La presente tesi di dottorato valuta i rapporti tra le organizzazioni della società civile e le istituzioni internazionali nel sistema della cooperazione per lo sviluppo, attraverso l'analisi delle politiche della Banca Mondiale e dell'Unione Europea, che risultano gli attori multilaterali più rilevanti nell'allocazione e gestione dei finanziamenti dell'Aiuto Pubblico allo Sviluppo (APS). Nel quadro di relazioni cooperative-dialettiche, si verificano le funzioni degli interlocutori della società civile nel rapporto con le due organizzazioni internazionali e i livelli di partnership. Si analizzano alcuni nodi problematici come la valutazione della performance dei progetti delle organizzazioni della società civile (OSC), per verificarne il valore aggiunto; la dicotomia tra un approccio top-down e bottom-up nella pianificazione di processi di sviluppo locale; la rappresentatività e l'efficacia del contributo delle OSC alla global governance per lo sviluppo. Si presentano anche due casi empirici di progetti realizzati da una stessa OSC, finanziati dalle due istituzioni considerate, al fine di favorire, attraverso l'analisi “micro”, la comprensione di eventuali diversità rispetto al quadro teorico, alle procedure sul “ciclo di progetto” e ai rilevamenti quantitativi presentati. Complessivamente, emerge che la cooperazione tra OSC e le istituzioni internazionali ha maggiori benefici che costi e conduce ad una partnership win-win per entrambi. / The present PhD thesis considers the relationships between the organisations of civil society and the international institutions in development cooperation's system through the analysis of the World Bank's and the European Union's policies. In the frame of cooperative and dialectic relationships will be verified the functions of the interlocutors of the civil society in relationship with the two international organisations and levels of partnership. Some problematic knots will be analysed such as the evaluation of projects' performance of the organisations of the social society (OSC) in order to verify the added value; the dichotomy between a top-down and bottom-up approach in the process planning of the local development; the representation and effectiveness of the OSC's contribution to the global governance for development. Two empirical cases of projects realised by an OCE will be showed. These are financed by the two above considered institutions in order to favour, through a “micro” analysis, the comprehension of possible differences regard to the theoretical picture, to the procedures of the project cycle and to the quantitative showed survey. Altogether it appears that the cooperation between the OSC and the international institutions has more benefits than costs and leads to a win-win partnership.

En Haïti, l’effort public pour l’éducation reste insuffisant. De plus, l’enseignement primaire est peu développé et de qualité faible. Ainsi, en dépit des progrès substantiels qui ont été réalisés durant ces vingt cinq dernières années, le pays reste très en retard face á l’objectif de l’éducation pour tous (EPT). En effet, les dernières données statistiques disponibles indiquent que plus de 4 500 000 filles et garçons sont actuellement en dehors du système scolaire. Outre l’abandon, le redoublement, le mauvais regroupement des élèves, l’encadrement pédagogique est médiocre. Ce qui pèse négativement sur les acquisitions des élèves. Les mauvais résultats obtenus des élèves aux examens officiels en témoignent. Par ailleurs, la rémunération des enseignants est très insignifiante et les conditions d’exercice de la profession enseignante laisse à désirer. Enfin, le système scolaire souffre d’un déficit de pilotage, de gouvernance et d’efficacité externe.Pour accompagner les décideurs politiques haïtiens et planificateurs nationaux dans leurs stratégies d’action en faveur de l’éducation pour tous, les principales organisations multilatérales, notamment la Banque mondiale, mettent en œuvre le Projet d’Education pour tous (EPT I et II). Spécifiquement, le Projet d’Ecoles Publiques à Gestion Communautaire (EPGC) cible la scolarisation primaire universelle (SPU) dans des milieux ruraux défavorisés où l’accès à l’enseignement primaire de base demeure un bien rare, voire inexistant dans les régions ciblées. Par l’aide. Cependant, malgré les divers projets ou programmes d’aide internationaux dédiés notamment à l’expansion de la scolarisation universelle sur l’ensemble du territoire national du pays, atteindre l’éducation pour tous est très aléatoire.Les conclusions de l’enquête empirique montrent que de nombreuses difficultés nuisent à la mise en œuvre effective de l’aide et ceci tant au niveau central, départemental et communal. Les données collectées sur le terrain indiquent un impact significatif sur la participation des acteurs locaux dans la gestion des affaires éducatives. Sur le plan des réalisations éducatives, les analyses de l’investigation confirment des effets sur les taux nets d’accès à l’école ainsi qu’un impact appréciable sur la parité filles-garçons. Les conclusions de l’enquête révèlent quelques effets pervers par exemple sur la qualité de l’école, des dynamiques locales, ainsi que des modes d’organisation administrative et de gestion pédagogique du système scolaire dans les zones allocataires ciblées pour la mise en application du Projet EPGC. Aussi, l’objectif de l’éducation pour tous ne sera pas atteint en Haïti et le chemin semble encore long. . / In Haiti, the public effort for education is insufficient. Primary education is underdeveloped and is of low quality. Despite substantial progress made during the last twenty five years, the country is still far behind from achieving the goal of Education for All (EFA). The latest available statistics indicate that more than 4.5 million girls and boys are currently outside the school system. Abandonment, repetition, bad grouping of students and poor educational support reflect negatively on learning achievement. Teachers' salaries are insignificant and teaching conditions deprived. Hence, the school system suffers a deficit of control, governance and external efficiency.To accompany Haitian national planners and policy makers in their strategies for universal education, major multilateral organizations, including the World Bank, implement the Project Education for All (EFA I and II) also called. Through a program called “Project for Public Schools to Community Management (PPSCM)” they aim to achieve universal primary education in some disadvantaged rural areas where access to basic primary education remains inadequate or nonexistent. However, despite the various projects or international aid programs dedicated to the expansion of universal education all over Haiti, the goal of achieving Education for All is far from being reached.The findings of our empirical analysis show, the positive effect of international aid on school access and its significant impact on gender parity in Haiti. On the other hand, it exposes many difficulties that obstruct an effective implementation of international aid for education in Haiti at central, departmental and communal levels. The data collected in the field point out some negative effects, for example on the quality of the school, local dynamics, as well as administrative organization methods and educational management of the school system in areas where the PPSCM is implemented. The conclusion of this study reveals that the goal of Education for All will not be achieved and there still is a long way to go to provide school to all children in Haiti.

This thesis deals with the ethical aspects of the development assistance and the humanitarian aid. The provision of international assistance has brought lots of successes, however, it also faces a numer of failures and it is associated with many errors and prejudices. This thesis deals with the concrete ethical principles of the internetional aid such as humanity, solidarity, subsidiarity, justice or responsibility and their limits, as well as some of dilemmas of helping workers.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze different forms of North-South development assistance with regard to its widespread critique and to examine whether the field of international research capacity building holds alternative development cooperation strategies that have the potential to reconcile some of the criticisms. The focus is on the International Science Programme (ISP) and the empirical research carried out in Bangladesh and Sweden on the ISP-Bangladesh collaboration in the form of semi-structured interviews constitutes the core case study evidence. Three theoretical perspectives – realism, interdependence liberalism and constructivism – provide the framework of the case study and serve as guiding tools to understand the ISP’s role and motivations as an actor in international relations. The main goal is to investigate whether the ISP can be best perceived as an instance of self-interest, interconnectedness or social empowerment.

Traditionally, governments are the main providers of development assistance and re-sponsible for stimulating social development in the third world. In recent years, Corpo-rate Social Responsibility has gained considerable ground and it is now common for corporations to get involved in activities resembling those carried out in the name of development assistance. A deconstruction of these two activities shows that they could be described as two definitions of the same concept. Through a set of research ques-tions, this thesis explores the relationship between CSR and development assistance and seeks to identify possibilities for future cooperation between them. The purpose of the thesis is to investigate (1) if there is a future possibility for a com-mon strategy where CSR and Development Assistance collaborate; (2) if developing countries would benefit from corporate involvement in development assistance; and (3) who else could benefit from such a strategy. The main conclusion is that there are substantial possibilities for future co-operation be-tween them. It seems clear from the research that neither governmental development as-sistance organizations nor corporations stand a chance to eradicate poverty alone. It is, however, crucial that poverty eradication has to be the common goal for all actors in-volved. For cooperation to succeed the public must realize that a collaborative strategy is a way of including more actors in pursuing the goal of poverty eradication and not a way of trasferring money from development assistance to corporations. Further, distribution of responsibility becomes useless if legal or official guidelines are unable to decide who has the ultimate responsibility. It is importance that responsibility is also followed by accountability. Corporations would benefit by gaining access to emerging markets and the possibilities for innovative business strategies. Development assistance agencies would by introduc-ing new strategies improve the results and get more resources to achieve effective po-verty reduction. If corporations and development assistance agencies collaborate and focus on long-term projects real effectiveness will be the result. The general opinion seems to be that with a clearly set goal, several coordinated actors have a better chance of achieving it than one.

Bachelor essay in political science by Linus Johansson, fall of 2006 “Aid and corruption: How do aid donors handle the corrupt regimes?”. Supervisor: Jan Olsson. The purpose of this essay is to describe the aid relation between donors and corrupt governments, to find out whether donors reckon on the problems with implementation of aid to corrupt governments when they decree their aid policy. There are a lot of different ways to implement the economic aid that are being used by the donors today, and this essay will try to exemplify the different methods of implementing the economic aid. To elucidate the relation between donors and corrupt regimes, the essay analyzes three themes: the first two questions are about the policies used by the donors, and the third question are used to shed light on the actual implementation of aid to corrupt governments. The three themes are: i) Different aid policies used by the donors ii) Do donors use particular policies against corrupt regimes? iii) Do corrupt regimes receive less foreign aid? This study stresses the fact that donors do not act like a group unit in the matter of development assistance policy, instead they act in several separate groups, this may complicate the endeavour of making economic aid effective. The conclusion of the essay is that corrupt governments are treated the same way that lesscorrupted government are, nothing today indicates that donors would give less economic aid to the corrupt regimes. This is interesting considering that donors outwards maintain the importance of rewarding good institutions, that signifies that those who in practice does not attach great importance in this matter does not fulfil their own policies. It is an important issue because corruption seems to debilitate the effects of development assistance, but development assistance having problem of debilitate the corruption in the recipients’ countries.

The purpose of this essay is to review the Swedish international development cooperation carried out by Sida to control whether the implementation of the international aid is compatible with the policy. There are a lot of different ways to implement the economic aid that are being used by the donors today. The Swedish method has since the 1960s mainly been focused on attempting to diminish the poverty in the world. In the latest time another goal has been added, that is a focus on supporting the civil rights. This essay will be concentrated to aim on what kind of countries receiving aid from Sweden, and exactly why these countries are being chosen. The main question of this essay is: What countries are receiving the international developing aid, and how can this distribution be understood? To answer the main question there are two themes in the essay: • What kind of countries is supposed to receive developing aid from Sweden according to the policy? • What kind of countries is receiving the aid, and how can this be understood? This essay is mainly based on quantitative data obtained from Sida, together with index of corruption and poverty will the different types of Swedish cooperation countries be described. The conclusions of this essay are that there are two objectives of the policy: to fight poverty, and to strengthen the civil rights. What is noticeable in this essay is that it seems like there are more recipient of the aid from Sida that are relatively wealthy than there are poor. Still, it is obvious that the poor countries recieve a bigger amount of aid than the wealthy countries do. It is in other words difficult to declare which objective that is the superior one

The outset of this study is to contribute to the literature concerning China’s increasing economic interest to engage in the African context, its economies and resource abundandce. The overarching research problem is that the approaches held by the respective African state entities may facilitate increasing development gains for the recipient state of this economic interest in principle. To adress this research problem the study is undertaken by conducting a comparative case study where three cases/states, with presumably diverging economic and political status, are likely to effect their overall state approaches differently. Research questions, which are addressed by the creation of an idealtype analytic matrix, concern whether the states of South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe take on a more ‘permissive’ or ‘restrictive’ approach towards China’s economic interst and whether the approaches can be looked upon on both aggratege and case/area-specific levels. The main findings are that a clear tendency of the ‘permissive approach’ may be noted on a aggregate level for all cases. Further, the cases’ economic and poltical status does not necessarily effect this aggregate tendency but but rather the dynamics in case-specific areas deemed relevant in this analysis. The desire to grasp the interest seems greater than internal dynamics.

發展援助議題一直是國際社會相當重要的議題，臺灣在面臨外交困境之際，仍致力於從事國際援助。然而，國際新興援助國的興起，加上發展中國家的轉變，對外援助趨勢逐漸朝向以受援國為主要核心價值的發展。近年來，緬甸逐漸對外開放，不但成為國際發展合作的新焦點，亦成為臺灣接觸的對象。本研究歸納整理國際發展援助的趨勢，並以緬甸為案例，利用文獻分析與深度訪談來分析當代援助模式。此外，為使本研究更具全球意義，將其他國家與國際組織對緬甸的發展合作策略納入分析，探討目前新興國家與緬甸的發展合作模式，並指出目前我國所面臨的援助有效性問題。 在全球化下的今日，僅是透過援助難以使一國持續向上發展，唯有結合投資才能促進發展。研究結果發現，相對於私部門因我國公部門受國際政治限制，使得援助效益不如預期。為此，本研究認為若能利用官方對外援助鼓勵我國私人企業對外投資，不僅能提升政府援助效率，亦可強化我國與受援國之經濟，進而帶動其他發展，對於我國與東南亞國家而言，為雙贏局面。 / Even under diplomatic plight, Taiwan, for long, has been committed to development assistance due to its importance to international community. During the past decade, with the rise of newly emerging donors and certain shifts within developing countries, rule of game has quickly changed. The need of recipients has become the focus of foreign aid, and this research intends to study if Taiwan’s assistance follows such emerging rules. Due to its ascending degree of opening-up, Myanmar has stepped into the spotlight of international and Taiwanese development cooperation in the past few years. To explore Taiwan’s foreign aid efficiency, the author will use Myanmar as a case, summarizing the trends in international development assistance, examining the strategies of different countries and international organizations, and comparing Taiwan’s development methods in this country. In the era of globalization, it is difficult to promote a country’s development without investment. The result of this study indicate that Taiwan’s foreign aid is ineffective due to （domestic）political restriction, therefore, if Taiwan can use official assistance to encourage private sectors to invest abroad, it will not only improve the efficiency of government assistance but also strengthen the economic link between Taiwan and recipient countries. Therefore creates a mutual-benefit situation for Taiwan and Southeast Asian countries.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / After the democratic elections of 1994, the South African government embarked on radical reforms to the apartheid education system, which included the development of a policy that is committed to human rights and social justice. The inclusive education policy, entitled: Education White Paper 6: Special Needs Education: Building an Inclusive Education and Training System (Department of Education, 2001) was released in July 2001. This inclusive education policy brought with it the prospect of changing the structures that promoted exclusionary and discriminatory practices in the education system. While the inclusive education framework is characterised by explicit policy directives, well-defined outcomes and a firm commitment to human rights and social justice, there is a growing realisation that a considerable gap exists between this framework and its effective implementation. The main aim of this study was to understand the factors that facilitate or constrain the implementation of inclusive education in the South African context. These factors were explored through a qualitative case study. A documentary analysis, as well as unstructured and semi-structured interviews was used to collect the data within the context of the research aims, questions, and a framework of categories, drawn from relevant literature, was used to analyse the data. The first major finding of this study was that the implementation of inclusive education policy in South Africa has been facilitated by the school communities' beliefs, values and norms relating to the inclusion of learners with disabilities. The second major fmding of this study is that the designers of the inclusive education policy underestimated the deep-seated socio-economic factors that inhibit effective learning in certain contexts. Poverty was identified as a major constraining factor in the study, followed by the complexities of the National Curriculum Statement, a lack of capacity to implement the policy, lack of support for policy implementation, and the limitations of the Education White Paper 6 itself. Given the facilitating and constraining factors emerging from this study, the recommendations made have been based on the assumption that the implementation of inclusive education policy is a worthwhile endeavour. These recommendations are proposed within three broad areas, namely policy implementation, inclusive education policy, and inclusive education practice. Of these recommendations the following are critical: • The Department of Education should develop differentiated inclusive education guidelines that address inclusion of learners in poverty stricken contexts. • The Department of Education, in conjunction with schools, should create formal and informal communication channels through which stakeholders can raise their views and concerns about the policy of inclusive education and how it should be implemented. • The Department of Education should take full responsibility for the advocacy, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of inclusive education policy, rather than relying on the services of independent providers. • The Department of Education should address the complexities that prevent districts and schools from establishing support structures.