financial and human terms. Some conflict costs are easily measured, such as time and salary loss, team members leaving the company, lack of information, grievances and related complaints. Effective conflict resolution systems, even in very small organizations, create opportunities for conflict to be identified and addressed early and constructively. Effective processes should emphasize collaboration and consensus-building early in the dispute, the use of mediation before grievances or litigation harden positions further, conflict resolution coaching by educated managers, and staff training that supports real behavior... [to full text]

<p>Agriculture and livestock production were the mainstay of the economies of many sub-Saharan African countries, including of Cameroon, in the 1970s. Things began to change with the discovery of petroleum products and natural minerals, and the push to industrialise. This led to a shift from agricultural production to other more &lsquo / beneficial&rsquo / sectors. In the 1990s there was an &lsquo / imposed&rsquo / liberalisation of the agricultural sector. This liberalisation was marked by a disengagement of most governments in developing countries from assisting agriculture. In Cameroon, disengagement was achieved by the promulgation of law No. 92/006 of 14th August 1992 and its decree of application No. 92/455/PM of 23rd November. This law encouraged the creation of common initiative groups which could independently pool their resources to increase agricultural production. Although there has been a shift to non-agricultural sectors in many sub-Saharan countries, on the whole, however, many rural areas in these nations have remained essentially agro-pastoral. nfortunately some rural areas, like Small Babanki in Cameroon, whose livelihoods are land-based are faced with soil erosion, population pressure and farmer/grazer conflicts which undermine the little economic gains made in these places. Rural-dwellers have resorted to several innovations to circumvent these constraints to agricultural production.</p>

This thesis interrogates the Matabeleland disturbances of 1980-1987 by analysing the conflict narratives promulgated by the ZANU-PF and how these narratives directly impacted the socio-political construction of violence that was enacted during that period. Of critical relevance is the interplay between the revolutionary narratives manufactured and imposed by the ZANU-PF regime and the myriad of contrasting, yet subjugated counter-narratives that were formulated as alternative resistances by the recipient communities. Through in-depth interview and document analysis methodologies, this research deconstructs the generative nature of scripted violence through the exploration of five salient themes employed by the ZANU-PF to produce its political meta-narrative: Ethnicity, Nationalism, Loyalty, Legitimacy and Unity. This study explores the power and function of narrative discourse in the formulation of ethnic identities, nation-state ordering, historical exclusion, political discipline, and social uniformity. The premise of this dissertation suggests that durable peace in Zimbabwe will only be realised to the degree that the silenced victims of the Matabeleland massacres are afforded a public voice and a sustained recognition in the historic, collective memory of that nation. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2009.