This thesis explores and examines the concept of the threefold Word of God in the theology of Karl Barth, particularly the third form of the Word of God, the gospel proclamation, and argues that this tertiary form of the Word of God is central to Barth’s own theology of the church. This thesis argues that Karl Barth revised the concept of the threefold Word of God in the later volumes of the Church Dogmatics, but did not seek to reject the concept nor reject Christ’s presence and God’s speech in the gospel declaration and in the life of the Christian community. This thesis argues that the threefold Word of God is a crucial element in Karl Barth’s vision of the church and an important theme for the whole of his theological project. Disregarded by the field of Barth studies and rejected by modern ecclesiologists, Barth’s description of the gospel declaration and its central role in the life together of the Christian community offers an important ecclesiological alternative to carry forward for both Reformed theology and modern ecclesiology. This dissertation makes three significant contributions. First, this thesis is the first of its kind to engage comprehensively with Karl Barth’s concept of the threefold Word of God and to make clear its later revision. Second, this dissertation offers a review of the contemporary scholarly literature related to Barth’s revision of the threefold Word of God, and addresses the theological and ecclesiological implications of this revision. Third, this dissertation makes a contribution to the fields of Barth studies and contemporary ecclesiology by arguing for the central place of the third form of the Word of God in Karl Barth’s conception of the Christian community.

Syftet med studien är att ta del av erfarenheterna bland några elever på introduktionsprogrammet som inte nått målen för årskurs 9 i svenska i grundskolan. Studien skulle ge svar på bland annat hur eleverna upplevt skolans försök att hjälpa dem nå målen. Andra frågor som skulle besvaras var om eleverna hade egna funderingar kring vad skolan kunde ha gjort för att främja lärandet, om de känt sig inkluderade och delaktiga samt om de hade övriga erfarenheter från grundskoletiden som har varit av betydelse för dem. En kvalitativ metod användes och genom livsberättelser framkom de vuxna informanternas erfarenheter. Två intervjuer genomfördes med de tre deltagarna. Resultatet visar att trots skolans insatser så nåddes inte målen. Informanterna anser att skolan hade kunnat göra mera genom att ge dem bekräftelse, lyssna på dem, ge dem mera hjälp och att inte alla elever med olika behov av stöd ska sitta i samma grupp. De berättar om rädsla att framstå som dumma och att de känt ett utanförskap. Slutligen så kan det konstateras att ur informanternas perspektiv så har skolan inte levt upp till sina åtaganden enligt skollagen, Salamancadeklarationen och Barnkonventionen genom att inte anpassa den ordinarie skolmiljön, inte låta eleverna vara delaktiga och framförallt genom att inte upprätta åtgärdsprogram. / The aim of this study is to examine a few adult students’ experiences from compulsory school where they did not achieve the goals in Swedish. The study was also supposed to point out if the students had any thoughts about how the school could have supported their learning, if they felt included and involved and if they had other experiences from compulsory school. Two interviews were made with the three respondents. A qualitative method was used and the data is collected from their life stories. The result shows that despite the school’s efforts, the respondents did not achieve the goals. The respondents talk about their need of corroboration, that the teachers should have listened to them, given them more help and the unsuitability to put all the students with learning difficulties in the same room. The respondents talk about fear of looking stupid and a feeling of exclusion. From the respondents’ perspective it is obviously that the school did not undertake its responsibility according to the Swedish school law, the Salamanca Declaration and Convention on the Rights of the Child by adjusting the ordinary environment in the classroom, letting the respondents be involved and most of all, by ignoring their duty to write åtgärdsprogram, i.e. individual programmes for higher achievement.

This report explores and questions the history of human rights rhetoric through the 18th century anti-slave trade poem of Hannah More, Slavery, a poem. Hannah More used the term ‘human rights’ more than 150 years before the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Nevertheless, when historians and political scientists track the history of human rights, it is frequently presented as “from Locke through Paine” as part of a narrative of the “coming of age” of democracy in a longer quest for rights stemming from 18th century revolutions and radicalism. This report looks instead at the episodic nature of human rights rhetoric through 18th century ideas of the human. As argued here, More’s use of the term ‘human rights’ indicates an attempt to reconcile the tension between Enlightenment and Christian discourses to promote the anti-slave trade cause. / text

<p><em>Abstract</em></p><p>The research behind this licentiate is spread out over a decade of intensive development of environmental work in industry. A 1998 survey of Swedish companies with newly installed environmental management systems (EMS) concluded that such systems need more product-orientation. Data collected by companies as part of the process of creating their EMS between 1996-2001 offered further evidence that it is environmentally justified to seek improvements in the materials selection, use and disposal phases of products, i.e., to make the environmental improvement work more product-orientated. In a EU-funded project carried out between 2004-2006 it was demonstrated that developing an environmental product declaration could be a cost-effective product-oriented environmental action even for smaller companies.</p><p>This licentiate thesis relates to methods for companies to orientate their environmental work on their products. In particular, it examines experience and provides insights on the possibilities for companies, including small ones, to use life cycle assessment in product development in order to design products with an environmental performance well above legal compliance.</p><p>It is difficult to give general recommendations to companies about their environmental work because each company has its own unique business idea, customers, work culture, stakeholders etc. Nevertheless, the main findings of the licentiate thesis can be summed up in the following recommendations for, say, a small company in Europe without much previous experience of environmental work:</p><p>§  Focus your environmental work on your products because you will accomplish more environmentally and the chance of profiting economically will motivate your personnel;</p><p>§  Consider doing a life cycle assessment, LCA, on a strategically chosen product in order to learn more about your products and how to improve their environmental performance;</p><p>§  Do not expect to find a general market demand for green products; start a dialogue with your best customers in order to create the demand;</p><p>§  Engage an LCA specialist to do the LCA and work together with your personnel to interpret the results and generate improvement ideas;</p><p>§  If your customers demand that you install an environmental management system, ask them if they would not prefer to receive an environmental product declaration on the particular product they are interested in, and a chance to discuss how its environmental performance can be improved.</p>

Nous formons l’hypothèse que Racine met en scène une lutte contre l’indicible. Dans chaque pièce, il s’agit de révéler quelque chose d’inacceptable et d’impossible à dire. Comment dire ce qu’on ne peut pas dire ? Et surtout, comment ne pas provoquer l’effroi de celui qui écoute ? Le silence, qu’il représente une pure absence de mots ou un bruissement de voix permettant de ne pas répondre, se trouve ainsi au coeur de l’échange dialogique. La déclaration d’amour relève de cet indicible et suscite une tension permanente entre « dire » et « taire ». Cette étude s’articule donc autour du paradoxe suivant : parler est impossible, mais la réticence à dire, une fois surmontée, produit l’irrémédiable. La déclaration d’amour est l’emblème de ce procédé. Elle représente l’énoncé tragique par excellence, puisqu’elle engendre la fatalité. Révéler l’amour, c’est condamner l’autre. L’oracle fatal s’exprime par la bouche des personnages amoureux. Racine donne ainsi naissance à un nouveau théâtre de l’amour dans lequel la déclaration correspond à une crise existentielle. Le personnage racinien affirme son être-au-monde par l’expression de son amour qui fait violence à l’autre. / I argue that Racine represents the fight against the unspoken. Each play reveals something that is unacceptable and impossible to articulate. How does one state all that cannot be stated? Above all, how to avoid stirring the terror of the listener? Silence, whether it represents a pure absence of words or a murmuring of voices that inhibit an answer, finds itself at the core of the discursive exchange. The declaration of love emerges from the unsaid and brings about a permanent tension between « the spoken word » and « silence. » This study is based on the following paradox: speech is impossible, but the reticence to speak, once overcome, induces an irreversible process. The declaration of love is the symbol of this process. Its utterance represents the ultimate tragic enunciation as it engenders Fate. To show one’s love is to condemn the other.The fatal oracle expresses itself through the words of characters in love.Racine inaugurates a new theater of love in which the declaration corresponds to a deep existential crisis. The Racinian character asserts his subjectivity by expressing his love, though it violates the other.

Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to identify the obstacles against supplier compliance, which focal companies encounter within the upstream supply chain when attempting to collect the requested product contents information. Based on this problem, the objective is to identify the most useful supply chain management practices to ensure supplier compliance.Method: The theoretical framework contains the Principal-Agent theory and Responsible Supply Chain Management. The empirical findings are derived through semi-structured interviews that were conducted with three Swedish corporations operating in China and one Swedish-Chinese consulting firm.Results: The two main-obstacles to supplier compliance were firstly found to consist of lacking supplier understanding of the product contents information requirements (PCIR). These obstacles prevented the supplier from understanding the risk at hand and what behaviour that triggered the risk. The second main-obstacles were found to be the prevalence of different opposing interests, which could all be traced back to the reluctance to assume an increase in costs, and could induce the supplier to pursue that interest rather than the interest to comply to the PCIR. With these obstacles in mind, the main objective of the focal company’s supply chain management practices should preferably be to create risk in relation to the PCIR, ensure supplier understanding and pay attention to the opposing interests. The most useful type of supply chain management practice for fulfilling these objectives were the use of incentives, preferably in combination with sanctions, to create risk. Training was considered most useful for ensuring supplier understanding, although a combination of training, personal communication and written documents is potentially interesting. Regarding the opposing interests, accommodating practices were found most useful rather than attempt to persuade the supplier to give up the interest.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-18T17:02:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana Saab.pdf: 1431454 bytes, checksum: 91d3dd276795e9f3636f53ff43c68b3e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-18T17:02:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana Saab.pdf: 1431454 bytes, checksum: 91d3dd276795e9f3636f53ff43c68b3e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-26 / This paper refers to the signing of the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestinians in September 1993 from the understanding that the necessary terms in order to solve the historical conflict are not discussed in the peace process. The reading of the first document to be signed, the Declaration of Principles (DOP), reveals that the contents of the peace proposal and the bilateral negotiations formula do not alter the existing asymmetry of power between Palestinians from the PLO and the State of Israel, which makes the uneven process extremely favorable to the continuation of the Israeli military occupation over the territories of Gaza and the West Bank. The paper therefore focuses its analysis on the negotiation process previous to the signing of the DOP and the political and economic context of those responsible for Oslo, in order to establish what were the interests involved and how they influenced the drafting of the terms of the Declaration. During the research, it becomes clear that the Oslo agreements only benefited the actors involved in secret negotiations in Norway, namely the PLO and Israeli Labor Party, which allows us to state that the peace process was not representative of the various Palestinian and Israeli political sectors. The study also reveals that the peace proposal made to the Palestinians in Oslo is an Israeli formulation, that refers back to the beginning of the peace process in the Middle East in 1978, whose main goal was the normalization of diplomatic relations between Israel and the Arab neighboring states . Thus, the conditions discussed in Oslo were based on an old assumption that regional peace does not imply in the creation of a Palestinian state, but only the right to self-representation of the Palestinian residents in the occupied territories. These conditions were accepted by Yasser Arafat as a strategy to gain political prestige and return to the territory of Palestine. We conclude therefore that the Oslo peace process was not a legitimate initiative to establish a fair and equal peace in the region, as claimed by Israel and the United States, but an agreement made between the Israeli Labour Party and the PLO, drafted to enabled the Israeli territorial expansion over the West Bank and Gaza, to dismiss the question of refugees and not recognize the Palestinian’s right to national self-determination / Este trabalho retoma a assinatura dos Acordos de Oslo entre israelenses e palestinos em setembro de 1993 a partir do entendimento de que os termos necessários para a resolução do conflito histórico não são discutidos no processo de paz. No decorrer da análise do texto do primeiro documento a ser assinado, a Declaração de Princípios (DOP), percebe-se que o conteúdo da proposta de paz e a fórmula de negociações bilaterais adotada não propõem uma alteração da assimetria de poder existente entre palestinos da OLP e o Estado de Israel, o que torna o processo desigual e extremamente favorável à continuação da ocupação militar israelense sobre os territórios da Faixa de Gaza e da Cisjordânia. O trabalho, portanto, foca sua análise no processo de negociação anterior à assinatura da DOP e no contexto político e econômico dos responsáveis por Oslo para estabelecer quais foram os interesses envolvidos em fechar um acordo e de que maneira eles influenciaram a redação dos termos da declaração. Durante a pesquisa, notamos que os Acordos de Oslo beneficiaram exclusivamente os atores envolvidos nas negociações secretas na Noruega, a OLP e israelenses do partido trabalhista, o que nos permite afirmar que o processo de paz não foi representativo dos diversos setores políticos palestinos e israelenses. O estudo também revela que a proposta de paz oferecida aos palestinos em Oslo é uma formulação israelense que remete ao início do processo de paz no Oriente Médio no ano de 1978, cujo principal objetivo foi a normalização das relações diplomáticas entre israelenses e os Estados árabes vizinhos. Assim, as condições negociadas na ocasião de Oslo partiram de um antigo pressuposto de que a paz regional não pressupõe a criação do Estado palestino, mas apenas o direito de autorrepresentação dos residentes dos territórios ocupados. Essas condições foram aceitas pela liderança de Yasser Arafat como estratégia para obter prestígio político e retornar ao território da Palestina. Concluímos, portanto, que o processo de paz de Oslo não se tratou de uma legítima iniciativa para estabelecer a paz de maneira justa e igualitária na região, conforme divulgado por Israel e pelos Estados Unidos, mas de um acordo entre o partido trabalhista e os palestinos da OLP, elaborado de uma maneira que possibilitou a expansão territorial israelense sobre Gaza e Cisjordânia, desconsiderou a questão dos refugiados e não reconheceu o direito à autodeterminação nacional palestina

Magister Commercii - Mcom (Political Studies) / While they have emerged as global ideals based on the recognition of liberty, dignity and universal rights to 'all individuals' within the global community, human rights have faced numerous criticism and scepticism from the Global South. This research paper argues that such scepticism has had negative impact on the drive for the protection and promotion of human rights and International Human Rights Law in global politics. Given such huge challenges, this research paper points out that, unless the global human rights discourse undergoes significant reform and shift, its Western-centric domination will result into more harm than good in the international community's agenda for human rights protection and promotion. Postcolonial Africa has been at the forefront of the debate on the power-political use of the notion. As such, it has been argued that human rights discourse has influenced relations and policies between the West and the Third World, especially Africa. In this relationship, human rights have been viewed as a strategic tool for powerful states in global politics, to use in their quest to legitimise the case for political change. Furthermore, human rights have also been employed by governments seeking to justify their interference in the domestic affairs of other states, especially the West in the case of postcolonial Africa. It has therefore emerged that the human rights rhetoric/ discourse has been understood by postcolonial Africa as serving to establish a powerful perspective relating to the present and past collective experiences of injustice, exclusion and domination within global politics. Here, the global human rights regimes and Africa seem to be at a crossroads regarding the role of human rights in international politics.

Wide debates over the last 15 years have questioned the impact of global initiatives like the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness 2005 and more recently the Grand Bargain 2017 on any real improvements to the development effectiveness agenda. Many also ask to what extent do the initiatives consider the concerns and views of practitioners as stakeholders who implement the objectives and who have valuable experience, contextual insights, specific skill-sets and innovative ideas on how to address complex problems (Sjöstedt 2013). The breadth of literature surrounding the initiatives seems to reflect this, collectively calling for improvements in four common theme areas; greater collaboration, partnership and coordination between actors; instilled mutual accountability and shared responsibility; simplified administrative requirements for implementers; and greater participation and inclusion of stakeholder voices throughout processes. Questions that ask ‘who are the actors and decision-makers?’, and ‘who ought they be?’ can highlight gaps between an ideal situation and the reality, and is characteristic of a Critical Systems Heuristics (CSH) approach to analysing sources of influence in a typical system, or in this case, global initiative. Therefore, this paper analyses the voices of aid and development practitioners who are actively working in the sector, and compares their responses to the four themes from the literature. The research was conducted over three (3) months from May to July 2018 and interviewed nineteen (19) participants from a wide variety of development and humanitarian backgrounds and levels. The main findings of the research are summed as follows: Definitions of ‘effectiveness’ vary and depend on underlying political influences  Global initiatives like the Paris Declaration and Grand Bargain have had minimal visible impact on changing systems at the implementation level The role of global initiatives is however still important as forums for promoting discussion, defining boundaries and unifying debates Power imbalances and hierarchies within the development sector are structurally embedded and addressing this is crucial to improving effectiveness Real improvements to the effectiveness agenda require both innovative, participative and evidence-based learning, and systems to accept and address the concerns of implementers

This dissertation analyzes how transnational feminist advocacy and ideas about gender shaped modern human rights doctrines that remain central to this day. After World War II, United Nations delegates drafted and adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). During this process, international feminist activists disagreed about how to incorporate women's long-standing rights claims into the emerging human rights framework. Fiery interwar debates about laws and standards that regulated female labor persisted, prompting influential U.S. feminists to oppose the inclusion of gender-specific rights. To challenge U.S. opposition, key delegates to the UN Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) forged an unofficial coalition. Despite the fact that these CSW delegates held competing ideas about gender and represented distinct national governments, they collectively crafted a significant but little-known women's human rights agenda and lobbied UDHR drafters to adopt it. Their proposals not only included political and civil rights, but also promoted particular economic and social rights for women as a group. They maintained, for instance, that child care and maternity leave should be obligations of the state. Indeed, the CSW insisted that recognition of their women's human rights agenda was essential to building a socially-just postwar order. While Anglo-American women dominated interwar NGOs, the CSW showcased myriad international voices and won critical allies among liberal and conservative UN delegations by linking the advance of women's human rights to notions of modernity and democracy. As a result, the CSW made substantial political and civil rights gains, such as the guarantee of equal rights in marriage and divorce. Yet feminist delegates had to juggle their internationally-minded agenda with the interests they were to serve as national representatives. This task was further complicated by nascent Cold War politics and a growing anti-feminist backlash at the UN. In this context, UDHR drafters ultimately rejected the CSW's call for women's economic and social rights--a "social revolution" for women--in favor of the perceived stability of the "traditional" family. By the early 1950s, anti-communist pressures led the CSW to sever the pursuit of women's rights from the developing human rights framework at the UN. Feminists' absence from the UN human rights debates over the next several decades removed a forceful challenge to U.S.-led efforts to privilege political and civil rights over economic and social rights, and fostered a tacit hierarchy of rights that persists to this day. This dissertation places the CSW's competing vision of universal human rights at the center of the postwar human rights project, and expands our understanding of the history of international women's activism and human rights. By analyzing official UN records, delegates' papers and memoirs, and the records of governmental and non-governmental organizations, it reveals that postwar human rights advocacy was critically shaped by women's activism of the interwar period. Furthermore, this dissertation demonstrates that the CSW's demands for women's rights shaped the context from which the universal human rights framework emerged. Indeed, feminist activism and debates about the rights of women influenced UDHR drafters' views about human rights in ways that expanded, but also significantly curtailed postwar human rights standards. As a result, feminist activists continue to fight today for full recognition of women's rights as human rights.