The aim of this thesis called 'Problems and perspectives of development aid: donors and developing countries' are main questions of development aid in general. Basic ideas of the whole concept are defined in the first chapter. The history of development aid and international theories' perspectives of development aid are mentioned here. The second chapter consists of classifications and characteristics of developing countries together with their capacities for integration. The donors are presented in the third chapter. The main part of the thesis is the fourth chapter in which the problems of development aid are analysed on the grounds of contemporary field literature. At the beginning of the fourth chapter the qualitative problems of development aid are analysed together with the donors' motivations for its distribution. The best possible form of development aid is discussed later on - whether it is better to provide developing countries with loans or non-repayable grants. Moreover, the coordination problems within the development aid are discussed as well as possible alternatives to development aid - such as trade. The thesis pays also attention to negative consequences of development aid. Possible solutions to the problems mentioned are sketched within each sub-chapter.

Conflict Related Sexual Violence (CRSV) is a persistent and pervasive humanitarian issue, exacerbated by complexities inherent in global conflicts. Recognising the widespread character of CRSV, the need for comprehensive measures to combat it becomes apparent. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where CRSV remains a prevalent element in the conflict, Panzi Hospital stands out for its specialisation in assisting survivors. The hospital has developed a holistic care model known as the Panzi Model, which serves as a guiding framework for their efforts. In an increasingly interconnected world, characterised by blurred borders and interdependence among societies, the importance of knowledge transfer (KT), especially while acknowledging the importance of an intersectional approach, becomes evident. This study aimed to assess stakeholders' perceptions of the transferability of the Panzi Model, with a specific focus on its transfer from the DRC to Ukraine, facilitated by the Mukwege Foundation. Employing a qualitative mixed-methods approach, empirical data was collected through interviews and document analysis. The analysis was guided by a theoretical framework—a process model for KT developed within the scope of this research, integrating intersectionality into all its phases. Key findings reveal optimism regarding the model's adaptability, but significant challenges persist, including cultural barriers and a lack of conscious decision-making processes of KT. While efforts have been made to raise awareness and provide support services in Ukraine, challenges remain, including a disproportionate focus on advocacy efforts, leaving limited space for tangible medical and psychological support efforts––both key components of the Panzi Model. Findings also revealed the complexities of deciding whether to establish one-stop-centres (OSCs) or to work through referral systems. In conclusion, the study suggests that while the philosophy of the Panzi Model can be transferred, its full implementation requires nuanced adaptations. Recommendations include transparent disclosure of adaptations and a focus on underlying principles rather than rigid methods. Additionally, the study advocates for fostering international civil society collaboration and prioritising long-term aid for sustainable development. Overall, successful application of these concepts requires contextual sensitivity and ongoing collaboration among stakeholders.

Sino-African relations have recently become a hot topic. Chinese cooperation with the African continent is becoming more and more important not only in the field of politics but also within the economic relations. This thesis deals with two five-years long periods in the 60s and at the beginning of the 21st century. It analyses the dynamics of modern Sino-African relations in a variety of aspects.

Le financement basé sur la performance est une approche gestionnaire promue par la Banque Mondiale (BM) et United States Agency for International Development (USAID), qui connaît une rapide diffusion dans les programmes d’aide au développement. Dans un contexte où de nombreux travaux ont démontré la subjectivité du lien entre la lutte contre la pauvreté et les « bonnes politiques » recommandées par la BM dans le cadre de l’allocation basée sur la performance (ou sélectivité), il apparaît pertinent de s’interroger sur la performativité de ce nouvel instrument. En mobilisant conjointement la théorie de l’acteur-réseau et les théories néo-institutionnelles,cette thèse analyse, au niveau global puis dans un cadre national, le processus de conception, d’expérimentation, de diffusion et de mise en œuvre de l’instrument dans le domaine de la réforme des systèmes de santé. Au niveau global, nous étudions la conceptualisation de l’instrument, que nous replaçons dans une généalogie de la performation, par le réseau néolibéral, des politiques d’aide au développement et de santé globale. Nous analysons ensuite son expérimentation au Rwanda,dans le cadre d’un dispositif de régulation par le marché des systèmes de santé mis en œuvre à travers : (I) la mise en place d’une tarification à l’activité visant à transformer les structures de santé en acteurs économiques autonomes (volet offre), et (II) la création de mutuelles privées communautaires à même de développer des stratégies d’achats (volet demande). Nous étudions enfin sa diffusion institutionnelle sous l’effet (i) d’une valorisation de l’expérimentation rwandaise sans prise en compte de son contexte spécifique, et (II) d’un dispositif incitatif permettant l’enrôlement des responsables de la BM et des ministères bénéficiaires. Au niveau national, nous étudions la stratégie d’influence de la BM et de l’USAID en faveur de la diffusion de ces réformes au Sénégal. Nous présentons le processus d’adoption de ces réformes par le Ministère de la santé, la mise en échec d’un modèle de régulation concurrent en voie d’expérimentation par la coopération technique belge, puis les pressions exercées parla BM pour contraindre le gouvernement à internaliser le modèle promu. Nous mettons ensuite en perspective l’abandon du modèle de régulation par le marché qui était initialement affiché,au profit d’une nouvelle régulation transnationale, matérialisée par un contrat de financement basé sur l’activité directement contrôlé par la BM. / Performance-based financing is a management approach promoted by the World Bank (WB) and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) that is rapidly being mainstreamed in development assistance programs. In a context where many studies have demonstrated the subjectivity of the link between the fight against poverty and the "good policies" recommended by the WB in the context of performance-based allocation (or selectivity), it seems relevant to question the performativity of this new instrument. Drawing jointly on actor-network theory and neo-institutional theories, we analyze the process of designing, experimenting, disseminating and implementing the instrument in the field of health policy reforms at the global level and then at the national level.At the global level, we study the conceptualization of the instrument, which we place in agenealogy of the neoliberal network's performance of development aid and global healthcarepolicies. We then analyze its experimentation in Rwanda, as part of a market-based regulationfor healthcare systems implemented through: (I) the deployment of activity-based payments to transform healthcare structures into autonomous economic actors (on the supply side), and (II) the creation of private community-based insurance structures designed to develop purchasing strategies (on the demand side). Finally, we study the instrument’s institutional diffusion under the effects of (I) a promotion of the Rwandan experiment decontextualized from the country’sspecific political situation, and (II) an incentive mechanism allowing the enrolment of both WB’sofficials and the ministries that are benefitting from the WB’s aid. At the national level, we have studied the influence strategy of a coalition of actors composedof the WB and USAID to promote the dissemination of these reforms in Senegal. We present the process of adoption of the reforms by the Ministry of Health, the failure of a competing regulatory model that was being tested by Belgian technical cooperation, and then the pressure exerted by the WB to coerce the government into internalizing the promoted model.We then put into perspective the abandonment of the market-based regulatory model that was initially announced, in favor of a new transnational regulation, materialized by activity-basedfinancing contracts that are directly controlled by the WB.

Cette thèse retrace la construction historique d’une politique publique dite prioritaire de l’aide au développement. Les politiques de développement du secteur privé consistent à penser le développement économique par le renforcement d’un tissu économique privé local (micro-, petites et moyennes entreprises) et l’accueil d’investissements étrangers. La mise en place de ces politiques est ici étudiée dans le cadre des relations entre les institutions communautaires de l’Union européenne et les pays du groupe Afrique Caraïbes Pacifique (ACP), de 1975 à 2000, c’est-à-dire dans le temps des accords quinquennaux successifs de partenariat UE-ACP sous les Conventions de Lomé.Si ces politiques représentent un objectif aujourd’hui dominant de l’aide au développement, elles existaient déjà sous d’autres formes dès 1975. Notre recherche prend le parti d’étudier les évolutions d’une politique publique d’aide au développement depuis Bruxelles en regardant en particulier les liens des services de la direction générale du développement (DG VIII) de la Commission européenne avec les instruments communautaires ou paritaires au service de cette politique : la Banque européenne d’investissement et le Centre de développement industriel. L’histoire de ces politiques est croisée ponctuellement avec les évolutions propres à certains réseaux économiques transnationaux, aux Etats-membres, et à d’autres organisations internationales (Banque mondiale, OCDE). La recherche se place dans une double perspective d’histoire des organisations internationales et d’une histoire transnationale des réseaux économiques, pour retracer les trajectoires socioprofessionnelles individuelles et les dynamiques institutionnelles qui expliquent la fabrique des politiques européennes de développement.Trois temps sont étudiés : la coopération industrielle (1975-1985) qui vise à réussir le mariage d’intérêts entre les objectifs politiques des pays en développement dans le cadre du « Nouvel ordre économique international » et les besoins économiques de l’Europe ; l’émergence du développement du secteur privé comme nouvelle terminologie hégémonique au sein du Comité d’aide au développement (CAD) de l’OCDE (1985-1995) ; le temps des réformes institutionnelles et opérationnelles de l’aide au développement au nom d’une recherche d’efficacité pour le développement et de changements globaux (1995-2000). / This thesis retraces the historical construction of a so-called priority development aid policy. Private sector development policies consist of aiming at economic development by strengthening the local private sector (micro, small and medium-sized enterprises) and improving the foreign investment climate. The implementation of these policies is studied here in the context of the relations between the European Union institutions and the countries of the Africa-Caribbean-Pacific (ACP) group from 1975 to 2000, that is to say during the five successive EU-ACP partnership agreements known as the Lomé Conventions.Although these policies represent a dominant objective of development aid today, they already existed in other forms as early as 1975. The author decided to study the evolution of a development aid public policy with a particular focus on the institutions in Brussels. The author looks at the links of the services of the Directorate-General for Development (DG VIII) of the European Commission with the Community or joint instruments serving this policy: the European Investment Bank and the Centre for Industrial Development. The history of these policies is interspersed with the evolutions that are specific to certain transnational economic networks, member states, and other international organizations (World Bank, OECD). The research is placed in a double perspective of international organizations history and a transnational history of economic networks, to trace the individual socio-professional trajectories and the institutional dynamics that explain the making of European development policies.Three stages are studied: industrial co-operation (1975-1985), which aims to achieve a marriage of interests between the political objectives of developing countries in the framework of the “New International Economic Order” and the economic needs of Europe; the emergence of “private sector development” as a new hegemonic terminology within the OECD's Development Assistance Committee (DAC) (1985-1995); the time for institutional and operational reforms of development aid in the name of effectiveness and global changes (1995-2000).

Cette thèse propose une étude de la transformation de l’État et de l’exercice du pouvoir à partir de l’observation des instruments politiques utilisés pour construire les grandes centrales solaires marocaines. Ce travail s’appuie sur deux longues observations participantes, consistant en une double ethnographie du développement dans l’institution publique bénéficiaire de l’aide ainsi que dans les institutions qui contrôlent cette aide. Je mobilise simultanément la sociologie de l’action publique et les études en sciences de gestion et en sociologie économique sur la finance et les Partenariats Public-Privé. La contractualisation des Partenariats Public-Privé semble devenir un nouveau mode d’action publique pour l’aide au développement. Or, le choix d’un type de contrat, d’un type de mode de financement, sont également des choix politiques. Les politiques euro-méditerranéennes pour les énergies renouvelables étudiées dans cette thèse illustrent un glissement des politiques publiques stato-centrées vers une action publique multiacteurs. L’analyse de la fabrication des outils et instruments du Plan Solaire Méditerranéen met en lumière un mode de gouvernance basé sur le consensus et sur l’expertification. La charpente de l’action publique pour les énergies renouvelables au Maroc est édifiée autant par les acteurs privés que publics et entraîne la diffusion des formalités issues des grandes entreprises et du marché financier. Sous l’impulsion de ces acteurs, le secteur de l’énergie solaire du Maroc s’institutionnalise à partir des années 2009 en s’inscrivant dans un processus de bureaucratisation néolibérale. Lors de cette institutionnalisation, les bailleurs de fonds et les consortiums privés véhiculent, à travers leurs expertises et leur participation à l’action publique, plusieurs instruments politiques. Cette instrumentation passe par les appels d’offres concurrentiels et internationaux, les prêts d’aide au développement économique ou issus des fonds de lutte contre le changement climatique, et enfin les solutions contractuelles comme le Partenariat Public-Privé. La synergie entre les instruments de l’aide au développement et les politiques pour les énergies renouvelables entraîne une transformation des modes de gouvernement et du rôle de l’État. L’utilisation de ces instruments de l’aide au développement et de l’expertise privée permet la régulation et le contrôle bureaucratique, au sens wébérien, du marché de l’énergie solaire. La politique de transition énergétique marocaine participe au renforcement des monopoles dans le secteur de l’énergie marocain et à sa centralisation. / This thesis proposes a study of State transformation and of the exercise of power from the observation of political instruments used to develop the big Moroccan solar power plants. This work is based on two long participative observations, which consist of a double ethnography of development in the public institution beneficiary of the aid as well as in the institutions that control this aid. I summon up both public policy sociology and studies in management and in economic sociology on finance and Public - Private Partnerships. The Public – Private Partnership contractualisation seems to become a new mode of public policy in favour of aid to development. Besides, the choice of a type of contract, of a type of mode of financing, are political choices as well. Euro-Mediterranean policies for the renewable energy studied in this thesis illustrate a shift of state-centered public policies towards a multilevel public policy. The analysis of the making of tools and instruments of the Mediterranean Solar Plan highlights a mode of governance based on consensus and expertification. The framing of the public policy for renewable energy in Morocco is erected by private and public actors and leads to the diffusion of the formalities coming from big companies and from the financial market.Compelled by these actors, the Moroccan solar energy market has been institutionalized since 2009, in keeping with a process of neoliberal bureaucratization. In this institutionnalisation, international financial institutions and private consortiums convey, through their expertise and their participation to public policy, many political instruments. This instrumentalization goes through competitive and international calls for tender, loans for economic development aids, or climate change funds, and at last contractual solutions such as Public-Private Partnership. The synergy between aid to development instruments and the policies in favour of renewable energylead to a transformation of the modes of government and of the role of State. The use of these aids to development and private expertise instruments allows bureaucratic regulation and control, as Weber says, of the solar energy market. The Moroccan energetic transition policy takes part to the strengthening of monopolies in Moroccan energy and to its centralization.

<p>Under 1995 togs ett riksdagsbeslut om att skapa en stödform som möjliggjorde för partier med mandat i riksdagen att med Sida-finansierade projektmedel verka för att bygga upp partisystem i Östeuropa och i utvecklingsländer genom så kallade partianknutna organisationer (PAO). Dessa organisationer skall enligt ett regeringsbeslut från 1998 också arbeta med att särskilt uppmärksamma kvinnor i sina projekt. Jämställdhet har sedan mitten av 1990-talet varit ett av huvudmålen för svenskt bistånd och på senare år har jämställdhet kommit att utgöra en betydelsefull markör för svensk nationell identitet.</p><p>I uppsatsen studeras hur svenska nationella identiteter konstrueras i PAO:s biståndsarbete för jämställdhet, och med att särskilt uppmärksamma kvinnor. Syftet fokuserar på hur dessa föreställningar, sammanlänkade med idéer om kön och ’ras’, etableras och upprätthålls inom PAO-biståndet. Ett kompletterande syfte är att lyfta fram ambivalenser i konstruktionen av dessa identiteter, för att visa att organisering kring andra identiteter är möjligt. På det här sättet vill uppsatsen ifrågasätta förgivet tagna identiteter och sätta in dem i ett sammanhang där olika aspekter av identitetskonstruktioner inom bistånd kan diskuteras.</p>

No description available.

In order to make development aid more efficient, a large number of donors, including Sweden, signed the so called Paris Declaration in 2005. The Declaration gives the partner countries more responsibility for their own development and aims to make he development aid provided by donor countries more measurable. It has been referred to as a paradigm shift within this policy area due to its far‐reaching goals. The Declaration has consequences for all actors in the development aid community, and this thesis aims at outlining and analyzing the effects of the Declaration on the Swedish non‐governmental organisations which hold a frame agreement with the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA). As an increasing part of evelopment aid is being channelled through NGOs and they hold an important role in the area, they are interesting subjects of study. The analysis is conducted from a society‐centred governance perspective, which focuses on how different actors in society shape public policy. The perspective hallenges the view on the state as dominating unilaterally and takes into account the diversity of actors involved in policy‐making, such as NGOs. The result of the study is, among other things, that the character of the relationships and interactions between Swedish NGOs and SIDA varies, and can be described as either a more traditional hierarchical model or co‐governing. Furthermore, the Paris Declaration is perceived by the NGOs as being a step in the right direction rather than a paradigm shift at all level. / För att göra utvecklingsbistånd effektivare, undertecknade ett stort antal givare, däribland Sverige, den så kallade Parisdeklarationen 2005. Deklarationen ger samarbetsländerna ett större ansvar för sin egen utveckling och syftar till att göra biståndet från givarländerna mer mätbart. Man har kallat detta ett paradigmskifte inom området på grund av sina långtgående mål. Deklarationen har konsekvenser för alla aktörer inom området utvecklingsbistånd, och denna uppsats syftar till att beskriva och analysera de effekter som deklarationen har på de svenska icke‐statliga organisationer som har ett ramavtal med SIDA. Eftersom en allt större del av utvecklingsbiståndet kanaliseras genom enskilda organisationer och de innehar en viktig roll i området, är de intressanta att studera. Analysen görs utifrån ett samhällsorienterat governance perspektiv som fokuserar på hur olika aktörer i samhället utformar den offentliga politiken. Perspektivet utmaningar uppfattningen om att staten ensidigt dominerar och tar hänsyn till mångfalden av aktörer i det politiska beslutsfattandet, till exempel icke‐statliga organisationer. Resultaten av undersökningen är bland annat att karaktären av de relationer och interaktioner mellan svenska icke‐statliga organisationer och SIDA varierar, och kan beskrivas som traditionellt hierarkisk, eller samarbetsbaserad (co‐governing). Vidare uppfattas Parisdeklarationen av icke‐statliga organisationer som ett steg i rätt riktning, snarare än ett paradigmskifte på alla nivåer.

Bachelor essay in political science by Linus Johansson, fall of 2006 “Aid and corruption: How do aid donors handle the corrupt regimes?”. Supervisor: Jan Olsson. The purpose of this essay is to describe the aid relation between donors and corrupt governments, to find out whether donors reckon on the problems with implementation of aid to corrupt governments when they decree their aid policy. There are a lot of different ways to implement the economic aid that are being used by the donors today, and this essay will try to exemplify the different methods of implementing the economic aid. To elucidate the relation between donors and corrupt regimes, the essay analyzes three themes: the first two questions are about the policies used by the donors, and the third question are used to shed light on the actual implementation of aid to corrupt governments. The three themes are: i) Different aid policies used by the donors ii) Do donors use particular policies against corrupt regimes? iii) Do corrupt regimes receive less foreign aid? This study stresses the fact that donors do not act like a group unit in the matter of development assistance policy, instead they act in several separate groups, this may complicate the endeavour of making economic aid effective. The conclusion of the essay is that corrupt governments are treated the same way that lesscorrupted government are, nothing today indicates that donors would give less economic aid to the corrupt regimes. This is interesting considering that donors outwards maintain the importance of rewarding good institutions, that signifies that those who in practice does not attach great importance in this matter does not fulfil their own policies. It is an important issue because corruption seems to debilitate the effects of development assistance, but development assistance having problem of debilitate the corruption in the recipients’ countries.