Le but de la thèse est d'apprécier l'efficacité des programmes de reconstruction destinés à assurer le redressement économique de pays sortant de guerre civile depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. Du point de vue de la méthode, cette efficacité est évaluée à la fois par la pertinence du contenu et de l'organisation de ces programmes aux caractéristiques des économies post-conflictuelles, et par une évaluation de leur performance au vu d'indicateurs de redressement spécifiques à ces contextes. Les causes économiques des conflits et le fonctionnement d'une économie de guerre sont analysés dans la mesure ils conditionnent le passage à une économie de paix (chapitres 1 à 4). Une approche en termes d'économie politique (Stewart, Fitzgerald) recoupant inégalités horizontales et verticales et complétée par celle d'Amartya Sen contribue à rendre compte des spécificités de ce type de contexte que la théorie néoclassique ne permet pas d'appréhender. L'approche en termes de moyens d'existence (Chambers et Conway), de vulnérabilité due au contexte (Collinson) et d'économie institutionnelle donnent un cadre théorique cohérent pour cerner les caractéristiques économiques des sociétés post-conflictuelles (chapitres 5 à 7) et permettent d'identifier des facteurs bloquant ou de ralentissement du processus de redressement économique. L'étude de la configuration des programmes de reconstruction fait apparaître une prolifération d'acteurs aux logiques différentes, peu coordonnés et formant une administration de substitution non alignée dans un État fragile (chapitre 8). Le rapprochement entre programme et caractéristiques observées permet alors de procéder à l'évaluation de l'efficacité des programmes (chapitre 9). L'évaluation quantitative converge vers le constat d'un échec relatif, notamment du fait de leur lenteur (d'où risque de résurgence du conflit). Une modélisation à partir des données disponibles appuie l'identification effectuée de l'importance de certaines variables spécifiques (retour des populations déplacées, institutions, sécurité). L'analyse qualitative des causes de cette inefficacité fait apparaître : - les effets pervers du manque de coordination, analysée ici à la lumière de la théorie des coûts de transaction, de la théorie contingente et de l'analyse marginaliste, notamment sur le marché du travail et les capacités administratives, ce qui permet de mettre à jour le concept de seuil de capacités institutionnelles ; - l'inadaptation dans la conception et la mise en œuvre des programmes aux spécificités observées. Entre la référence mythifiée au Plan Marshall et l'absence d'intervention extérieure qui mènerait à un état de suffocation économique, l'analyse de cette inefficacité relative débouche sur quelques préconisations adaptables selon les contextes. / The effectiveness of reconstruction programs in post-conflict contexts Abstract The thesis aims at assessing the effectiveness of reconstruction programs intended to ensure for the economic recovery of countries emerging from civil war since the end of the Cold War. From the standpoint of the method used, this effectiveness is both evaluated through the relevance of the content and the organization of these programs with regard to the characteristics of the post-conflict economies, and through an assessment of their performances according to recovery indicators which are specific to this context. The economic causes of conflicts and the functioning of a wartime economy are analyzed because they influence the transition to an economy in the context of peace (chapters 1 to 4). An approach in terms of political economy (Stewart, Fitzgerald) comparing both horizontal and vertical inequalities and completed by Amartya Sen's approach contributes to the account of the specific characteristics of this type of context which the neoclassical theory is not enabled to grasp. The approach in terms of sustainable livelihoods (Chambers and Conways), of the vulnerability due to the context and of the institutional economy, provides a coherent theoretical framework in order to identify the economic features of post-conflict societies (chapters 5 to 7) and enables for the identification of the factors which block or slow down the process of economic recovery. The study of the configuration of reconstruction programs reveals the multiplication of actors which have different approaches, a lack of coordination in their work, and the formation of a substitute administration non-aligned to the fragile state (chapter 8). Closer ties between the programs and the observed characteristics enable for the evaluation of their effectiveness (chapter 9). The quantitative evaluation arrives at the conclusion that these programs are relative failures, especially due to their sluggishness. From the data available, the significance of some specific variables is observed (the return of populations, institutions, security). The qualitative analysis of the causes of this ineffectiveness reveals: Perverse effects due to the lack of coordination, analyzed through the transaction costs theory, the contingence theory, and the marginalist theory, more particularly in the labor markets, the administrative capacity, reveals a threshold of institutional capacities; Poor adaptation in the design and the implementation of the programs to the observed characteristics. Between the references towards the Marshall Plan and the absence of any exterior intervention, the analysis of this ineffectiveness concludes that some requirements should be adapted for each context.

In this essay I’m asking if the Scandinavian countries Sweden, Denmark and Norway use a third world perspective on gender equality in their development aid politics. A third world perspective on gender equality is a perspective that considers the special experiences and priorities of women in the third world. My point of view is that third world perspectives represent women in the third world better than western perspectives. To determine if the countries uses a third world perspective on gender equality or not I have examined the countries aid policies with a third world theory. The material that I have used is policy documents on gender equality from the three countries and my method is discourse analysis. My study shows that Sweden Denmark and Norway uses a third world perspective on gender equality to a certain extent. There are some aspects of the third world perspective on gender equality that none of the countries reflect about. Norway is the country with the best result in the study.

FN påbörjade sina första biståndsprojekt för drygt 60 år sedan och i Sverige började man arbeta med organiserat bistånd under 60-talet. Det är alltså under relativt lång tid som världens rikare länder har försökt hjälpa de mindre rika länderna att utvecklas. Arbetet kring bistånd är dock mycket komplext och en hel del problem har uppstått under den här perioden. Den här uppsatsen syftar till att belysa några av de risker som kan uppstå i samband med biståndsarbetet. Att risker uppstår är inte speciellt konstigt då två (eller flera) länder med ofta mycket olika politiska system ska samarbeta, eftersom värdegrunderna kan skilja sig avsevärt. Resultatet har visat att dessa risker är svåra att hantera, vilket kan bero på olika faktorer som projektens omfattande storlek samt att givare och mottagare av bistånd inte alltid har samma uppfattning om hur biståndet bör användas. Resultatet har också visat att trots att man under en så pass lång period har arbetat aktivt med att utveckla och förbättra biståndsarbetet inte lyckats komma tillrätta med risker och problem som exempelvis korruption, ett problem som snarare tycks växa. Slutligen tyder resultatet också på att bistånd i vissa fall riskerar att göra mer skada än nytta, vilket visar på att arbetet kring bistånd måste förbättras avsevärt för att biståndet verkligen ska få de positiva följder som biståndsgivarna säger sig sträva efter.

My dissertation is an advocacy of the idea that if aid proved to be ineffective, it is partly because of the donor and not only the recipient as it is usually argued. The thesis contributes to the theoretical and empirical literature on aid effectiveness and explores the ability of aid to achieve its goals in the presence of both incentives and informational problems. <p>The thesis consists of three essays dealing with a particular aspect of donor policies that may impact the effectiveness of aid: i) the drivers of aid allocation among recipient countries, ii) ex-post conditionality and the role of reputation in inducing compliance with aid contracts; iii) and finally, the optimal choice of aid modalities.<p>The first chapter investigates the drivers of U.S. aid policy. <p><p>I find considerable evidence that the pattern of aid is dictated as much by political and strategic considerations, as by the economic needs and merit of the recipients. Most importantly, inertia seems to impact heavily the aid allocation process. Any of these motivations, when excessive, would lead to a time inconsistency situation where the donor is not credible in his conditionality. With such an impact on aid allocation, the question arises on the effectiveness of conditioning aid provision on political, social, or economic reforms. This is precisely the scope of chapter 2.<p><p>The second chapter investigates the conditions under which reputation can serve as commitment device in order to induce donors of development aid to enforce aid contracts and recipients to comply with such contracts. The idea is that the success of conditionality rests solely on the availability of a commitment technology that ties the hands of the donor. Reputation concerns could create the required incentives and overcome the altruism effect on the donor side.<p><p>Notwithstanding that incentive creation must not be driven by the volume of aid only, but also by the way it is channelled, i.e. aid modality. This is particularly relevant for recipients with certain characteristics. Depending on the preference alignment of the donor and the recipient, the information structure in place, the optimal aid modality can change. The characteristics of the optimal aid package are investigated in chapter 3. Optimality imposes a mix of fixed project and financial transfer to recipient countries. The transfer can be negative for countries exhibiting a high willingness or ability to redistribute to the poor. This is interpreted as a contribution to the financing of the infrastructure project. The extent of the project (large or small size) is determined by the interest of government for the poor in the recipient country.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’émergence des organisations paysannes en milieu périurbain et rural en République du Congo en particulier à Brazzaville et dans les Plateaux, s’inscrit dans une dualité de logiques : des logiques paysannes propres aux paysans eux-mêmes et, en même temps, des logiques institutionnelles sous l’impulsion des acteurs extérieurs, l’Etat, les ONG, les agences de coopération bilatérales et multilatérales. On voit donc apparaître de nouvelles dynamiques organisationnelles, ouvrant de nouveaux espaces à l’éruption d’acteurs sociaux qui, à travers des stratégies de positionnement et de promotion s’improvisent comme intermédiaires entre les flux financiers circulant dans ces milieux. Ces nouveaux acteurs se distinguent par leurs charisme, leurs compétences, leur connaissance endogène du milieu, leur appartenance sociale, et leur position dans l’arène locale. Elite, jeune, femme, religieuse, notable du village, etc., acquièrent ainsi une légitimité dans leur milieu, deviennent de véritables courtiers contrôlant les canaux de communication entre les donateurs et les paysans. Positionnement ou promotion, ces nouveaux acteurs jouent un rôle central dans l’arène des possibles. Quelles que soient leur origine, ces dynamiques n’enrayent pas les clivages qui ont existé et apparaissent actuellement sous des nouvelles formes, responsables de conflits entre les acteurs. Par ailleurs, l’aide au développement dont bénéficient les paysans et leurs groupements n’est assurément pas neutre. Elle véhicule l’idéologie des donateurs, et créée inévitablement des comportements d’adaptation des paysans aux exigences des structures d’appui et peut entraîner une perte au moins partielle de leur autonomie. / The emergence of peasant organizations in peri-urban and rural areas in Republic of Congo in particular with Brazzaville and in the Plateau, has a dual logical understanding; peasant farmers view and at the same time, institutional view influenced by external actors, the state, NGOs, bilateral and multilateral cooperation agencies. We see the emergence of new organizational dynamics, which lead to the creation of new spaces and the coming in of social actors who position themselves as intermediaries between financial flows circulating in these environments. These new players are distinguished by their charisma, their skills, their endogenous knowledge of the environment, social affiliation, and their position in the local arena. Elite, young, woman, religious, village elder, etc., they acquire legitimacy in their communities, become real brokers controlling the communication channels between donors and farmers. Whether self imposed or promoted, these new actors play a central role in the arena of possibilities. Whatever their origin, these dynamics do not wipe out the cleavages that have existed and still appear in new forms, the cause of conflicts between actors. In addition, development aid enjoyed by farmers and their associations is certainly not neutral. It conveys the ideology of donors, and influences the behavior of farmers to cope with the requirements of support structures and may result in different degrees of loss of their autonomy.

La pratique internationale montre que l'aide au développement est souvent attribuée à un État souverain, ce qui n'est pas le cas des territoires palestiniens, en dépit de leur statut d'État observateur non membre de l'ONU. La particularité du statut de la Palestine explique la nature singulière mais aussi ambivalente de l'aide de l'Union européenne, qui peut être relevée à tous les niveaux du processus de gestion. Selon les objectifs premiers, définis pour les territoires de Cisjordanie et de la Bande de Gaza, l'aide publique au développement (APD) contribue à la réalisation des accords de paix afin d'aider les protagonistes à parvenir à une solution viable en conformité avec le droit international et les résolutions de l'ONU. Pour la Communauté internationale, et tout particulièrement l'Union européenne, la «solution de deux États», israélien et palestinien, demeure la seule voie pour mettre un terme au conflit et garantir la sécurité d'Israël. Ces objectifs sont d'autant plus renforcés que depuis l'entrée en vigueur du traité de Lisbonne, la coopération au développement est devenue une compétence partagée entre l'Union et ses États membres, sa mise en œuvre étant arrêtée par le Parlement européen et le Conseil conformément à la procédure législative ordinaire. Or, une analyse fine de la structure de I' APD, objet de la présente recherche, démontre que l'Union européenne, premier donateur des territoires palestiniens de Cisjordanie et de la Bande de Gaza, n'est pas en mesure d'apporter une aide autre que financière ou humanitaire, ce qui l'empêche d'agir sur la construction d'un État palestinien, et de permettre aux territoires de se dégager de leur double dépendance à l'égard de l'aide européenne et de l'économie israélienne, notamment par la promotion de secteurs productifs. Pour autant, ces dernières années, l'Union s'efforce, certes laborieusement, de refonder son aide pour intégrer, de manière effective, le paramètre de l'occupation qui menace irrémédiablement le processus de paix. Hormis la place considérable qu'occupe le conflit proprement dit dans la mise en œuvre de I' APD, un certain nombre de contraintes, notamment d'ordre structurel et institutionnel, explique le défaut d'une stratégie établie en vue d'aider les Palestiniens et leur Autorité nationale à construire, de manière autonome et durable, les fondations de l'État. Aujourd'hui, confrontée à ces obstacles de fond majeurs, et compte tenu du blocage des négociations de paix, l'Union européenne peine à établir une cohérence dans sa stratégie d'aide, à destination des territoires palestiniens, tant au regard des objectifs initiaux de I' APD que du respect de ses principes et valeurs, dont la portée a pourtant été confortée par le traité de Lisbonne. / International practice shows that development aid is often attributed to a sovereign state, which is not the case of the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (WBGS), despite their status of nonmember observer state in the UN. The special status of Palestine explains the unprecedented nature of the assistance of the European Union, which falls at all levels of the management process. According to the initial objectives set for the WBGS, official development assistance (ODA) contribute to the achievement of peace agreements in order to help the protagonists to reach a viable solution in accordance with the international law and UN resolutions. For the international community, particularly the European Union, the "two-state solution", Israel and Palestine remains the best way to end the conflict and ensure the security of Israel. These goals are all the more strengthened since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, development cooperation has become a shared competence between the Union and its Member States, its implementation being adopted by the European Parliament and the Council under the ordinary legislative procedure. However, a detailed analysis of the structure of ODA, purpose of this research, shows that the EU -first donor to Palestinian territories- is unable to provide assistance other than humanitarian or financial, which prevents influence the construction of a Palestinian state or to allow territories to be released from their dual dependence of EU aid and the Israeli economy, in particular through the promotion of productive sectors. Yet, in recent years, the Union has been trying, pitilessly, to rebuild its aid in order to effectively integrate the occupation parameter, which is an irreparable threat to the peace process. Apart from the large weight of the conflict itself in the implementation of ODA, a number of constraints, including structural and institutional order, explain the failure of a strategy clearly established to help Palestinians and their national authority to build, in an autonomous and sustainable way, the foundations of the state. Today, faced with these major obstacles, and given the stalemate in the peace negotiations, the European Union is struggling to establish coherence in its aid strategy for the Palestinian territories, both in terms of the initial objectives of ODA and with respect to its constituent principles and values, the scope of which was nevertheless strengthened by the Treaty of Lisbon.

The thesis analyzes the role of NGOs in the field of international development assistance, mainly analyzes the structure of funding and links with the expenditures of the state budget. Total expenditures on official development assistance are set into the structure of the state budget, revenues are quantified in selected non-profit organizations and their structure is outlined. The thesis also covers legislative changes introduced by the new Civil Code. There are used analytical, comparative and descriptive methods by which the author comes to the conclusion that the form of projects implemented by non-profit organizations can be influenced by the Concept of development assistance and subsidies which can be obtained from the state.

This thesis studies the identification and analysis of the impact of the latest economic crisis of 2008 on selected countries of the world with the purpose of identifying the relevance of channels through which the financial and economic crisis has spread to these countries. The thesis focuses on two regions of the world: Africa and Latin America. In both of these regions two countries are chosen to be analyzed more closely. These are Nigeria and Malawi for Africa, Brazil for South America and Belize for Central America. The possible channels of transmission of the crisis were identified to be private capital flows, international trade and commodity prices, remittances and international aid. In the analysis of the chosen countries, it was identified that the most important channels were international trade, commodity prices and capital flows. On the other hand the least impactful channels were remittances and international aid. These were rather stable during the crisis and in the case of aid even played a countercyclical role.

Annotation: The diploma thesis is aimed at processing the issue of adaptation of volunteers sent by humanitarian organizations on missions abroad. First, the humanitarian help and development aid with volunteering and principles of international volunteer cooperation are described. Second, the adaptation in relation to work abroad is characterized including tools for managing the adaptation process. Data were drawn from academic resources and reports issued by Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic and nonprofit organizations operating in the current field. The empirical survey objective is to identify and compare how adaptation of volunteers sent to foreign missions is being carried out by Czech organizations including ADRA, Brontosauři v Himalájích, People in Need, INEX-SDA, Doctors without Borders, SADBA and SIRIRI. The tools for managing the adaptation in these organizations will be compared as well. A method of qualitative semi-structured interviews with Human Resources managers ensuring the adaptation of volunteers will be used to gather the data. Furthermore, there will be made questionnaire survey with volunteers from each organization that have undergone an adaptation process within the last two years. It will be ascertained whether adaptation processes meet the needs of volunteers based...

New Public Management has been the prevailing governance model in public sector administration since the late 1980s. In 2005, OECD-DAC member states adopted the resultsbased management model ‘Paris Agenda for Aid Effectiveness’, building on new public management theory and values. The aim was to achieve more effective aid by coordinatingand harmonising donor efforts, aligning development interventions and funding, supporting national ownership and propelling a result- and accountability culture by demonstrating achievements.Despite its worthy ambitions the Aid Effectiveness Agenda has paradoxically failed todeliver on its own outcomes. The results-based management framework underpinning theagenda has proven to be highly complex in methodology, interpretation and application. The framework is laborious and burdensome, diverting time from ‘ordinary’ work and risking a bureaucratization of the development aid sector. The ‘measurement fever’ has grippeddonors and agencies alike, and is now mainly driven by donors’ domestic accountability concerns, rather than the real needs of developing countries. More alarmingly, it has not onlyhad numerous unintended consequences but also outright adverse effects. This in turnen dangers long-term human development.This study sets out to explore to what extent the results-based management framework, based on new public management theory, has been a suitable management model to achieve aid effectiveness in the development aid sector. It departs from the governance theories of Denhardt and Denhardt (2000) and assesses whether New Public Service couldbe a fitting alternative governance model. The study utilizes the realist review methodology,specifically the CMO-configuration, in order to explore how context and mechanisms interact and how this affects the outcome. This study has through its aggregative and configurativeambition explored 26 scholarly articles in the time frame of 2011 to 2021 in order to draw conclusions.The review has found that the results-based management framework does not support the underlying theory of change that is imperative to achieve the Aid Effectiveness Agenda.Contextual factors are found to impede implementation, although due to being under research edit is difficult to determine to what extent. Further, none of the five mechanisms ofthe Paris Declaration can neither fully nor partially be said to contribute to ‘aid effectiveness’as defined in the Aid Effectiveness Agenda. Rather, the review has found that the literatureall point to numerous adverse effects of its implementation.This study concludes that the New Public Service governance model, at least intheory, could prove to be a more suitable management model for the development aidsector. Since the sector is neither linear nor predictable as the business sector for whichthe framework was developed, it is not surprising that adverse effects abound. Especiallysince the development aid sector is highly complex with a multitude of actors, politicalincentives and not least challenging implementational environments. In contrast, New Public Service places the citizen at the centre and aspire at buildingdemocratic citizenship and community through citizen participation and dialogue. Such analternative governance model built on democratic theory and participative epistemologyhas the potential to democratize governance practices by replacing the vertical top-downprincipal-agent dynamics of new public management with more horizontal forms of citizeninvolvement, co-determination and mutual accountability. New Public Service stresses the‘serving not steering’ aspect of governance, which would open up for a more authenticdiscourse of recipients owning development in their own society and setting the direction.No systematic review has previously been carried out to assess governance models inrelation to achieving the Aid Effectiveness Agenda. In fact, there is very little research onwhat has worked or not regarding the agenda. This thesis sets out to fill this gap and tocontribute to the discussion of governance models on a theoretical level. It is also anempirical contribution to applied development management regarding insights about whatcontexts and mechanisms affect aid effectiveness.