Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HellenaTM_DISSERT.pdf: 409224 bytes, checksum: 18e3c94d7180e135bd0fb12399b2ee7b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-12-13 / PETROBRAS, a Brazilian oil company, follows principles of public administration and from the Constitutional Amendment 9/95 in Brazil began to compete with other companies with the flexibility of the oil monopoly. In this new model started to use the simplified procedure for bidding so that could compete on equal terms. The ordinance that adopted a simplified procedure for bidding has been the subject of some criticism and lawsuits especially under the Court of Audit and the Supreme Court in Brazil. The analysis of their constitutionality, and the possibility of their use by other group companies is the theme of this work, and for this purpose, permeates through the notions of judicial review in the Brazilian law on the stage of law and economics analysis of the norm, and the principles applicable to PETROBRAS and the devices most frequently asked about the implementation of 2745/98 Decree. For this, the basic issue that should be investigated further is the regulatory power of the Federal Executive and the delegation of powers within the legislature and its conformation to the constitutional regency / A PETROBRAS segue princ?pios da Administra??o P?blica e a partir da Emenda Constitucional 9/95 passou a competir com outras empresas com a flexibiliza??o do monop?lio do petr?leo. Neste novo modelo passou a utilizar de procedimento simplificado de licita??o a fim de que pudesse concorrer em condi??es de igualdade. O decreto que aprovou um procedimento simplificado de licita??o vem sendo objeto de algumas cr?ticas e processos judiciais especialmente no ?mbito do Tribunal de Contas da Uni?o e do Supremo Tribunal Federal. A an?lise de sua constitucionalidade, bem como a possibilidade de sua utiliza??o por outras empresas do grupo ? o tema desta disserta??o que, para tanto, perpassa pelas no??es de controle de constitucionalidade no direito brasileiro no cen?rio da an?lise econ?mica da norma, bem como pelos princ?pios aplic?veis ? PETROBRAS e os dispositivos mais questionados acerca da aplica??o do Decreto 2745/98. Para tanto, o tema de fundo que ? aprofundado ? o poder normativo do Executivo Federal, bem como a delega??o de poderes no ?mbito do Legislativo e sua conforma??o ? norma constitucional de reg?ncia

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo uma adequada compreensão da decisão judicial acerca da inconstitucionalidade da norma no ordenamento jurídico erigido sob a Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, especialmente no que diz respeito às conseqüências da inconstitucionalidade da norma e à eficácia da decisão de inconstitucionalidade. A pesquisa desenvolvida é exploratória quanto a sua técnica e explicativa quanto a seu objetivo. É exploratória, porque busca no ordenamento jurídico, na jurisprudência e na doutrina instrumentos que permitam compreender o problema da norma inconstitucional e do controle jurisdicional da constitucionalidade das normas; é explicativa quanto a seu objetivo, pois busca compreender os fenômenos jurídicos envolvidos na decisão de inconstitucionalidade, identificando os fatores que determinam ou contribuem para a inconstitucionalidade da norma e para a definição das conseqüências desta inconstitucionalidade, buscando explicar adequadamente o fenômeno da inconstitucionalidade da norma, a fim de definir como esta inconstitucionalidade se reflete na própria norma e na decisão jurisdicional que a reconhece. Deste estudo, resulta que a jurisprudência e a doutrina afirmam, de forma predominante, a nulidade da norma inconstitucional e a eficácia declaratória e ex tunc da decisão de inconstitucionalidade, indicando, contudo, que, em determinados casos, é necessário mitigar essa concepção ou abrir exceções, a fim de preservar os efeitos jurídicos ou a eficácia da norma inconstitucional. Resulta, ainda, que o ordenamento jurídico erigido sob a Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, na medida em que consagra a supremacia e a rigidez da Constituição e se caracteriza por sua unidade e coerência, exige que a inconstitucionalidade da norma tenha como conseqüências sua invalidade — ipso jure e a partir do momento em que se verifica a inconstitucionalidade —, sua inexistência enquanto norma jurídica e sua ineficácia ― identificada esta com a incapacidade de incidir sobre os fatos e atribuir-lhes efeitos jurídicos ―, conduzindo determinando, ademais, à eficácia declaratória e ex tunc da decisão de inconstitucionalidade. Resulta, por fim, que as perplexidades apontadas por aqueles que se insurgem contra a concepção acerca da invalidade da norma inconstitucional são meramente aparentes e o próprio ordenamento jurídico possui meios para solucioná-las, sem que, para tanto, seja necessário atenuar ou abrir qualquer exceção em relação à invalidade da norma inconstitucional. O trabalho conduz, então, à conclusão de que, no ordenamento jurídico erigido sob a Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, a norma inconstitucional padece de invalidade, inexistência e ineficácia, características que se congregam na concepção acerca da nulidade da norma inconstitucional, e que a decisão de inconstitucionalidade possui eficácia declaratória e ex tunc, sendo que essa concepção pode ser aplicada em todo e qualquer caso, sem que seja necessário mitigá-la ou excepcioná-la. / This work intends to provide an accurate understanding of court decisions declaring the unconstitutionality of legal rules under the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, especially in what regards the consequences of the unconstitutionality and the efficacy of the decision on unconstitutionality. The study is exploratory as to its method and explicative as to its objective. It is exploratory because it seeks within the legal system, case law and doctrine, instruments which allow for an understanding of what an unconstitutional rule might be while providing an account of the constitutionality control by courts; it is explicative as to its objective because it endeavors to comprehend the legal phenomena related to the declaration of unconstitutionality by identifying the determinant or contributive factors to a rule's unconstitutionality and its consequences, seeking to explain accurately this event in order to determine how it reflects on the rule itself and on the court decision that acknowledges its unconstitutionality. It turns out that the majority of both case law and doctrine considers the unconstitutional rule invalid and the effects of its court declaration to be backdated to the moment the statute was passed, indicating that in some cases it is necessary to mitigate such conception and open exceptions so as to sustain unconstitutional rule’s juridical effects. In fact, as 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil provides for the supremacy and rigidity of the Constitution, which is characterized by its cohesion and coherence, it follows that the consequences of the unconstitutionality of a rule are its invalidity – ipso iure, as from its verification – its inexistence as legal rule and its inefficacy (understood as the ability of applying to facts, in such a way as to generate legal effects), further determining the unconstitutionality decision’s declaratory and backdated efficacy. Finally, the study concludes that the problems identified by those who argue against the thesis of the invalidity of the unconstitutional rule are only apparent since the legal system itself has means to solve those problems in such a way that it is not necessary to mitigate or to open any exception to the thesis that an unconstitutional rule is invalid. The study leads to the conclusion that, within 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, the unconstitutional rule is invalid, inexistent and ineffective, which are all characteristics located within the scope of a void rule, and that court decisions on the unconstitutionality of a legal rule have declaratory and backdated efficacy, which conclusion is applicable to every single case of court decisions on a rule's unconstitutionality, since there is no need for mitigation or exception.

Název práce v anglickém jazyce: The model of constitutional judiciary in the Czech republic My Master's degree thesis deals with the constitutional judiciary model in the Czech republic. The aim of my work is mainly to describe the present functional Czech judicial control of constitutionality, give a short insight into it's history and briefly mention models of constitutional judiciary of some other countries. Besides the introduction and the conclusion the thesis consists of four parts (or chapters). In the first chapter of my work I am defining the terms: "control of constitutionality" and "constitutional judiciary" and I am writing about the history and development of constitutional judiciary on our teritory from the Habsburg monarchy till the present Constitutional Court existing from 1993. The second chapter is dealing with models of constitutional judiciary in general and shortly tries to describe it's adjustment in the neighboring countries of Germany, Austria, Poland and Slovakia. The constitutional judiciary in these states is very similar to the Czech model. To mention at least one different model I am offering a short excursion into the American "judicial review". The main part of the thesis shows the current resemblance of the constitutional judiciary in the Czech republic: it's...

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_fernanda_adriano.pdf: 1265916 bytes, checksum: d81022bfc1254fd912c6578ef3e9d342 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-07-22 / The paper reports the performance of the National Council of Justice in the Constitutional Jurisdiction, as it is in the concentrated contrai of constitutionality as one of the legitimized to the proposition of the direct action of unconstitutionality, as it is in the diffuse contrai of constitutionality, judging, in their administrative decisions, the compatibility of laws and normative acts with the Constitution. The study began with the theme of the Constitutional Jurisdiction, its historical evolution and characteristics concerned to the contrai of constitutionality , this understood as one of the essential tools for the practical development and the attainment of the ideas that drive modern constitutionalism. Looking for a different approach, under the point of view of democratic legitimacy of constitutional jurisdiction. Thus, it starts with the central idea of the constitutional jurisdiction as valid means of to guarantee the fundamental rights and defense of the democratic procedure. It will be analyzed, as well, the history of the Councils, making a comparison between such councils and the structure, composition, functioning and powers of the National Council of Justice. Finally, evaluating the modalities, the procedure and the peculiarities of the Brazilian constitutional contrai, it is proposed to include both the National Council of Justice on the list of legitimate of the art. 103 of the Federal Constitution, for the commencement of direct actions of constitutional contrai, as the recognition of the possibility of supervision within their decisions, indirectly, the constitutionality of laws and normative acts. Study based on doctrinal and jurisprudential data / o trabalho versa sobre a atuação do Conselho Nacional de Justiça na Jurisdição Constitucional, seja no âmbito do controle concentrado de constitucionalidade, como um dos legitimados para a propositura da ação direta de inconstitucionalidade, seja no âmbito do controle difuso de constituclonalidade, apreciando, em suas decisões administrativas, a compatibilidade de leis e atos normativos com a Constituição Federal. O estudo se inicia pelo tema da Jurisdição Constitucional, sua evolução histórica e as especificidades apresentadas em relação ao controle de constitucional idade, este entendido como um dos instrumentos essenciais para o desenvolvimento prático e para a concretização das idéias que movimentam o constitucionalismo moderno. Busca-se um enfoque diferente, sob o ponto de vista da legitimidade democrática da jurisdição constitucional. Assim, parte-se da idéia central da jurisdição constitucional como verdadeiro instrumento de garantia dos direitos fundamentais e de defesa do procedimento democrático. Será analisada, também, a história dos Conselhos de Justiça, tecendo-se um comparativo entre tais Conselhos e a estrutura, a composição, o funcionamento e as atribuições do Conselho Nacional de Justiça. Por fim, avaliando as modalidades, o procedimento e as peculiaridades do controle de constitucionalidade brasileiro, propõe-se tanto a inclusão do Conselho Nacional de Justiça no rol de legitimados do art. 103, da Constituição Federal, para a propositura das ações diretas de controle de constitucionalidade, quanto o reconhecimento da possibilidade de fiscalização, no âmbito de suas decisões, de forma incidental, da constitucionalidade de leis e atos normativos. Estudo baseado em dados doutrinários e jurisprudenciais

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 jose_adrice_paz_junior.pdf: 48532030 bytes, checksum: 99880981627261a4042b64cf98bc10ee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-04 / The changes in society reflect the mode of perception of Constitutional Law and the form of adjudication. Some of these changes require formal amendments of the Constitution, others modify the standard without modifying the text. This occurs through the process of constitutional mutation. The control of constitutionality does not escape the effects of the mutation, allowing, in the case of Brazil, the emergence of a complex control system, adding to the classic forms new possibilities, allowing also the participation of various entities in constitutional interpretation. However, these new changes were not able to overcome the significant role of the Senate in control of constitutionality, and this is due to the recognition of democratic values ​​present in the Brazilian state. / As mudanças ocorridas na sociedade refletem no modo de percepção do Direito Constitucional e na forma de prestação jurisdicional. Algumas dessas modificações requerem alterações formais do texto constitucional; outras, modificam a norma sem modificação do texto. Isto ocorre por meio do processo de mutação constitucional. O controle de constitucionalidade não escapa aos efeitos da mutação, permitindo, no caso do Brasil, o surgimento de um complexo sistema de controle, adicionando às clássicas formas novas possibilidades, permitindo, ainda, a participação de entidades variadas na interpretação constitucional. Contudo, estas novas alterações não foram capazes de se sobrepor ao relevante papel do Senado Federal no controle de constitucionalidade, e isto se deve ao reconhecimento de valores democráticos presentes no Estado brasileiro.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 louise_dantas_andrade.pdf: 1539012 bytes, checksum: e74a6da2f0d87b1ab6a7f098c245e622 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-15 / The judicial review was criticized since it was created on the grounds that represent an empowerment of the judiciary in comparison to other government institutions, especially regarding the exercise of the power to remove from the law any rule that "supposedly" is defying the constitution, on the basis of fundamental rights protection and with the scope to prevent a tyranny of the majority. The judicial review is defended by legal philosophers and questioned by political philosophers, among them, Jeremy Waldron, which rejects the use of judicial review arguing the equality of citizens that should, by themselves or through their representatives, discuss and resolve disagreements. In Brazil, the concrete judicial review portrays the empowerment of the judiciary, since the constitutional amendment n. 45/2004 created a filter of general repercussion subsequently regulated in 2006, gives the Brazilian Supreme Court the power to select which cases will be analyzed through the appeals. These choices can be explained by agenda-setting theory, which provides hypothesis of explanation of any changes in the political agenda from its suitability to the agenda of its recipients. Thus, we applied these theories to the Brazilian judicial review in order to identify the existence of a selective behavior in Brazilian Supreme Court towards the procedure of case selection (repercussão geral) and saw which subjects tended to be accepted by the court, verifying finally if this kind of selection bias seeks to the protection of fundamental rights and the tyranny of the majority s prevention. Therefore, we designed a database with all the appeals that had the repercussão geral recognized since 2006, and used descriptive statistics to confirm the court's selectivity and to check the tendency of the court to recognize the general implications of the processes that result some kind of budgetary impact, making the Supreme Court almost a filter for of government agencies future expenses, and showing a lack of commitment to the protection of fundamental rights. / A revisão judicial, desde sua criação, se tornou alvo de diversas críticas principalmente no que se refere a sua necessidade por representar o empoderamento do poder judiciário que passa a ter a prerrogativa de retirar do ordenamento jurídico qualquer norma que supostamente esteja afrontando a constituição, tudo com base no discurso de proteção dos direitos fundamentais e de evitar uma tirania da maioria. Apesar de polêmico, esse instituto é defendido pelos filósofos jurídicos e questionado pelos filósofos políticos, dentre eles, Jeremy Waldron, o qual repudia a utilização da revisão judicial por afrontar a igualdade dos cidadãos que deveriam por si, ou através dos seus representantes, discutir e solucionar os desacordos. No Brasil, o controle concreto de constitucionalidade retrata bem o empoderamento do poder judiciário, uma vez que a emenda constitucional n. 45/2004 criou o filtro da repercussão geral regulamentado posteriormente em 2006, o qual limita a apreciação dos recursos com base em conceitos jurídicos indeterminados, possibilitando a escolha pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal dos recursos que serão julgados. Essa possibilidade de escolha pode ser explicada pela teoria do agendamento (agenda-setting), que prevê a hipótese de alteração da agenda política a partir da transferência de saliência da agenda do público. Assim, foram aplicadas tais teorias ao controle concreto brasileiro, no intuito de identificar no comportamento do Supremo Tribunal Federal a existência de um comportamento seletivo em relação aos processos, bem como verificar quais assuntos tendem a ter sua repercussão geral reconhecida, verificando-se por fim se esse tipo de revisão judicial atende aos aspectos justificadores de proteção dos direitos fundamentais e prevenção de uma tirania da maioria. Para tanto, foi elaborado um banco de dados com todos os recursos que tiveram a repercussão geral reconhecida desde 2006, ao qual se aplicou o método da estatística descritiva, comprovando-se a seletividade do tribunal no que se refere a apreciação dos recursos, e ainda verificando-se a tendência do tribunal de reconhecer a repercussão geral dos processos que ensejem algum tipo de impacto orçamentário, tornando o Supremo Tribunal Federal quase um filtro de despesas dos entes governamentais, e sugerindo o descompromisso da corte com a proteção dos direitos fundamentais, ao menos nesse tipo de revisão judicial.

Magister Legum - LLM / In societies emerging from segregation or division based on the biological factors of race and/ or colour, the centrality (or lack thereof) of race and colour within those legal systems plays a critical role in the progression and transformation of such societies. South Africa is one such society where race was the dividing criterion which saw the population ‘be[ing] turned into races through social practices [during] apartheid….’1 The post-amble to South Africa’s Interim Constitution2 states that the document was to form a: [H]istoric bridge between the past of a deeply divided society…and a future founded on the recognition of human rights, democracy and peaceful co-existence and development opportunities for all South Africans, irrespective of colour [and] race…. Le Roux asserts that the late Didcott J in Azapo v The President of the Republic ofSouth Africa3 believed that the metaphor of this bridge ‘implied an absolute break between the old and the new’, a transformation that was meant to be achieved by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).4 Established by section 2 of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act5 (PNURA) the TRC was mandated with ‘promot[ing] national unity and reconciliation…which transcends the conflicts and divisions of the past ….’6 This, as it was envisioned, would facilitate the transition that the Republic was making [from parliamentary sovereignty] into ‘democratic constitutionalism’.7 However, the failing of the TRC in achieving this has not only been seen in scholarly articles to that effect, but also within the argument that the ‘new’ constitutional dispensation is nothing more than the continuation of the previous regime masked only with a different face.8 The retention of racial classification gives prima facie credence to this belief. Adopted into the legal system through the Populations Registration Act of 1950 (PRA), racial classification would thenceforth play a decisive role in the lived experiences of ordinary South Africans.9 The PRA would ‘establish race as a domain of knowledge independent of any particular training or expertise, based on the ordinary experience of racial difference, which ranked whiteness as its apex.’10 This lack of knowledge associated with racially classifying people has resulted in what has been coined the ‘common sense’ approach.11 This approach deems it common sense that one can automatically classify what race another belongs to without having any pre-existing knowledge on how to classify or what the blood lineage of the person being classified was. Initially the categories comprised of ‘White’, ‘Native’ and ‘Coloured’ (with Indians being deemed a subset of the latter)12 however, with the passage of time the categories now reflect as ‘White’, ‘Black’ (or ‘African’), and ‘Coloured’, with ‘Indian’ now being a separate category.13 There has also been the inclusion of the category of ‘Other’14 with ‘Asian’ making intermittent appearances. With the advent of the new constitutional dispensation which focused on achieving national unity and the reconstruction of society,15

Over the last few decades our society has moved towards restricting where sexual offenders can live, work, and overall congregate. This issue has been the focus of great public attention due to the media's role in bringing these offenders to the light. Whether it is through the news, movies, TV series, books, talk shows, newspapers articles, etc., these offenders are constantly being talked about. Every body of government in the United States has moved towards implementing restrictions that are aimed at keeping sex offenders away from places where they are considered a potential danger. However, what it is not talked about is that in efforts to limit where sex offenders can live and work to ensure the safety of our society; we are isolating these offenders and hindering their reintegration into our society. By isolating sexual offenders from our society we are doing more harm than good because we are discriminating and not working to fit the needs of each individual offender. One size does not fit all. The intent of this thesis is to explore sexual offender legal restrictions, treatment, case law, constitutionality of these laws and to compare Florida's approach towards restriction of sexual offenders with other states. Through the analysis of case law and statutes, recidivism rates, and treatment options this thesis will evaluate what different approaches should be taken towards aiding the reintegration of sexual offenders into our society. This thesis will provide background information on sexual offenders, compare legal restrictions among states, give an analysis of sexual offender websites, and provide recommendations to a better approach in treating sexual offenders. By raising awareness to the unfairness of treatment of sexual offenders, this thesis aims to open a new gateway to determine more successful ways to rehabilitate sexual offenders.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Renata E Silva.pdf: 1059542 bytes, checksum: 81c1aedf8229381c28649668770e3655 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-03 / The present work aims at analyzing the judicial decisions in control of constitutionality of the tax norms. The analysis will be elaborated from the theory of how the judicial decision is processed, decision premises, limit and construction of the applier of the law of the of the concrete norm of judicial decision. Afterwards, through the very decisions uttered in constitutionality control from Federal Supreme Court, pragmatic will be analyzed. The whole theory and practical development in the work will be accomplished in agreement with the Theory of the Language as construction of the Law in its syntactic, semantic and pragmatic aspects / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar as decisões judiciais em controle de constitucionalidade das normas tributárias. A análise será elaborada partindo da teoria de como se processa a decisão judicial, as premissas decisórias, o limite e a construção do aplicador do direito da norma concreta de decisão judicial. Para só após analisar a pragmática, através das próprias decisões proferidas em controle de constitucionalidade no âmbito no Supremo Tribunal Federal. Todo o desenvolvimento da teoria e da prática do trabalho será realizado de acordo com a Teoria da Linguagem como construção do direito em seus aspectos sintáticos, semânticos e pragmáticos

[pt] O modelo de controle de constitucionalidade francês, devido à sua especificidade, serviu por anos como exemplo do único sistema no qual o exame de compatibilidade entre normas infraconstitucionais e o texto da Constituição era realizado pelo Conselho Constitucional - órgão político - e de maneira preventiva, ou seja, antes das disposições legislativas entrarem em vigor e produzirem efeitos. Com o passar do tempo verificou-se na prática, a perda da supremacia da Constituição da República Francesa de 1958, como resultado da ausência de proteção a direitos e liberdades constitucionais. Por este motivo, no final dos anos 80 operadores do direito começaram a se mobilizar e a vislumbrar uma proposta de mudança e reforma. Em 2008 foi aprovada uma Lei Constitucional, que tem status de Emenda Constitucional, com o intuito de modernizar as instituições políticas da França. Dentre as medidas modernizadoras estava incluída a criação da Questão Prioritária de Constitucionalidade, mecanismo que tem como principal objetivo conferir aos particulares a prerrogativa de contestarem a constitucionalidade de uma disposição legislativa que julguem atentar contra direitos e liberdades garantidos constitucionalmente. Esta pesquisa analisou os fatores que antecederam e influenciaram a reforma supracitada, além das consequências e dos efeitos gerados pela introdução da QPC no ordenamento jurídico francês. / [en] The French system of constitutional review is very specific and was used for years as an example of the only system in which the compatibility exam between laws and the Constitution was performed by the Constitutional Council - which is a politic institution - preventively. In other words, this exam happened before the legal provisions come into force and take effect. As a result of the lack of protection of the constitutional rights and freedoms, the French Constitution was gradually losing its supremacy. That is why jurists during the 80 s started to discuss a proposal of change and reform. When in 2008, a constitutional amendment was approved, creating a mechanism which gave individuals the right to contest the constitutionality of whichever legal provision they deemed to be violating their constitutional rights and freedoms. This research examined the factors that preceded and influenced the reform, and above all the effects and consequences generated by the Priority Question of Constitutionality in French Law.