Partant de la réputation naïve, colorée et digressive de La Conquête de Constantinople de Robert de Clari, ce mémoire propose une analyse méthodique de ce récit en prose vernaculaire de la quatrième croisade de façon à en circonscrire les moments de continuité et de rupture. En fonction de plusieurs facteurs, dont leurs formules d’introduction et de clôture, leur rapport au temps de la croisade, leur longueur relative ainsi que leur positionnement dans l’économie globale du texte, les épisodes divergents sont identifiés puis analysés en travaillant lestement avec trois caractéristiques fondamentales de la digression plutôt qu’avec une définition nucléaire du concept, ce qui permet de discerner des degrés de digressif et d’offrir un panorama nuancé de l’oeuvre. Afin d’adopter un regard plus large sur le phénomène de la digression, quatre autres récits de croisade sont étudiés, et tous, qu’ils soient écrits en prose ou en vers, en français ou en latin, sont à leur façon coupables de s’être laissés emporter par leur sujet dans des excursus qui trahissent la personnalité et les convictions de leur auteur. Tout comme Clari, Villehardouin, l’auteur de l’Estoire de la guerre sainte, Eudes de Deuil et Albert d’Aix laissent entrevoir leur propre histoire lorsque celle qu’ils mettent à l’écrit s’égare de la droite voie de sa narration. Les digressions contenues dans les récits de croisade constituent ainsi une fenêtre privilégiée sur l’histoire des mentalités du Moyen Âge central, une mine d’informations qui ne peut être adéquatement exploitée que par les efforts conjoints de l’histoire et de la littérature. / Taking the naïve, colorful and digressive reputation of Robert de Clari’s La Conquête de Constantinople as a starting point, this master’s thesis presents a methodical study of this vernacular prose account of the Fourth Crusade in order to determine where the narration flows and where it breaks. Divergent episodes are identified with respect to their introductory and closing formulas, their relationship to the time of the crusade, their relative length as well as their positioning in the general arrangement of the text. Based on a loose understanding of three characteristics that are fundamental to digression as opposed to an univocal definition of the concept, they are then analysed in terms of degrees of digressiveness, thus offering a nuanced picture of the work. To allow a broader outlook on the phenomenon of digression, four more crusade narratives are studied, and all of them, whether written in French or in Latin, in prose or in verse, are guilty of getting carried away by their subject in excursus that betray their author’s interests and personality. Just like Robert, Villehardouin, the author of the Estoire de la guerre sainte, Odo of Deuil and Albert of Aachen all let their own story supersede the one they are writing in those moments where the narration goes astray. The digressions found in crusade narratives are thus privileged access points to the history of high-medieval mentalities, a fertile field whose fruits must be harvested by the joint efforts of both history and literature.

Ce travail a pour objet l’image de l’autre dans les textes des voyageurs latins en Cilicie, Syrie-Palestine et Égypte du XIIe au début du XVe siècle. La rencontre directe entre chrétiens d’Occident et chrétiens d’Orient altère en effet progressivement les représentations occidentales antérieures. Les attitudes des auteurs varient selon leur statut et selon les trajectoires propres à chacun. Après une présentation des conditions de production des œuvres, mettant en évidence les thématiques présidant à la rencontre avec les chrétiens d’Orient, cette étude analyse le discours latin sur l’altérité orientale. Ce dernier résulte de la confrontation entre observations et représentations et se construit entre la curiosité pour une réalité nouvelle porteuse d’exotisme, et l’élaboration d’une double rhétorique du rejet et de l’assimilation de chrétiens considérés à la jonction d’enjeux géopolitiques, dans le contexte des croisades, et d’enjeux religieux, dans le double contexte de la politique d’union pontificale et du prolongement de la réforme monastique. L’intégration des Églises orientales à la culture occidentale suppose alors d’articuler unité et diversité au sein même de la chrétienté. L’analyse du rapport des Latins à la Terre sainte, entre « géographie sacrée » et géographie réelle, des discours croisé, missionnaire et pèlerin sur la diversité et de leurs réactions à celle-ci permet enfin de mesurer l’impact de la rencontre avec les chrétiens orientaux, dans leur dissemblance et leur similitude, sur l’idée de chrétienté. / This research aims at analysing the representation of otherness in the writings of Latin travellers in Cilicia, Syria Palestine and Egypt from the 12th century to the early 15th century. Close encounters between Western Christians and Eastern Christians gradually changed the previous representations of the former, while the attitudes of the writers depended on their status and the respective career paths. After presenting the conditions in which the works were written and underlining the themes and issues that were tackled during the encounters with Eastern Christians, this research analyses the Latin discourse on Eastern otherness, the construction of which results from the confrontation between observation and representation. Curiosity for a new exotic reality went along with a double-edged rhetoric of rejection and assimilation of Eastern Christians, as the stakes were both geopolitical – in the context of the Crusades – and religious – with the policy of pontifical union and the continuation of the monastic reform. Integrating Eastern churches into Western culture thus meant conciliating unity and diversity with Christianity. Analysing the relationships of Latin people with the Holy Land – between biblical and actual geography – as well as the discourses of crusaders, missionaries and pilgrims on diversity and their various reactions to it allows one to measure the impact of the encounter with Eastern Christians on the idea of Christianity.

La thèse propose une nouvelle édition critique du corpus lyrique du troubadour Guilhem Figueira (BdT 217), originaire de Toulouse mais actif principalement en Italie du Nord dans la première moitié du XIIIe siècle. Poète représentatif du climat historique et culturel toulousain à l’époque de la croisade contre les Albigeois, protagoniste de la diaspora de poètes et intellectuels et membre d’un cercle idéal de troubadours frédériciens, Figueira nous a laissé une chanson d’amour, deux sirventes contre la papauté de Rome et les faux clergés, deux sirventes pour Frédéric II et deux chansons de croisade. Il échangea aussi deux coblas et une tenson avec Aimeric de Peguilhan (BdT 10). Par rapport à l’édition de référence (Emil Levy, 1880) on a inclus une cobla esparsa anonyme contre Sordel (BdT 437) conservé dans le chansonnier P ; par contre, on a décidé de ne pas accueillir les deux pièces qui lui sont attribuées par le chansonnier a2. On a fourni une étude de la tradition manuscrite, qui compte aujourd’hui cinq nouveaux témoins, avec une mise à jour de la bibliographie ; une étude des thèmes, de la métrique et de la langue de Figueira, une traduction des pièces en italien et un commentaire ponctuel des textes ; un glossaire complet et deux annexes (l’édition du sirventes BdT 217.4a qu’on n’a pas jugé authentique mais qui sert pour l’interprétation d’une autre poésie et les premiers résultats d’une recherche sur Emil Levy éditeur de troubadours, avec l’édition de neuf lettres qu’il envoya à Ernesto Monaci entre 1879 et 1887 et que nous avons trouvé à Rome). / The thesis proposes a new critical edition of the lyric production by Guilhem Figueira (BdT 217), who was born in Toulouse and active during the first half of the XIIIth century, mainly in Northern Italy. Figueira’s corpus is representative of the historical and cultural climate in Toulouse during the Albigensian crusade; he was himself a protagonist of the diaspora of poets and intellectuals and a member of an ideal circle of Friderician troubadours. He left a love song, two sirventes against the papacy and the false clergy, two sirventes for Frederic II and two crusade songs. He also exchanged two coblas and one tenson with Aimeric de Peguilhan (BdT 10). In comparison with the critical edition by Emil Levy (1880), we have included an anonymous cobla esparsa against Sordel (BdT 437), preserved by the chansonnier P; on the other hand, we have decided not to accept two other poems assigned to him by a2. The thesis opens with a study of the tradition, which today includes five new witnesses, with an update of the bibliography; we have provided a study of themes, metric and language of Figueira, an Italian translation and a punctual commentary of the poems; a complete glossary and two appendices (the edition of sirventes BdT 217.4a, which we considered inauthentic but helpful to the correct interpretation of another poem; and the first results of a research on Emil Levy editor of troubadours, with the edition of nine letters he sent to Ernesto Monaci between 1879 and 1887 that we have found in Rome).

The oral traditions in the Islamic world presented only the moral benefits of Jihad. Yet, the fact is that, though the moral benefits continued to exist before and after the First Crusade, though the interest seemed to have been present and the necessary intellectual theories continued on, Muslims did not advance the practical Jihad. Nonetheless, the disastrous Second Crusade struck a powerful chord among Muslims. It forced Muslims to battle for their very survival, and to do so they would have to adapt, but equally they could only survive by drawing on their imperial inheritance built up over centuries. A number of concerns identified with the “golden age” of the Islamic empire influenced the Jihad movements for Muslims associated the imperial traditions with Islam itself. Given the examples of the First and Second Crusades, this study proposes that the idea of “Islamic Empire” constituted Muslims’ practical response to the crusades.

L’idée de la croisade reste présente toute au long du XIVe siècle comme bien le prouvent les projets écrits durant le siècle. Les théoriciens de la croisade décrivent minutieusement les mesures à suivre pour récupérer la Terre sainte. Deux éléments sont nécessaires pour pouvoir entreprendre une nouvelle expédition : la paix entre les princes chrétiens et l’union de l’Église. Au XIVe siècle, un transfert s’opère naturellement, et le mouvement de recuperatio de la Terre sainte se projette contre les ennemis les plus proches de la chrétienté, faisant de toute guerre contre le Turc une guerre sainte. À partir de la deuxième moitié du XIVe siècle, la diplomatie joue un rôle crucial dans la prédication de la croisade. Dans ce contexte idéologique, à l’appel du roi de Hongrie, Sigismond de Luxembourg, les puissances chrétiennes tentent de se coaliser pour arrêter l’avancée ottomane en Europe, mais elles sont défaites à Nicopolis, en 1396. Pour la chevalerie française, la campagne était une opportunité de montrer sa vaillance, mais pour elle la croisade prend une allure de chevauchée plutôt que de guerre sainte. / The idea of the crusade remains present throughout the course of the XIVth century as evidenced by the many projects written during the century. The authors describe in detail the steps to follow to recover the Holy Land. Two elements are needed to undertake a new expedition: peace between Christian princes and church union. In the fourteenth century, a transfer takes place naturally, and the movement of recuperatio of the Holy Land is projected against the closest enemies of the Christianity: the Turks. From the second half of the fourteenth century, diplomacy plays a crucial role in the preaching of the crusade. A new Crusade is preached, at urging of Sigismund of 4 Luxembourg the Hungarian king, and the Christian powers are trying to unite to stop the Ottoman advance in Europe, but they were defeated at Nicopolis in 1396. For the French chivalry, the campaign was an opportunity to show his courage but for them the crusade was a ride and a quest of personal glory rather than holy war.

This study offers a look at the ways in which discourse shaped by the contemporary Israel-Palestine conflict serves as a framework for modern historiography on Palestine. It focuses specifically on the variety of historical narratives proffered as to the “truth” of the Crusade period in Palestine, roughly the eleventh through the thirteenth centuries, and their mobilization in political agendas through the Zionist-Crusader analogy. This comparison, a historical analogy likening Zionists to Frankish Crusaders or the State of Israel to the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, appears frequently in contemporary dialogue on the Israel-Palestine conflict; it comes from a diverse range of sources and for a variety of political ends, showing that the politicization of history of the contested land is a widespread phenomenon that is limited neither to academic nor political circles. Furthermore, this study argues that common national, religious, or ethnic identities do not guarantee common political conclusions or agreement on the “facts” of the Crusader past. On a broader level, this study investigates the theoretical underpinnings of national histories and their employment as political devices in nationalist movements, as well as explores the role of individual agency in creating and deploying nationalist historical narratives within the framework of the Zionist-Crusader analogy. In the specific context of the Israel-Palestine conflict and the modern State of Israel, this theoretical component focuses primarily on applications of Crusade history to supporting or challenging contemporary political-religious claims to the land of Israel-Palestine.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. Communication, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains [1], v, 71 p. : ill. Includes bibliographical references (p. 62-67).

La Prise d’Alexandrie est une chronique rimée retraçant les exploits de Pierre Ier de Lusignan (1328-1369), roi de Chypre et de Jérusalem, nouveau Godefroy de Bouillon ; elle a été composée par Guillaume de Machaut vers 1370, peu après le meurtre de Pierre Ier ; ce régicide avait soulevé une très vive émotion en Occident, en particulier en France, qui connaissait par ailleurs une grave crise. Cette chronique, à la fois récit historique, épopée, éloge posthume, hagiographie, poème lyrique, est la dernière oeuvre d’un auteur connu etre connu ; on peut considérer cette biographie royale comme le testament de Guillaume de Machaut, le couronnement de son oeuvre. La Prise d’Alexandrie est le récit d’une croisade, une croisade qui ne se vit plus sur les champs de bataille, mais qui se joue dans les cours royales et papales ; une croisade qui ne se vit plus, mais qui se dit ; une croisade qui se marchande aussi ; une croisade menée par un poète : Machaut a en effet composé ici une véritable satire de son siècle.A travers notre travail, nous souhaitons faire découvrir ou redécouvrir cette oeuvre mal connue ; nous fournissons, avec le texte original et sa traduction, la description des manuscrits, une présentation de l’auteur et de son oeuvre, une étude littéraire et une analyse linguistique du texte, des notes critiques, un glossaire, un index des noms propres, la liste des proverbes et expressions, une chronologie des événements et une bibliographie sélective. / The Take of Alexandria is a rhymed narrative which recounts the exploits of Peter I of Lusignan, kingof Cyprus and Jerusalem, new Godefrey of Bouillon ; it was written by Guillaume de Machaut around 1370, justafter Peter’s murder; this murder moved deeply the French people, and the West, which was moreover in crisis.This chronicle, at the same time historical, epic, eulogistic, hagiographic, lyric, was wrotten by a known andrecognized author at the end of his life: this royal biography can be considered as his testament, a crowning ofhis works. The Take of Alexandria is the story of a crusade, a crusade not anymore on battlefields, but in royaland papal courts; not in acts anymore, but in words; a crusade which overshadows the trades exchanges too; thecrusade of a poet: Machaut composed here a real satire of his time.Through our study, we hope to discover or rediscover this underrated work; we will provide original text andtranslation, descriptions of the manuscripts, a biography of the author and a presentation of his work, a literaryreview and a linguistic study, critical notes, a glossary, an index, a list of proverbs, a count on historical events,and a comprehensive bibliography.

128f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-17T17:24:07Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao Celio Araujo parte 2seg.pdf: 5276315 bytes, checksum: 3dae5c605950d67928021472bb7734e7 (MD5) Dissertacao Celio Araujo parte 1seg.pdf: 4824480 bytes, checksum: 46ce964739912e2a3d9fc13eb08e19b0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-24T11:35:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao Celio Araujo parte 2seg.pdf: 5276315 bytes, checksum: 3dae5c605950d67928021472bb7734e7 (MD5) Dissertacao Celio Araujo parte 1seg.pdf: 4824480 bytes, checksum: 46ce964739912e2a3d9fc13eb08e19b0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-24T11:35:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao Celio Araujo parte 2seg.pdf: 5276315 bytes, checksum: 3dae5c605950d67928021472bb7734e7 (MD5) Dissertacao Celio Araujo parte 1seg.pdf: 4824480 bytes, checksum: 46ce964739912e2a3d9fc13eb08e19b0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Este trabalho versa sobre a atuação política da Igreja Católica baiana durante a conjuntura do Golpe civil-militar de 1964. Tendo como balizas cronológicas os anos de 1962 e 1964, a pesquisa se propõe a investigar os discursos e as ações da Instituição, em volta de três fatos que mobilizaram a Bahia naquele período: as eleições gerais de 1962, a realização da Cruzada do Rosário em Família em Salvador, e a efetivação do Golpe de 1964. Procurando analisar a participação da Igreja nestes três eventos, objetivamos compreender o posicionamento e as relações da Instituição com o campo político baiano e com o Golpe de 1964, que ocorreram mediante a intensa produção de um imaginário anticomunista. / Salvador

This thesis examines the reinvention of jihād ideology in twelfth‑century al‑Shām. In modern scholarship there is a tendency to speak of a revival of jihād in the twelfth century, but discussion of this revival has been dominated by study of the practice of jihād rather than of the ideology of jihād. This thesis addresses this imbalance by studying two twelfth‑century Damascene works: the Kitāb al‑jihād (Book of Jihād) of ʿAlī b. Ṭāhir al‑Sulamī (d. 500/1106), and the al‑Arbaʿūn ḥadīthan fī al‑ḥathth ʿala al‑jihād (Forty Hadiths for Inciting Jihād) of Abū al‑Qāsim Ibn ʿAsākir (d. 571/1176). Through discussion of these texts, this thesis sheds light on twelfth‑century perceptions of jihād by asking what their authors meant when they referred to jihād, and how their perceptions of jihād related to the broader Islamic discourse on jihād. A holistic approach is taken to these works; they are discussed not only in the context of the 'master narrative' of jihād, wherein juristic sources have been privileged over other non‑legal genres and corpora, but also in the context of the Sufi discourse of jihād al‑nafs, and the earliest traditions on jihād which thrived from the eighth century onwards on the Muslim‑Byzantine frontier. This thesis argues that both al‑Sulamī and Ibn ʿAsākir integrated elements from these different traditions of jihād in order to create models of jihād suited to their own political contexts, and that it is only in the context of a more nuanced appreciation of jihād ideology that their attempts can be properly understood. At the same time, this thesis argues against the model of the 'counter‑crusade', which holds that the revival of jihād began in earnest only in the middle of the twelfth century, by stressing that there was no delay between the arrival of the Franks and attempts to modify jihād ideology.