This dissertation investigates the mutual life project of Signe (1896-1988) and Axel Höjer (1890-1974), a married couple who were key actors in the construction of the Swedish welfare state. It emphasises the ways in which they went about asserting a special public health expertise in different contexts. As starting points I take the malleability of the concept folkhälsa (people’s health or population health) and the centrality of expertise in the governance of modern societies. Theoretical concepts such as gender, policy transfer, biopower and governmentality are central to the analysis. The dissertation includes three parts. The first part investigates how the Höjers agreed to coordinate their work and how they, with reference to ideas picked up in France and England at the end of World War I, attempted to reform mother and child health care in Sweden. Their strategies where rhetorical but also practical, using Hagalund outside Stockholm as their experimental ground. The second part investigates, firstly, how Axel Höjer, as General-Director of the Medical Board of Sweden (1935-52) asserted a sociomedical expertise, integrating the emerging social sciences and universalist views on the organisation of the welfare state into the realm of medicine, in order to launch ideas of a thorough reorganisation and expansion of the Swedish health care system. His focus was on preventive medicine and health care, with the complete physical, mental and social health of the whole population as an explicit goal. Secondly, it explores how Signe Höjer at the same time tried to launch ideas on health and wellbeing as a social politician and a public committee member. She also tried to define family policy as a specific policy area. However, despite her training as a nurse and a social worker, she was largely confined to asserting a particularly ”female” expertise, which made her position rather ambiguous in terms of authority. The third part investigates how the Höjers, in the 1950s and 60s, worked with international health, Axel mainly for the WHO in India and Ghana, Signe as a policy entrepreneur, primarily in the fields of childcare and family planning. My findings partly confirm theories that see development aid as an extension of domestic social policy, but they challenge the view of aid as a simple one-way process. I demonstrate how the Höjers at least tried to adapt their projects abroad to meet local circumstances, and also show how they brought lessons from the third world to a domestic public. In the latter case they did not primarily act as experts of Swedish-style social policy, but as experts on the developing countries and on development aid.

No description available.

Questo studio analizza i meccanismi di diffusione di iniziative di Inclusive Business secondo i principi della Teoria Base della Piramide (BOP). La ragione è quella di approfondire l’ipotesi che tali iniziative possano rappresentare un modello di policies a favore dello Sviluppo Sostenibile e Umano, a livello globale. Due variabili sono state analizzate: la replicabilità geografica dei modelli di inclusive Business e la presenza di un contesto istituzionale di supporto. Lo studio ha verificato l’ipotesi attraverso un’analisi qualitativa di due aziende (per la variabile geografica), quindici laboratori appartenenti al BOP Learning Lab Network (per la variabile istituzionale) e novantasei casi-studio del database UNDP Growing Inclusive Markets (per entrambe le variabili). I risultati indicano la presenza di barriere culturali, politiche, normative ed economiche che impediscono la replicabilità/diffusione di iniziative BOP. Dal punto di vista istituzionale, appare una scarsa integrazione dei rappresentanti delle comunità BOP all’interno delle istituzioni a loro supporto. Tuttavia, sono emersi due driver per la diffusione di iniziative BOP: reti migratorie e organizzazioni settoriali. Questi sono stati analizzati evidenziandone le potenzialità relativamente alla domanda di ricerca. Infine, sono state presentate questioni aperte derivanti dalla diffusione di meccanismi di Inclusive Business a livello globale, contestualizzandole in rapporto alla Teoria BOP. / This study wants to investigate the process of diffusion of Inclusive Businesses according to the principles of the Bottom of the Pyramid (BOP) theory. The rationale is to investigate whether the Inclusive Business approach may lead to a new policy framework addressing Sustainability needs and Human Development, at a global level. Two diffusion-related variables were tested: the geographical replication of Inclusive Business models and the presence of a supporting institutional landscape. The study verified the hypothesis through a qualitative analysis of two firms (geographical replication variable), sixteen labs from the BOP Learning Lab Network (supporting institutional landscape variable) and ninety-six case-studies of the UNDP Growing Inclusive Markets database (both variables). Results showed cultural, policy, regulatory and economic barriers hampering the geographical replication of BOP ventures. From the institutional point of view, results showed a poor integration of actors from the BOP within the supporting institutions. Yet, two drivers to diffuse the Inclusive Businesses emerged: migrant networks and sector-level organizations. Both were investigated highlighting their potentialities in relation to the research question. Finally, open issues on the diffusion of Inclusive Business models were presented, explaining their contribution in advancing the state of the art of the BOP theory.

The above topic deals with the land use planning, the land-tenure and the deeds registration systems, applicable in former black urban and rural areas of KwaZulu Natal. These areas are divided into three categories, namely: 1. black townships on former black land (former KwaZulu townships); 2. rural or tribal land; and 3. black townships on former white land (Development Aid (DDA) townships). The writer firstly explains how the above categories of land were created in terms of the 1913 and 1936 land laws and how the administration and control of the first two categories was taken over by the former KwaZulu Legislative Assembly in 1986 whilst administration and control of the last category remained with the South African Development Trust. The writer critically analyses different pieces of legislation relating to the land system in the abovementioned categories of land. The writer further critically analyses the new land laws and their effect on the said land system. / Law / LL.M.

This thesis deals the phenomenon of globalization in relation to aspects of its origin, content, course and possible further development. It presents the current debate experts, social scientists and theological authorities, aspecially Pope Benedict XVI., in the most important topics of globalization different walks of life: political, economic, social, enviromental and religious. The thesis also presents future scenarios of globalization to the public interpreted contemporary experts. The main emphasis is placed on interpretation of the globalization process secular world view and Catholic social doctrine.

Under 1995 togs ett riksdagsbeslut om att skapa en stödform som möjliggjorde för partier med mandat i riksdagen att med Sida-finansierade projektmedel verka för att bygga upp partisystem i Östeuropa och i utvecklingsländer genom så kallade partianknutna organisationer (PAO). Dessa organisationer skall enligt ett regeringsbeslut från 1998 också arbeta med att särskilt uppmärksamma kvinnor i sina projekt. Jämställdhet har sedan mitten av 1990-talet varit ett av huvudmålen för svenskt bistånd och på senare år har jämställdhet kommit att utgöra en betydelsefull markör för svensk nationell identitet. I uppsatsen studeras hur svenska nationella identiteter konstrueras i PAO:s biståndsarbete för jämställdhet, och med att särskilt uppmärksamma kvinnor. Syftet fokuserar på hur dessa föreställningar, sammanlänkade med idéer om kön och ’ras’, etableras och upprätthålls inom PAO-biståndet. Ett kompletterande syfte är att lyfta fram ambivalenser i konstruktionen av dessa identiteter, för att visa att organisering kring andra identiteter är möjligt. På det här sättet vill uppsatsen ifrågasätta förgivet tagna identiteter och sätta in dem i ett sammanhang där olika aspekter av identitetskonstruktioner inom bistånd kan diskuteras.

On Constate aujourd’hui une avancée significative du processus de démocratisation au Togo et au Zimbabwe grâce à la politique de la conditionnalité démocratique de l’aide européenne au développement et aux sanctions financières édictées contre ces pays. C’est la synergie des forces externes et internes qui a contribué au changement de politique au Togo et au Zimbabwe. La mobilisation de la société civile a également été utile. Cependant, le système politique produit par la politique de la conditionnalité n’est que de façade car les résultats obtenus ne sont pas à la hauteur des attentes. Le bilan est mitigé. Les réformes entreprises au Togo et au Zimbabwe ne sont qu’apparentes. La dépendance de l’aide a engendré la corruption, les dettes, et a sapé les investissements. Tant que des solutions appropriées n’auront pas été trouvées à l’aspiration démocratique des peuples africains en tenant compte de leurs réalités sociales, culturelles, économiques et politiques ; les crises sociopolitiques risquent de perdurer sur le continent. L’Afrique a besoin aujourd’hui d’une institution forte capable de concilier la démocratie et le développement. Elle a aussi besoin de l’indépendance budgétaire et monétaire. / Today there is a significant advance in the democratization process in Togo and Zimbabwe because of the political democratic conditionality for EU development aid and financial sanctions imposed against the country. It is the synergy of internal and external forces that contributed to the change in policy in Togo and Zimbabwe. The mobilization of civil society has been helpful. However, the political system produced by policy conditionality is only façade since the results are not up to what was expected. The results are mixed. The reforms undertaken in Togo and Zimbabwe are only apparent. In addition, aid dependence has fostered corruption, debt, and undermined investment. Unless appropriate solutions can be found to the democratic aspirations of the African peoples, taking into account their social, cultural, economic and political realities; sociopolitical crises are likely to persist on the continent. Africa today needs a strong institution capable of reconciling democracy and development. It also needs fiscal and monetary independence

En matière d’aide au développement le droit est aussi inventif que fertile : droits économiques et sociaux, droits de l’homme, développement humain durable, etc. ; autant de matières mises en balance avec le droit du marché, de la concurrence sous couvert d’un intérêt économique général. La première option de cette étude est d’envisager les mécanismes juridiques propres à l’aide au développement à travers ces deux finalités à première vue antinomiques : l’efficience économique et le développement humain. La seconde est de délimiter le champ de recherche à la matière conventionnelle afin d’apprécier le seul processus partenarial qui, du point de vue de la coopération internationale, n’a pas livré tout son potentiel. L’intérêt de ce modèle de coopération internationale fondé sur le « Partenariat » n’est encore que secondaire comparé à la nature des parties (publique et privée) qui s’obligent, la nature des droits (politiques, économiques et sociaux) qu’il se propose de concilier, et enfin, les obligations à la fois de rentabilité et d’humanisme (le marché du développement humain) qu’il impose aux partenaires. Ainsi, la finalité de cette recherche est, certes, d’interroger les effets juridiques de tels partenariats, mais également de considérer le contrat de marchés publics d’aide au développement comme, potentiellement, porteur d’une nouvelle formule de coopération visant à résorber les inégalités de développement entre États. / As regards development aid the law is as creative as fertile : economic and social rights, human rights, sustainable development, etc. ; so many matters put in balance with the market law, the competition on behalf of a general economic interest. The first option of this study is to consider the legal mechanisms peculiar to the development aid through these two ends, at first sight paradoxical/antinomical : the economic efficiency and the human development. The second is to bound the field of research to the conventional material in order to appreciate the only process partnership which, from the international cooperation point of view, has not delivered yet all his potential. The interest of this international cooperation pattern based on the ”Partnership” remains still secondary, compared with the nature of the parties (public and private) which bind themselves, the nature of the rights (political, economical and social) that it sets out to conciliate, and finally, the bonds of profitability as well as humanism (the market of human development) it imposes upon its partners. Thus, the purpose of this research is indeed, to question the legal effects of such partnerships, but also, to regard the contract of public procurements of Development Aid, as potentially a growth market of an new model cooperation to be used for resorb inequalities of development between states.

La thèse vise à examiner les politiques d'aide au développement de l'Union européenne (UE) et leur impact sur les conditions politiques, économiques, sécuritaires et sociales dans le Territoire palestinien occupé (TPO). De plus, elle vise à répondre à la question de savoir si ces politiques ont concrètement contribué à la construction d'une économie palestinienne solide conduisant à l'établissement d'un État palestinien, ou si elles étaient seulement des politiques destinées à protéger un processus de paix, délabré en permanence, et à maintenir le statu quo de l'occupation tout en répondant aux exigences de survie de la population palestinienne. L'étude met en lumière l'évolution de la politique d'aide européenne au peuple palestinien en accordant de l'intérêt à l'évolution de la politique étrangère de l'UE envers le conflit palestino-israélien et aux institutions en charge de la coopération au développement avec les pays tiers au sein de l'Union. La présente recherche a pour objet l'aide accordée par l'UE aux Palestiniens pour la période s'étendant de 1993 à 2014. Elle met en évidence un ensemble de résultats, dont le plus important est que cette aide a joué un rôle éminent afin d'éviter l'effondrement de l'Autorité nationale palestinienne (ANP) et d'aider le peuple palestinien. Elle s'est diversifiée au cours des années, en quantité et en qualité, afin de s'adapter à la situation politique, économique et humanitaire dans le TPO. Elle a contribué aux réformes réussies effectuées par l'ANP dans plusieurs secteurs, et elle a davantage soutenu les plans nationaux palestiniens de développement. Pourtant, cette aide n'a réussi ni à freiner les politiques de dé-développement pratiquées systématiquement par l'occupation, ni à mettre de la pression sur Israël. Cette recherche souligne que cette aide ne réalisera pas ses objectifs, notamment celui de l'établissement d'un État palestinien viable coexistant avec l’État d'Israël en paix et en sécurité, tant que l'UE n'utilisera pas son pouvoir économique et ne transformera pas sa rhétorique en actions concrètes sur le terrain. / The study aims to examine the policies of development aid of the European Union (EU) and their impact on the political, economic, security and social conditions in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). In addition, it seeks to answer the question whether these policies have helped to build a strong Palestinian economy leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state, or if they were only policies to protect the peace process, permanently dilapidated, and maintain the status quo of the occupation while meeting the basic requirements of survival of the Palestinian population. The study highlights the evolution of the European political support to the Palestinian people by highlighting the evolution of EU foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the institutions responsible for the development cooperation with third countries within the Union. This research relates to the aid granted by the EU to the Palestinians for the period extending from 1993 to 2014. It highlights a set of results, the most important is that this aid has played a prominent role in avoiding the collapse of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) and in helping the Palestinian people. It has diversified over the years, both in quantity and quality, to fit the political, economic and humanitarian situation in the OPT. It contributed to the successful reforms carried out by the PNA in several sectors, and has further supported the Palestinian national development plans. However, this aid has not succeeded to curb the de-development policies systematically practiced by the occupation or to put pressure on Israel. This research underlines that this aid will not achieve its objectives, including that of the establishment of a viable Palestinian state coexisting with the State of Israel in peace and security, as long as the EU does not use its economic power and does not turn its rhetoric into concrete action on the ground.

Les conférences internationales de Jomtien en 1990, de Dakar en 2000 sur l’Éducation pour tous et la déclaration du millénaire pour le développement ont abouti à l’engagement de faire de l’éducation (surtout l’éducation de base), un pilier important du développement pour toute société, accessible à tous et toutes (enfants, jeunes et adultes). Le Forum de Dakar exhortait aussi les pays riches et les organismes internationaux à soutenir financièrement et techniquement les pays en développement ayant un programme éducatif pertinent. Afin de respecter ces engagements internationaux et nationaux (la Loi sur l’orientation de l’éducation de 2007 et la Stratégie de croissance accélérée et de développement durable), le Burkina Faso a élaboré et mis en œuvre un Programme décennal de développement de l’éducation de base (PDDEB), de 2001 à 2010, suivi du Programme de développement stratégique de l’éducation de base (PDSEB) qui couvre la période de 2012 à 2021. Le PDSEB nécessite d’importantes ressources financières dont le pays ne dispose pas. Il a donc sollicité le soutien de différents partenaires techniques et financiers, dont le Canada et le Partenariat mondial pour l’éducation (PME). La présente étude vise à analyser la mise en œuvre des nouvelles modalités de l’aide publique au développement à travers l’appui du Canada et du PME à la phase I du PDSEB (2012-2015). Pour ce faire, elle se base sur la Déclaration de Paris sur l’efficacité de cette aide (OCDE, 2005) comme cadre de référence. Ce cadre a guidé la collecte des données (constitution d’un corpus de documents institutionnels et réalisation d’une vingtaine d’entretiens individuels avec des représentants des ministères de l’Éducation nationale, de l’Économie et de différentes agences de coopération présentes au Burkina Faso) ainsi que leur analyse. / The international conferences of Jomtien in 1990, Dakar in 2000 on Education for All and the Millennium Development Declaration resulted in the commitment to make education (especially basic education) an important pillar of development for any society, accessible to all (children, youth and adults). The Dakar forum also urged rich countries and international organizations to provide financial and technical support to developing countries with relevant educational programs. In order to meet these international and national commitments (the 2007 Education Orientation Act and the Strategy for Accelerated Growth and Sustainable Development), Burkina Faso developed and implemented a Ten-Year Basic Education Development Program (PDDEB) from 2001 to 2010, followed by the Strategic Development Program for Basic Education (PDSEB) covering the period from 2012 to 2021. The PDSEB requires significant financial resources that the country does not have. It has therefore sought the support of various technical and financial partners, including Canada and the Global Partnership for Education (GPE). This study was designed to analyze the implementation of new official development assistance modalities through Canada’s and the GPE’s support to Phase I of the PDSEB (2012-2015). To this end, we use the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness (OECD, 2005) as a conceptual framework. This framework guided the data collection (creation of a corpus of institutional documents and individual interviews with around 20 representatives of the Ministries of National Education and the Economy and various cooperation agencies present in Burkina Faso) as well as their analysis.