La question de l’efficacité de l’aide publique au développement est complexe et protéiforme. L’aide se présente sous de nombreuses formes et implique de nombreux instruments et acteurs, dont les objectifs et mêmes les philosophies diffèrent fortement entre les pays et les organisations. De cet enchevêtrement, les économistes ont jusqu’alors échoué dans leurs recherches de relations macroéconomiques robustes censées guider l’action publique. Ainsi, aucun consensus ne semble pour l’instant émerger de ce débat. Dès lors, l’orientation des politiques de développement a essentiellement été influencée par des hypothèses contestables reposant sur des fondements empiriques fragiles. Ce travail tente d’apporter de nouveaux éléments au débat sur l’efficacité de l’aide au travers de sept essais. Les trois premiers chapitres se consacrent à la question de la relation entre aide et croissance du point de vue statistique. Les nouvelles approches qui y sont proposées tentent de surmonter la plupart des défauts de la littérature empirique existante. Nous y montrons que la relation entre aide et croissance est extrêmement complexe et qu’il est difficile de l’appréhender à l’aide des méthodes économétriques usuelles. De plus, bien que l’aide semble globalement efficace en termes de croissance du PIB, son efficacité dépend de différents facteurs révélés par la présence de seuils aussi bien conditionnels que non-Conditionnels. Parmi ces facteurs, la vulnérabilité économique semble jouer un rôle primordial et sa prise en compte s’avère indispensable pour une compréhension globale du lien entre l’aide et la croissance économique. Dans une seconde partie, les deux chapitres suivants s’intéressent plus particulièrement à l’aide sectorielle, à travers l’étude de l’efficacité de deux initiatives largement reconnues que sont l’aide à la scolarisation primaire universelle et l’aide au commerce. Leur efficacité sera alors déterminée non plus en termes de croissance du PIB mais en termes de scolarisation et de performance à l’exportation. A l’instar des trois premiers chapitres, nos résultats semblent confirmer la présence d’une relation significative entre l’aide et les objectifs visés. Nos conclusions, notamment celles en termes d’éducation, vont clairement à l’encontre de l’idée selon laquelle l’aide aurait fait plus de mal que de bien. Enfin, en se basant sur les résultats précédents, les chapitres six et sept explorent, dans une troisième partie, les possibilités d’amélioration des stratégies actuelles d’allocation de l’aide mises en œuvre notamment par les grands bailleurs multilatéraux. Une de nos principales observations est que la vulnérabilité économique est un facteur important devant être pris en compte dans le design des méthodes d’allocation de l’aide. / Aid effectiveness is a complex issue. Aid comes in many instruments, has many targets and involves many stakeholders whose objectives, methods and philosophy greatly differ across countries and institutions. From this mixed bag, economists have struggled finding strong regularities at the macroeconomic level to guide the political debate and consensus have failed to emerge. Hence, political stances have often been influenced by strong assumptions based on weak or at least hotly debated evidence. This work is an attempt to provide new perspectives on the aid effectiveness debate through seven essays. The first three chapters address the technical question of the aid/growth relationship issue using new approaches and new statistical instruments in an attempt to overcome most of the caveats of the aid empirical literature. We show that the aid/growth relationship is complex and difficult to measure using common statistical methods. Moreover, while aid is globally effective, its effectiveness depends on different factors reflected by the existence of conditional and unconditional thresholds. Among those factors, economic vulnerability seems to be a key component that has to be taken into account in order to identify this relationship. In a second part, we try to assess the effectiveness of two flagship initiatives which are Aid for Trade and Universal Primary Education with regards to the outcomes they ultimately target, namely, export performance for the former and school enrolment, gender parity and repetition rate in primary school for the later. As in the first three chapters, our results support the existence of a significant relationship between aid and the targeted outcomes. Those results, notably for the education sector, clearly argue against the idea that aid has done more bad then good. Finally, based on previous results, in a third part, chapters six and seven explore the mean to improve the current aid allocation strategies used notably by the Multilateral Development Banks. One of the main conclusions is that economic vulnerability is a central factor to be taken into account in the design of aid allocation strategies.

Il coordinamento dell’aiuto pubblico allo sviluppo, evocato negli ultimi anni da più parti come la soluzione alla deludente efficacia degli aiuti è in realtà un argomento che nasce quasi contemporaneamente alle prime organizzazioni internazionali dedicate allo sviluppo . La funzione ambivalente delle Nazioni Unite, agente di mediazione diplomatica da un lato (mediazione tra stati e tra gruppi di potere all’interno dello stesso stato), e agente di sviluppo dall’altro, garantisce all’organizzazione un ruolo preminente nel coordinamento degli aiuti nei contesti di guerra e di post-conflitto. E’ questa stessa ambivalenza che impone all’organizzazione un rapporto ufficiale con i territori sottosviluppati, incardinato nella relazione con i governi centrali degli stati. La critica radicale all’aiuto pubblico allo sviluppo individua tutte le distorsioni politiche ed economiche legate all’afflusso dei fondi, sottolineandone le aggravanti possibili laddove esista una discrasia tra gli obiettivi di sviluppo delle Nazioni Unite e quelli dell’élite che occupa le posizioni apicali dello stato. Questa ricerca attraverso un’analisi storica del contesto, mette in luce l’interazione tra il sistema degli aiuti e il sistema-paese in Tajikistan dall’ingresso delle organizzazioni ai giorni nostri. L’analisi dimostra infine che la struttura politico-economica radicata sul territorio, pur conservando i tratti di uno “stato predatorio” (tratti non alleviati bensì aggravati dalle distorsioni legate all’afflusso dei fondi per lo sviluppo), sfugge in realtà alla definizione stessa di “Stato”. Questo dato rivela una debolezza insita nell’approccio metodologico del sistema degli aiuti che si fonda proprio sull’archetipo dello “Stato”. / The Official Development Assistance (ODA) coordination has been recently launched as a genuine mean to increase aid effectiveness. Actually, the “aid coordination” paradigm was born almost contemporaneously to the first international organizations dedicated to “development”. The ambivalent function of the United Nation that acts both as an agent of diplomatic mediation (among states and among different lobbies within the borders of the same state), and as a development agent, guarantees to United Nations a preeminent role in the field of aid coordination in conflict and post-conflict contexts. It’s this real ambivalence that compels the United Nations to deal with development countries through official relations with the central governments. The radical critique to development aid shows different political and economic distortions related to the incidence of foreign funds. At the same time, it underlines that wherever the goals of the official governments diverge from the development goals of the aid community these distortions might be even more burdensome for the country. This research, through an historical analysis, draws attention on the interaction among the development industry and the country-system in Tajikistan from the arrival of the international organizations to our days. The analysis demonstrates that the political and economic structure of the country, while maintaining the features of a “predatory state” (features which are not alleviated but worsened by the distortions brought about by the aid industry), simply do not comply with the definition of a “State”. This result highlights an innate weakness of the aid industry methodological approach that is in fact, fully based on the political archetype of the “State”.

Unmanned aircraft vehicles were primarily used for military purposes and are still used for them. Not only for this reason is their introduction for humanitarian aims disputable, raising various dilemmas. Supporters of humanitarian drones put emphasis on/emphasize their speed, security, data amount and the possible employment of new technology in extreme environments. Critics of humanitarian technologization stress the loss of neutrality and impartiality, politicization and militarization of humanitarian aid. Consensus does not even exist amongst academics in the field. Contemporary literature is primarily targeted on the controversy of dual-usage of UAVs and on potential technical advantages with emphasis on immediate assistance. The literature dealing with ethical issues of humanitarian drones in connection to humanitarian and development practice outside the conflict zone is almost absent, and only marginally or indirectly treats the issue. The aim of this paper is to analyse potential advantages and disadvantages of humanitarian drones' proliferation within the theoretical framework of The Code of Conduct for the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement and Non-Governmental Organizations in Disaster Relief, which deals with basic dilemmas in humanitarian aid. This thesis does not...

The effectiveness of development cooperation is currently widely discussed. Development cooperation has come to be criticized, both in terms of its appropriateness and for failing to address some of the global challenges that affect poorer nations. Respecting the differences of developing countries, therefore, plays an important role. It is a question of whether developed countries are aware of cultural and other differences and are proceeding in their help concerning these differences. The problem that the thesis wants to draw attention to is the functionality of development cooperation, which can be influenced by various actors and their beliefs. The main goal is to try to explain, using the theory named Advocacy Coalition Framework, how the beliefs of actors can affect development cooperation. One of the other partial goals is to find out whether and how advocacy coalitions are formed in the field of development cooperation. The contribution of the work is mainly the critical application of the ACF theory in the field of development cooperation in the environment of the Republic of Kenya, as well as the application of the Q method in the research of the perspectives of selected actors. According to the author, the work can also have other benefits such as providing a new perspective on the issue of...

The thesis deals with the motivations that are formative for the Danish foreign aid. Denmark is one of the most generous donors and it plays an active role on the field of international development cooperation. An analysis of his motives will help us to better understand which ideological concepts are decisive for the Danish willingness to help other nations and also to identify what interests take part in formulation of Danish development programmes. The identification of the specific dimensions of motivation is based on a broad theoretical framework, which divides motives into seven categories: security, power, wealth, enlightened self-interest, prestige, obligation and humanitarianism. The author of the study maintains that it is possible to discover a wider range of motivations in Danish development assistance. It is a great simplification to assess the Danish foreign aid only in reference to commonly shared values of international solidarity, altruism and moral obligation to help others, which are the most prominent explanations in the literature. An analysis of Danish strategies reveals that the poverty reduction and sustainable growth are the main objectives of the Danish foreign aid. Based on the quantitative analysis of four basic criteria related to the aid performance (total volume,...

Foreign aid has been used on the one hand by donors as an important international relations policy tool and on the other hand by developing countries as a source of funds for development. Since its inception in the 1940s, foreign aid has been one of the most researched topics in development economics. This study adds to this growing aid effectiveness literature, with a particular focus on the under-researched relationship between foreign aid and extreme poverty. The main empirical assessment is based on a sample of 120 developing countries from 1981 to 2013. The study had two main objectives, namely: (i) to estimate the impact of foreign aid on poverty reduction and (ii) to examine the direction of causality between foreign aid and poverty in developing countries. From these two broad objectives, there are six specific objectives, which include to: (i) examine the overall impact of foreign aid (total official development assistance) on extreme poverty, (ii) investigate the impact of different proxies of foreign aid on the three proxies of extreme poverty, (iii) assess whether political freedom (democracy) or economic freedom enhances the effectiveness of foreign aid, (iv) compare the impact of foreign aid on extreme poverty by developing country income groups, and (v) examine the direction of causality between extreme poverty and foreign aid. To achieve these objectives, the study employed two main dynamic panel data econometric estimation methods, namely the systemgeneralised method of moments (SGMM) technique and the panel vector error correction model (VECM) Granger causality framework. While the SGMM was used to assess the impact of foreign aid on extreme poverty, the panel VECM Granger causality was used to examine the direction of causality between foreign aid poverty. The SGMM was used because of its ability to deal with endogeneity by controlling for simultaneity and unobserved heterogeneity, whereas the panel VECM was preferred because the variables were stationary and cointegrated. / Economics / D. Phil. (Economics)

Des années 1960 jusqu’à la fin de la guerre froide, voire au-delà, l’influence voire la prépondérance de la France sur les territoires francophones d’Afrique noire est presque totale. Cependant, en ce XXIème siècle naissant, la compétition mondiale dans la recherche de nouveaux débouchés et de la sécurisation de l’approvisionnement énergétique amène inexorablement les grandes puissances à entrer en ‘‘conflit d’intérêts’’ par la pénétration réciproque des « arrière-cours ». Ceci est particulièrement vrai pour la France qui voit des pays tels que les Etats-Unis, la Chine, l’Inde, le Brésil, la Turquie, les pays du Golfe, etc., faire une entrée fracassante dans une région géographique qu’elle considère depuis longtemps comme sa « chasse gardée » compte tenu des liens historique, linguistique et politique. Ces nouveaux défis et enjeux pour la politique africaine de la France se mesurent désormais, à l’aune des transformations à l’œuvre sur la scène internationale avec la mondialisation et l’émergence de nouvelles puissances du Sud. Les défis et les enjeux sont importants pour l’action extérieure de la France et sa place dans le monde, compte tenu de la concurrence féroce des nouveaux acteurs et des changements des sociétés africaines en cours. Néanmoins elle possède encore des atouts économiques, diplomatiques et stratégiques susceptibles de lui permettre d’élaborer, grâce à l’espace culturel francophone, un projet original, ambitieux et porteur d’espoir. Pour ce faire, il faudra répondre aux deux interrogations suivantes : Comment réformer cette politique traditionnelle basée sur des relations étroites et privilégiées avec les dirigeants africains sans toutefois compromettre les avantages comparatifs de la France sur place? Quelle stratégie politique mettre en œuvre pour identifier les véritables intérêts communs des Français et des Africains francophones, en tenant compte des opportunités et des menaces, et les développer dans un partenariat mutuellement bénéfique ? / From 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership?

Depuis 2001 et la recomposition des équilibres de puissance, l'Inde s'affirme comme l'un des acteurs qui compte dans un espace international de plus en plus multipolaire. Les mouvements de fond actuels provoquent une redistribution de cette puissance imposant de nouvelles alliances et de nouveaux jeux de pouvoirs. L'Inde n'est pas étrangère à cette tendance et encore plus depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir, en 2014, de l'actuel Premier ministre, Narendra Modi. Ce dernier conduit une politique extérieure ambitieuse pour que son pays accède à un statut de puissance mondiale. C'est dans ce cadre que se pose notre problématique qui est de savoir dans quelle mesure la place de l'Afrique dans la politique étrangère indienne permet-elle justement à l'Inde de parvenir à se hisser à ce statut de puissance. Pour y répondre, cette thèse investigue trois directions. D'abord, la place de l'océan Indien dans la relation indo-africaine doit rendre compte du rôle de l'Afrique dans la volonté indienne de faire de cet océan un espace pacifique et sécurisé sur lequel l'Inde puisse être un acteur incontournable face à des acteurs politiques puissants et hétérogènes. Ensuite, cette thèse s'attache à déterminer le rôle que l'Afrique joue dans la volonté de l'Inde d'être une puissance ayant une capacité d'influence politique sur la scène internationale au travers des instances internationales, de ses relations bilatérales avec les États africains et de la diaspora indienne installée dans ces pays. Enfin, cette recherche de statut passe par le champ économique et la nécessaire évaluation de l'empreinte économique que l'Inde souhaite imprimer en Afrique pour mieux asseoir ses capacités d'influence. Cette étude doit permettre de donner un éclairage sur la politique extérieure indienne à l'heure où les États-Unis réévaluent leur implication dans l'océan Indien, où la Chine met en place la « One Belt, One Road » et où l'Inde et le Japon viennent de s'unir pour proposer un nouveau partenariat à l'Afrique. / Since 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa.