The thesis focuses on analyzing the support of democracy model through the external governance and its efficiency as potentially more successful alternative to leverage and linkage. The theoretical part shows that democratic governance defines democracy according to the following principles: transparency, accountability and public participation. It is also based on the concept of external governance, which focuses on expanding EUs internal rules beyond its borders. For this purpose the case of Eastern Partnership was chosen. This case uses the mechanism of external governance and also applies the strategy of the support of the democracy in sector cooperation. The efficiency of this initiative or rather support of the democracy through the external governance is evaluated by comparative analysis of impact of cooperation of EU and partner country on their legislative development within the three selected sector policies (energy industry, environmental protection, justice and home affairs). The time period for the research is from establishing of the initiative in 2009 to the summit in Vilnius in the fall 2013. After general assessment of the results it can be said that the EU was successful in more than half the studied cases and thus EU is, more or less capable of an integration of its democratic...

This study investigated whether EU Progress Reports measured the Copenhagen political criteria in a biased manner compared to independent indices. At stake is the credibility of the EU accession process and whether countries in the Western Balkans will seek partnerships with the EU or state-actors beyond the European peninsula. This is a case study of how well Albania and North Macedonia fared regarding the political criteria during 2014 and 2017. Each country was ranked against one another in order to find potential discrepancies between measurements from Progress Reports and independent indices. This paper did find evidence that suggests the European Commission disfavored North Macedonia and favored Albania. However, other results were inconclusive. The finding supported accession literature that has called into question the objectivity of the EU accession process.

本研究目的為擴大詳述目前與拉丁美洲相關的文獻，主要重點在於一些相同特性的國家，並可以普遍的將研究發現適用於其他地區。從拉丁美洲中的一般認知中，將宏都拉斯獨立選出，是考慮到能挑戰國家的負面印象，特別是關於2009年後所出現的政治危機。本研究檢視宏都拉斯民主化的過程，與國家和公民社會之間的正向互動。 拉丁美洲的一些主要國家因相同的要素而改變，也因此有很多重要的改變可以在這期間進行研究。因此在這研究中，發現有三個關鍵的要素可適用於相同歷史時間中的宏都拉斯與拉丁美洲一些主要的國家。本研究的重要性在於進一步了解，宏都拉斯公民社會在2009年之前與到2009年時危機發生之間的轉變。在此同時，也能發掘出民主治理的好處。 這三個關鍵的要素為:憲政工程、軍民關係與選舉，且這些要素在本研究中均有對宏都拉斯與其他拉丁美洲國家的公民社會賦權有所影響。另藉由自由之家(Freedom House)所提出的民主治理檢核表，來了解民主治理與公民社會賦權。 在拉丁美洲中此三個關鍵要素的變化，提供了建置良好的民主治理的可行性。然而，本研究也暗示了未來的相關研究，例如地方與區域性的治理，以及會產生直接影響的外部因素。研究發現也暗示了在宏都拉斯2009年政治危機之後透過了民主治理的好處，對公民社會賦權產生了正向的結果。

行政部門委員會為政府內具有公共參與特質的合議制組織，來自社會層級的利害關係人被納入決策圈，並共同決定政策內容，作者稱之為委員會參與機制。此決策模式結合了社會與政府對公共參與的期待，並在世界各國廣泛使用。行政管理者宣稱可透過社會代表性的提升，提高政策的正當性與回應性；但實務上，委員會卻遭遇密室協商、激化對立、政治操弄等質疑。對此，本研究提出以下疑問：公共參與是否真能回應社會的政策需求？該如何具體評估參與績效？ 依據委員會的決策結構特質，作者由公共參與的理論視野探討代表性和回應性的因果機制，提供一套以委員會為主體的參與評估標準。代表性在理論上有形式與實質代表性兩個層次，共包含參與制度、議事行為與會議影響力三個面向；回應性則強調利害關係人對委員會回應需求的主觀評價，又分為民主程序與實質利益的需求回應能力兩類。參與概念落實在制度賦權和議事行為，應該會同時強化兩類回應性。在研究方法上，本文以全民健康保險委員會為分析案例：首先透過跨國比較，分析台灣、日本、韓國、加拿大以及德國在類似的審議機制中，如何建構委員會代表性的制度。依此基礎，再針對第一屆健保會的運作進行分析，透過利害關係人問卷、健保會會議記錄內容分析、深度訪談與焦點團體等方法，深入探討健保會之政策回應能力。 研究結果發現：一、委員會參與的制度賦權和正當性皆來自代議機關，尚無法取而代之。台灣健保會之形式代表性，在行政單位主導下仍偏好具有政治動員能力的團體，較忽略社會連帶或保障弱勢的價值。二、健保會在民主功能和實質結果兩個回應性面向的評價皆為正面，而民主程序的評價又優於後者。然而，相互理解的功能評價再高，卻未對實質回應性產生顯著影響。三、是否具有健保會席次並不影響回應性評估；但直接與會者以及實際參與愈積極者，卻反而對委員會回應利害關係人需求的能力抱持較悲觀的看法。最後，在程序面和實質面評價上最為顯著的因素為會議影響力，會議影響力愈大的團體，其回應性也就愈高。 總結上述來回答核心問題：參與是否會提高利害關係人的回應性？在極大化個體利益的動機下，參與制度和行為都只提供爭取權益的機會，不必然導致實質利益。再加上負擔參與成本以及競爭資源的政治現實，參與者進入體制後，反而對委員會的政策回應能力持質疑的態度。是故，會議影響力為關鍵因素，只有在參與過程中獲利愈多者，其回應性才有直接的正面作用；若忽略參與途徑和結果的連結以及權力互動，就過度簡化了參與的政治本質。基於此，行政管理者掌握了決策結構與行政資源，若想取得較佳的回應性評價，就必須在制度和過程面中平衡不同的社會力量，才能使委員會發揮多元參與的功能，而不只是優勢團體的工具。 / Governmental committees are a kind of public participatory mechanism, whereby policy stakeholders are incorporated in the decision making procedure and negotiate with each other to policy outcomes. This mechanism accords with the expectations of both society and government and is frequently used by executive branches all over the world. Ideally, social representativeness can strengthen legitimacy and thereby increase responsiveness. However, in practice, there have also been some criticisms of the committee mechanism, including black box decision making, conflict enlargement, and administrative manipulation. To response this debate, my study addresses whether this type of public participation is responsive to policy demands as well as how to substantially evaluate its effectiveness. Theoretically, participation has a positive impact on policy demands, I provide more precise analysis using the concepts of representativeness and responsiveness. The former refers to how interests are presented in the decision making process, including in both the formal and substantive dimension. The latter refers to the committee’s ability to respond to procedural and substantive demands from society. To illustrate the theoretical framework, the National Health Insurance Committee (NHIC) in Taiwan is taken as my case study. The empirical section is divided into two parts, Fist, I explore original guiding values and institutional design of five committees that emerged under different political-social contexts in Japan, South Korea, Canada, Germany and Taiwan. Based on the results of this comparison, the NHIC in Taiwan is my main topic in the second part. The participatory behavior of committee members and their evaluation of the NHIC system are discussed through the various research methods, such as interviews, focus groups, stakeholder surveys, and also context analysis of meeting minutes. Four results of the study are illustrated as follows: 1. Because the legitimacy of the committee mechanism is empowered by traditional representative authority (the elected legislative or executive branch), it serves a supplementary rather than substitutive function to the existing system. Especially in Taiwan, the administration prefers the advantaged groups more capable of mobilizing social supports over the vulnerable groups which may bring the values of social solidarity and justice into the decision-making of the committee. 2. Stakeholders positively appraised the NHIC’s responsive capacity, both in the procedural and substantive dimensions, with the former appraised more highly than the latter. However, a high level of communication functions had no impact on responsiveness. 3. The institutional variable has no impact on responsiveness. However, direct participation in meetings was associated with more pessimistic views of the NHIC when compared to the non-participators. In addition, the more actors were involved in the NHIC, the more negative their evaluations were. 4. The most significant variable for responsiveness is the decision influence of stakeholders. Does participation strengthen stakeholders’ responsiveness? Under the condition that individuals are motivated by interest maximization, while institutional design and participatory behavior seek to pursue individual interest, it may not always realize substantial benefits. Furthermore, after becoming institutional insiders, the costs of participation and the political reality of power competition will make stakeholders more skeptical about the responsiveness of committee mechanisms. In other words, whether participation can increase the stakeholders’ satisfaction mainly depends on the benefit they can obtain from it. Without taking into account the link between participatory approaches and results, as well as the interaction between various stakeholders, we cannot gain a full picture of the nature of policy participation. In terms of practical reforms, to increase performance responsiveness, administrators who control the structures and resources of the NHIC should incorporate different social forces and interests on the input and process dimensions. This will enable the committee mechanism to perform the function of pluralistic participation, rather than simply serving as a political tool for advantaged groups.

La publication de Théorie de la justice par John Rawls en 1971 a apporté un nouvel élan à la philosophie politique. Plusieurs commentaires et critiques de ce livre ont ainsi nourri la réflexion sur la question de la justice sociale dans son application à l’échelle mondiale. Dans ce livre, l’auteur a démontré entre autres que la démocratie libérale permet aux citoyens ayant diverses conceptions du bien, conceptions religieuses, philosophiques ou morales, souvent incompatibles et irréconciliables, d’avoir par ailleurs une conception politique de la rectitude morale et de la justice comme fondement de la structure de base de leur société. Ceci permet alors de soutenir l’unité politique et sociale de cette structure sur une base rationnelle et raisonnable. Par la suite, dans The Law of Peoples, Rawls a présenté un autre projet, celui d’étendre cette conception à la ‘Société des peuples’ qui, pour lui, est une idéalisation du regroupement des peuples qui respectent les idéaux et les principes du ‘Droit des peuples’ dans leurs relations mutuelles, le ‘Droit des peuples’ étant, pour Rawls, une conception politique particulière de la rectitude morale et de la justice qui s’applique aux principes et aux normes du droit et des usages internationaux. Ce projet de Rawls est, comme il l’a nommé lui-même, une utopie réaliste. Partant de cette dernière comme d’un prétexte, notre étude s’inscrit dans un champ de recherche particulier de la philosophie politique, à savoir l’éthique des relations internationales. Elle se veut une contribution à l’élaboration d’une réflexion normative portant sur les principes fondamentaux de justice dans l’ordre international tel qu’il se présente dans les institutions qui l’incarnent aujourd’hui encore, comme le système des Nations Unies, et sur les conséquences de cet ordre dans l’intégration des pays de la région africaine des Grands Lacs. D’où ces questions : Qu’est-ce que l’utopie rawlsienne change-t-elle à l’ordre mondial actuel? Ses principes fondent-ils une éthique susceptible d’améliorer les relations internationales? Quelle serait la place des pays africains, et plus spécialement ceux de la région des Grands Lacs, dans l’ordre mondial inhérent à ce projet? Les réponses à ces questions déterminent ce qui pourrait être considéré comme l’éthique de la gouvernance démocratique globale et les structures pouvant l’incarner. / The publishing of A Theory of Justice by John Rawls in 1971 brought a new impetus to political philosophy. Several comments and critical analyses of this book have thus provided food for thought on the issue of social justice in its application on a world scale. In this book, the author has demonstrated, among other things, that liberal democracy allows citizens with different conceptions of good – whether religious, philosophical or moral – often incompatible and irreconcilable, to have, otherwise, a political conception of moral rectitude and justice as the foundation of the basic structure of their society. This allows to support the political and social unity of this basic structure on a rational and reasonable basis. Subsequently, in his book The Law of Peoples, Rawls presented another project, that of extending that concept to the “Society of Peoples” which, for him, is an idealization of the regrouping of those people who respect the ideals and principles of the Law of peoples in their mutual relations, the “Law of peoples” being, for him, a particular political conception of moral rectitude and justice that is applicable to principles and standards of international law and customs. This project, as Rawls called it himself, is a realistic utopia. Based on the latter as an excuse, our study is in keeping with a particular field of research in political philosophy – namely, the ethics of international relations. It is intended as a contribution to the development of a normative reflection on the fundamental principles of justice in the international order as it is found in the institutions that still embody it nowadays – such as the United Nations Organization – and on the consequences of that order in the integration of the countries of the African region of the Great Lakes. This raises questions such as: What changes does the rawlsian utopia bring to the current world order? Are its principles the basis for an ethic susceptible of improving international relations? What would be the role of African countries, particularly those of the Great Lakes, in the world order inherent in this project? The answers to these questions determine what could be considered the ethics of global democratic governance and the structures which embody it.

As políticas educacionais, no Brasil, vêm buscando alternativas para solucionar questões elementares, como o acesso, para todos, a um ensino de qualidade nas escolas públicas. Uma medida de grande impacto, neste sentido, foi a implantação do Fundo de Manutenção e Desenvolvimento do Ensino Fundamental e de Valorização do Magistério (FUNDEF), o qual vigorou, em todo o país, entre os anos de 1998 e 2006. Esta tese focalizou sua atenção nos trabalhos do Conselho de Acompanhamento e Controle Social do FUNDEF, no âmbito da União, sendo este um órgão colegiado com a participação de membros do Poder Público e de entidades representativas do setor educacional. Este Conselho foi tomado como uma estrutura de intermediação das relações entre o Estado e a sociedade civil, num contexto em que as formas de participação proporcionadas pela Democracia Representativa, através das eleições, não contemplariam mais todas as expectativas dos cidadãos. Assim, estes buscariam alternativas no sentido de reforçar o seu poder de vigilância sobre as ações dos governantes. Com base nestes pressupostos, e tendo como referências a legislação e a produção científica sobre o assunto, foram analisadas as atas de todas as reuniões realizadas pelo referido Conselho, por serem estes os documentos oficiais disponíveis acerca dos trabalhos do órgão. Pretendeu-se verificar desde questões organizacionais, como a periodicidade das reuniões e a presença dos conselheiros a estas, até aspectos relativos aos conteúdos dos trabalhos empreendidos. Entre estes figurariam o intercâmbio de informações, os debates, suas ações e omissões. Examinaram-se as atribuições do Conselho do FUNDEF, em âmbito da União, tanto através dos aspectos legais quanto por intermédio das atividades desenvolvidas pelo órgão. A este respeito, foram discutidas as lacunas quanto à interpretação, teórica e prática, do que viriam a constituir as funções de acompanhamento, controle social e fiscalização. E, no intuito de melhor se compreender as intervenções deste colegiado, mostrou-se importante considerar também os trabalhos de alguns dos demais atores institucionais com atribuições complementares ou concorrentes. Para isso, investigaram-se as ações de duas estruturas do organograma do Ministério da Educação que atuaram em diversas questões tangentes ao FUNDEF: a chamada \"Equipe do FUNDEF\" e a Câmara de Educação Básica do Conselho Nacional de Educação. / In Brazil, educational policies have been trying to solve basic issues, such as access to quality public education for all. One measure of great impact was the implementation of the Fund for Maintenance and Development of Elementary School and for the Valuing of the Teaching Career ( FUNDEF), in place all over the country between 1998 and 2006. This dissertation focuses on the work of the Council of Accompanying and Social Control of the FUNDEF at the national level. This Council is a collegiate organ with the participation of members of the government and other organizations representative of the educational sector. It was considered a structure of intermediation between the State and the civil society, on the context in which the means of participation in a representative democracy (i.e. free elections) do not contemplate the expectations of the citizens anymore. Therefore, people would look for alternative ways to reinforce their power of vigilance over the actions of the government. Based on these assumptions, and using the legislation and the scientific production about the topic as references, this study analyzes the reports of all the meetings held by the Council, since these are the only documents available about its work. This study looks at both the organizational aspects, such as frequency of the meetings and the presence of the council members in them, as well as aspects related to the contents of their work. Among these are the exchange of information, debates, their concrete actions and omissions. The duties of the Council of FUNDEF were examined at the national level, not only throughout the legal aspects but also the activities developed by the organization. In this matter, this study discusses the lack of practical and theoretical interpretation of what would be the meaning of accompanying, social control and inspection. Also, aiming at better understanding the interventions of this collegiate, this dissertation also considered the work of some of the other institutional actors with complementary or concurrent attribution. For this, the actions of the two bodies of the Ministry of Education that had some relationship with FUNDEF were investigated: the so-called \"Equipe do FUNDEF\" (FUNDEF team) and the chamber of Elementary Education of the National Council of Education.

As políticas educacionais, no Brasil, vêm buscando alternativas para solucionar questões elementares, como o acesso, para todos, a um ensino de qualidade nas escolas públicas. Uma medida de grande impacto, neste sentido, foi a implantação do Fundo de Manutenção e Desenvolvimento do Ensino Fundamental e de Valorização do Magistério (FUNDEF), o qual vigorou, em todo o país, entre os anos de 1998 e 2006. Esta tese focalizou sua atenção nos trabalhos do Conselho de Acompanhamento e Controle Social do FUNDEF, no âmbito da União, sendo este um órgão colegiado com a participação de membros do Poder Público e de entidades representativas do setor educacional. Este Conselho foi tomado como uma estrutura de intermediação das relações entre o Estado e a sociedade civil, num contexto em que as formas de participação proporcionadas pela Democracia Representativa, através das eleições, não contemplariam mais todas as expectativas dos cidadãos. Assim, estes buscariam alternativas no sentido de reforçar o seu poder de vigilância sobre as ações dos governantes. Com base nestes pressupostos, e tendo como referências a legislação e a produção científica sobre o assunto, foram analisadas as atas de todas as reuniões realizadas pelo referido Conselho, por serem estes os documentos oficiais disponíveis acerca dos trabalhos do órgão. Pretendeu-se verificar desde questões organizacionais, como a periodicidade das reuniões e a presença dos conselheiros a estas, até aspectos relativos aos conteúdos dos trabalhos empreendidos. Entre estes figurariam o intercâmbio de informações, os debates, suas ações e omissões. Examinaram-se as atribuições do Conselho do FUNDEF, em âmbito da União, tanto através dos aspectos legais quanto por intermédio das atividades desenvolvidas pelo órgão. A este respeito, foram discutidas as lacunas quanto à interpretação, teórica e prática, do que viriam a constituir as funções de acompanhamento, controle social e fiscalização. E, no intuito de melhor se compreender as intervenções deste colegiado, mostrou-se importante considerar também os trabalhos de alguns dos demais atores institucionais com atribuições complementares ou concorrentes. Para isso, investigaram-se as ações de duas estruturas do organograma do Ministério da Educação que atuaram em diversas questões tangentes ao FUNDEF: a chamada \"Equipe do FUNDEF\" e a Câmara de Educação Básica do Conselho Nacional de Educação. / In Brazil, educational policies have been trying to solve basic issues, such as access to quality public education for all. One measure of great impact was the implementation of the Fund for Maintenance and Development of Elementary School and for the Valuing of the Teaching Career ( FUNDEF), in place all over the country between 1998 and 2006. This dissertation focuses on the work of the Council of Accompanying and Social Control of the FUNDEF at the national level. This Council is a collegiate organ with the participation of members of the government and other organizations representative of the educational sector. It was considered a structure of intermediation between the State and the civil society, on the context in which the means of participation in a representative democracy (i.e. free elections) do not contemplate the expectations of the citizens anymore. Therefore, people would look for alternative ways to reinforce their power of vigilance over the actions of the government. Based on these assumptions, and using the legislation and the scientific production about the topic as references, this study analyzes the reports of all the meetings held by the Council, since these are the only documents available about its work. This study looks at both the organizational aspects, such as frequency of the meetings and the presence of the council members in them, as well as aspects related to the contents of their work. Among these are the exchange of information, debates, their concrete actions and omissions. The duties of the Council of FUNDEF were examined at the national level, not only throughout the legal aspects but also the activities developed by the organization. In this matter, this study discusses the lack of practical and theoretical interpretation of what would be the meaning of accompanying, social control and inspection. Also, aiming at better understanding the interventions of this collegiate, this dissertation also considered the work of some of the other institutional actors with complementary or concurrent attribution. For this, the actions of the two bodies of the Ministry of Education that had some relationship with FUNDEF were investigated: the so-called \"Equipe do FUNDEF\" (FUNDEF team) and the chamber of Elementary Education of the National Council of Education.

我國全民健康保險政策是屬於社會保險，早期在推行健保時決策模式是傾向國家主義，然而隨著民主化時代的來臨，人民權利意識抬頭，各種利害關係團體相應而生，因此民主治理變成重要的課題。在重要政策參與中各個利害關係人皆希望能夠被納入決策。我國目前健保政策體制內的參與管道最主要為費用協定委員會及監理委員會，主要監督及決定健保預算分配，這兩會在2013年整併為健保會。不論整併前後，委員會基本上是以統合主義的精神運作，邀進行決議，最大的優點在於能夠藉由與多方政策利害關係人的溝通，凝聚社會共識。然而哪些團體能夠代表參與政府制定決策的過程，參與的代表能否充分表達團體的意見？因此代表性正是統合主義中最具爭議的，故如何找出遴選團體的標準是刻不容緩的。 　　本文嘗試以社會統合主義的觀點，套用在健保會運作上。然而社會統合主義要運作的良好，基本上必須要在水平及垂直方面的機制建構完善，垂直層面必須要各級組織匯集各級團體的意見，並由代表進入水平的平臺進行協商；而在水平溝通平臺上也需要各方代表皆能有平等及有效的決策。本文最主要了解的是垂直面的整合情形，亦即這些被派入健保會的政策利害關係團體代表是否有充分的被賦權，在會中討論的結果能否充分落實，因此要衡量團體內部本身的治理。本文欲透過專家座談建構組織內部運作的指標，建構指標測量健保會內部實際運作情況，對於好的健保會參與組織建構初探性的評估。希望未來能夠作為健保會遴選組織進入委員會的參考依據。 / National Health Insurance (NHI) policy is a part of social insurance in Taiwan. In the early stages of the program, the pattern of decision-making tended to be based on a Statist model, but as Taiwan democratizes, citizens and various interest groups have become increasingly aware of their rights. Therefore, the democratic governance of National Health Insurance policy has also become an important issue, as stakeholder groups all hope to be included in the NHI’s decision making process. In Taiwan, the two main participation channels within the system are the Medical Expenditure Negotiation Committee and the Supervisory Committee. The main missions of these two committees are to control health care costs and to allocate medical resources. In 2013, these two committees were merged to form a single National Health Insurance Committee. Whichever their merger status is, the committees basically function according to the principles of Corporatism, whereby peak-level organizations are invited to take part of the committee’s decision-making processes. The biggest advantage of the merger is that the committee would be able to achieve social cohe-sion and consensus through its direct communication with various policy stakeholder groups. But the problem with this arrangement is the following: Which groups can participate in the government’s decision-making process? Can the representatives fully express the views of their respective groups inside the committee? Therefore, the question of representation is the most controversial issue in Corporatist theory, and it is imperative to develop the proper criteria by which major interest or corporatist groups are selected. This study attempts to observe the National Health Insurance Committee from the perspective of social corporatism. For social corporatism to function well in society, basically both its horizontal and vertical mechanisms have to work perfectly. Vertically, groups must be able to amass and integrate the views of their sub-organizations at all levels; horizontally, the group’s representatives must all have equal capacity to make effective decisions. This paper will focus on understanding the vertical dimension of social corporatism, which means asking the following questions: Can/do the representatives fully and adequately represent their group? And whether the outcomes discussed at the committee meetings are fully implemented? To answer these questions it is thereby necessary to measure the internal governance of the groups themselves. This paper will examine various internal operating indicators developed through experts’ panel discussions, with the primary objective of determining good committee participation measures. It is hoped that the construction of these internal governance indicators will serve as the criteria by which future corporatist groups or stakeholder organizations are selected into the National Health Insurance Committee

La publication de Théorie de la justice par John Rawls en 1971 a apporté un nouvel élan à la philosophie politique. Plusieurs commentaires et critiques de ce livre ont ainsi nourri la réflexion sur la question de la justice sociale dans son application à l’échelle mondiale. Dans ce livre, l’auteur a démontré entre autres que la démocratie libérale permet aux citoyens ayant diverses conceptions du bien, conceptions religieuses, philosophiques ou morales, souvent incompatibles et irréconciliables, d’avoir par ailleurs une conception politique de la rectitude morale et de la justice comme fondement de la structure de base de leur société. Ceci permet alors de soutenir l’unité politique et sociale de cette structure sur une base rationnelle et raisonnable. Par la suite, dans The Law of Peoples, Rawls a présenté un autre projet, celui d’étendre cette conception à la ‘Société des peuples’ qui, pour lui, est une idéalisation du regroupement des peuples qui respectent les idéaux et les principes du ‘Droit des peuples’ dans leurs relations mutuelles, le ‘Droit des peuples’ étant, pour Rawls, une conception politique particulière de la rectitude morale et de la justice qui s’applique aux principes et aux normes du droit et des usages internationaux. Ce projet de Rawls est, comme il l’a nommé lui-même, une utopie réaliste. Partant de cette dernière comme d’un prétexte, notre étude s’inscrit dans un champ de recherche particulier de la philosophie politique, à savoir l’éthique des relations internationales. Elle se veut une contribution à l’élaboration d’une réflexion normative portant sur les principes fondamentaux de justice dans l’ordre international tel qu’il se présente dans les institutions qui l’incarnent aujourd’hui encore, comme le système des Nations Unies, et sur les conséquences de cet ordre dans l’intégration des pays de la région africaine des Grands Lacs. D’où ces questions : Qu’est-ce que l’utopie rawlsienne change-t-elle à l’ordre mondial actuel? Ses principes fondent-ils une éthique susceptible d’améliorer les relations internationales? Quelle serait la place des pays africains, et plus spécialement ceux de la région des Grands Lacs, dans l’ordre mondial inhérent à ce projet? Les réponses à ces questions déterminent ce qui pourrait être considéré comme l’éthique de la gouvernance démocratique globale et les structures pouvant l’incarner. / The publishing of A Theory of Justice by John Rawls in 1971 brought a new impetus to political philosophy. Several comments and critical analyses of this book have thus provided food for thought on the issue of social justice in its application on a world scale. In this book, the author has demonstrated, among other things, that liberal democracy allows citizens with different conceptions of good – whether religious, philosophical or moral – often incompatible and irreconcilable, to have, otherwise, a political conception of moral rectitude and justice as the foundation of the basic structure of their society. This allows to support the political and social unity of this basic structure on a rational and reasonable basis. Subsequently, in his book The Law of Peoples, Rawls presented another project, that of extending that concept to the “Society of Peoples” which, for him, is an idealization of the regrouping of those people who respect the ideals and principles of the Law of peoples in their mutual relations, the “Law of peoples” being, for him, a particular political conception of moral rectitude and justice that is applicable to principles and standards of international law and customs. This project, as Rawls called it himself, is a realistic utopia. Based on the latter as an excuse, our study is in keeping with a particular field of research in political philosophy – namely, the ethics of international relations. It is intended as a contribution to the development of a normative reflection on the fundamental principles of justice in the international order as it is found in the institutions that still embody it nowadays – such as the United Nations Organization – and on the consequences of that order in the integration of the countries of the African region of the Great Lakes. This raises questions such as: What changes does the rawlsian utopia bring to the current world order? Are its principles the basis for an ethic susceptible of improving international relations? What would be the role of African countries, particularly those of the Great Lakes, in the world order inherent in this project? The answers to these questions determine what could be considered the ethics of global democratic governance and the structures which embody it.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T19:11:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 121350.pdf: 11953559 bytes, checksum: 4a9a6c9211752ce668a53a7acadc51bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-31 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / In the last two decades, Latin America witnessed the emergence of civil society initiatives aimed at qualifying citizen participation, the production and systematization of information, the development of citizen perception surveys and in monitoring public administration. Leading this phenomenon are networks Red de Ciudades Cómo Vamos, Red Latinoamericana por Ciudades y Territorios Justos, Democráticos y Sustentables and its related Brazilian network. A common feature of these networks is their political goal of building fairer, democratic and sustainable cities. This work aimed to understand the extent of the experiences of three Brazilian cities - Florianópolis, Ilhabela and Ilheus, comprising the Brazilian and Latin American network, understood as collective action and expressing and influencing democratic governance and social accountability, generating incidence in political institutions and in other areas. The research is a qualitative and interpretive study. Data was collected in loco, in the participation of meetings and workshops that occurred through experiences, as well as conducting 25 interviews with leaders and participating groups, including local government. The analysis model was constructed from the analytical category of contencious politics, of Tarrow (2009), and the theory of collective action of political mobilization, linking them to references about democratic governance and prospects for associated accountability such as social, hybrid, diagonal and relational accountability. The results show the mutual influence between democratic governance and accountability, generated by these initiatives. While they represent new actors in governance, they show strategies for strengthening existing governance channels, demonstrating new possibilities and forms of accountability, such as social, in the construction of what they perceive as sustainable cities. Incidence is observed in areas such as: local agenda, city governance, political institutions, political and electoral debate, public policy, partner organizations and people. / A América Latina presenciou, nas duas últimas décadas, o surgimento de iniciativas da sociedade civil voltadas à qualificação da participação cidadã, à produção e à sistematização de informações, ao desenvolvimento de pesquisas de percepção cidadã e ao monitoramento do poder público. Expressões desse fenômeno são a Red de Ciudades Cómo Vamos, a Red Latino-americana por Ciudades y Territorios Justos, Democráticos y Sustentables e a sua correlata brasileira. Característica comum a estas redes é o seu objetivo político de construir cidades mais justas, democráticas e sustentáveis. Este trabalho buscou compreender em que medida as experiências de três cidades brasileiras - Florianópolis, Ilhabela e Ilhéus, que integram a rede brasileira e latino-americana, entendidas enquanto ação coletiva, expressam e influenciam a governança democrática e a accountability social, gerando incidência nas instituições políticas e em outros âmbitos. A pesquisa de cunho qualitativo e interpretativo, coletou dados in loco, na participação em reuniões e encontros promovidos pelas experiências, além da realização de 25 entrevistas com lideranças e grupos participantes, incluindo o poder público local. O modelo de análise foi construído a partir da categoria analítica do confronto político, de Tarrow (2009), e da teoria da ação coletiva da mobilização política, articulando-as a referenciais sobre governança democrática e perspectivas de accountability associadas, como a social, a híbrida, a diagonal e a relacional. Os resultados apontam a mútua influência entre governança democrática e accountability, geradas por estas iniciativas. Ao mesmo tempo em que elas representam novos atores na governança, evidenciam estratégias de fortalecimento dos canais da governança existente, demonstrando novas possibilidades e modalidades de accountability, como a social, na construção daquilo que entendem como cidades sustentáveis. A incidência é observada em âmbitos como: agenda local, governança da cidade, instituições políticas, debate político e eleitoral, políticas públicas, organizações parceiras e pessoas.