Aquest treball se centra en l'estudi del voseo en l'espanyol de Xile a partir d'un corpus oral integrat per 108 hores d'enregistraments de programes de ràdio. Els nostres objectius s'adrecen, d'una banda, a la descripció i l'anàlisi lingüística del voseo, i de l'altra, a l'avaluació quantitativa de l'efecte de determinats factors externs sobre l'ocurrència d'aquest tret. Els resultats obtinguts, pel que fa a la variació dialectal, indiquen que hi ha una alta correlació entre la freqüència d'aparició del voseo i les variables de zona geogràfica, sexe i edat dels parlants. Quant a la variació funcional, es demostra que el grau de formalitat del programa de ràdio és una variable que condiciona clarament la presència de formes amb el tret estudiat. Així, s'ha pogut determinar que en el mitjà radiofònic l'ús del voseo es veu afavorit per contextos comunicatius informals en què participen activament homes del grup adult jove de la zona centre del país. / Este trabajo se centra en el estudio del voseo en el español de Chile a partir de un corpus oral compuesto por 108 horas de grabaciones de programas de radio. Nuestros objetivos se orientan, por un lado, hacia la descripción y análisis lingüístico del voseo, y por otro lado, hacia la evaluación cuantitativa del efecto de factores externos sobre la ocurrencia de este rasgo. Los resultados en cuanto a variación dialectal indican que existe una alta correlación entre la frecuencia de aparición del voseo y las variables de zona geográfica, sexo y edad de los hablantes. Por lo que respecta a la variación funcional, se demuestra que el grado de formalidad del programa de radio es una variable que condiciona claramente la presencia de formas voseantes. De esta forma, se ha podido determinar que en los medios de radio, el uso del voseo se ve favorecido por contextos comunicativos informales en los que participan activamente hombres del grupo adulto joven de la zona centro del país

Ce sujet de recherche propose une description de quelques variétés linguistiques à tradition orale du Piémont occidental italien, selon les approches de la dialectologie perceptuelle et de la géolinguistique descriptive. Les variétés choisies comme objet d’analyse se situent dans la province de Turin, en bordure et au sein même des vallées piémontaises étiquetées comme « valles vaudoises » : Val Cluson et Val Germanasca (Val Saint Martin). L’aire que nous considérons est caractérisée par un contact linguistique marqué par une forte identité culturelle entre les parlers gallo-romans (minorités linguistiques, de type occitan provençal) et italo-romans (de type pédémontans) : ces variétés ne bénéficient pas d’une position paritaire ni d’un point de vue politico-administratif, ni dans la conscience des locuteurs qui entretiennent avec les quatre types linguistiques, i.e. l’italien (régional et moyen), les variétés occitanes et pédémontanes, ainsi que le français, une relation complexe. Nous avons relevé les processus variationnels (phonétiques et lexicaux) qui semblent marquer l’identité linguistique des locuteurs dans cet espace plurilingue, en tenant compte des perspectives, objective et subjective (perception des locuteurs quant à la variation linguistique de l’aire), diachronique et synchronique, dans l’examen des systèmes linguistiques choisis, très peu pris en considération par la littérature dialectologique récente. Cette double perspective permet également de clarifier la trajectoire de processus de changement phonétique qui impactent la restructuration des systèmes de ces vallées. / The thesis focuses on a description of four dialectal varieties (gallo-italian and gallo-romance) of the Western Piedmont (Italy) by adopting several linguistic approches, perceptual dialectology's and geolinguistics' ones. The géographical area is caracterized by a linguistic variation and a language contact, marked by a high degree of linguistic identity between gallo-romance (occitan) and gallo-italian (pedemontans) dialects : these varieties do not benefit of the same position by political and social points of view, nor in the awareness of the speakers.

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2017-03-27T11:21:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 6148244 bytes, checksum: b1d70d0906560dc7125c9a4bf1e59f6b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-27T11:21:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 6148244 bytes, checksum: b1d70d0906560dc7125c9a4bf1e59f6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-14 / The primary objective of the present study is to analyze how listeners perceive the alveolar and palatal variants of /S/ in medial coda in their speech community (i) observing if the palatal/alveolar contrast is perceived in a different way, in a numerical scale, in different following phonetic-phonological contexts; (ii) verifying if listeners from João Pessoa are aware of the behavior of the variant in their own dialect; in other words, if they perceive what variant they use in relation to several following contexts; and (iii) verifying if the listeners from João Pessoa have a dialectal identity in relation to the behavior of the fricative in coda in João Pessoa, that is, if they believe that their pronunciation corresponds to the preferred one of their speech community in relation to the analyzed process. For that, three experiments of perception were developed and applied to listeners from João Pessoa: the first one consists of a task of identifying how different would be two productions of a same word in relation to /S/ in medial coda; the second one was to choose which of the two productions sounded more similar to the way people from João Pessoa speak; and the third one was to answer which of the two productions sounded more similar to the way the speaker himself/herself speaks. The stimuli were recorded by a speaker from João Pessoa. She is an undergraduate student in the 15-25 years age group. After recording the words in isolation, the files were matched to the pairs of stimuli that were presented to listeners through the website. The statistical analyses to test the hypotheses were carried out using the software R (R Core Team, 2013) from the subjects’ answers. The most relevant results were: (a) listeners attribute the same degree of difference to the pair of fricatives independently of the following context; (b) they are aware of the fricative’s behavior of João Pessoa’s dialect; and (c) there is identification between these speakers and the dialect of their speech community regarding the palatalization of coronal fricative. In order to develop the tests and to formulate hypotheses it was took into account studies concerning acoustic characteristics of fricatives in data of production and perception (KENT & READ, 1992; JONGMAN et al., 2000; JESUS, 1999; HAUPT, 2007; FERREIRA-SILVA et al., 2015; HENRIQUE et al., 2015), data of studies that analyzed the behavior of /S/ in coda in dialects of Brazil (CALLOU; LEITE; MORAES, 2002; BRESCANCINI, 2002, 2003; HORA, 2003, 2011; RIBEIRO, 2006; LIMA, 2013; LOPES, 2012) and the framework of the theory of linguistic variation and change (WEINREICH, LABOV & HERZOG, 1968; LABOV, 1972; ECKERT, 2008, 2012). / O objetivo geral deste trabalho é analisar como os ouvintes percebem as variantes alveolar e palatal do /S/ na posição de coda medial em sua comunidade de fala (i) observando se a distinção alveolar/palatal é percebida de forma diferente, numa escala numérica, em diferentes contextos fonético-fonológicos seguintes; (ii) verificando se os ouvintes pessoenses têm consciência do comportamento da variante no seu próprio dialeto, ou seja, se percebem qual variante utilizam com relação aos diversos contextos seguintes; e (iii) verificando se os ouvintes pessoenses possuem identidade dialetal com relação ao comportamento da fricativa em coda em João Pessoa, ou seja, se acreditam que sua pronúncia corresponde à pronúncia preferencial de sua comunidade de fala no que diz respeito ao processo analisado. Para tal, três experimentos de percepção foram elaborados e aplicados a ouvintes pessoenses: o primeiro consistia em uma tarefa de identificar o quão diferente soavam as duas pronúncias de uma mesma palavra com relação ao /S/ em coda medial; o segundo, em escolher qual das duas pronúncias se parecia mais com o modo como os pessoenses falam; e o terceiro, em responder qual das duas pronúncias se parecia mais com o modo como o próprio participante falava. Os estímulos foram gravados por uma falante pessoense, universitária e que se enquadra na faixa etária de 15 a 25 anos. Após a gravação das palavras em isolado, foram montados os arquivos com os pares de estímulos que seriam apresentados aos ouvintes através da plataforma. Os testes estatísticos para a avaliação das hipóteses foram realizados com o programa R (R Core Team, 2013) a partir das respostas dos participantes. Como principais resultados, constatou-se: (a) que os ouvintes atribuem o mesmo grau de diferença ao par de fricativas independentemente do contexto seguinte; (b) que eles têm consciência do comportamento da fricativa do dialeto pessoense; e (c) que há uma grande identificação entre esses falantes e o dialeto de sua comunidade de fala em relação à palatalização da fricativa coronal. Para a elaboração dos testes e proposição das hipóteses foram levadas em consideração pesquisas envolvendo as características acústicas das fricativas em dados de produção e percepção (KENT & READ, 1992; JONGMAN et al., 2000; JESUS, 1999; HAUPT, 2007; FERREIRA-SILVA et al., 2015; HENRIQUE et al., 2015), dados de pesquisas que avaliaram o comportamento do /S/ em coda em dialetos do Brasil (CALLOU; LEITE; MORAES, 2002; BRESCANCINI, 2002, 2003; HORA, 2003, 2011; RIBEIRO, 2006; LIMA, 2013; LOPES, 2012) e o arcabouço da teoria da variação e mudança (WEINREICH, LABOV & HERZOG, 1968; LABOV, 1972; ECKERT, 2008, 2012).

Este trabalho tem por objetivo traduzir os diálogos do personagem Burma Jones, do romance A Confederacy of Dunces, de autoria do norte-americano John Kennedy Toole (1937-1969). A caracterização da fala do personagem remete-se ao inglês não-padrão Black English Vernacular (BEV), fato que levanta questões acerca dos dialetos literários e da problemática de sua tradução. A obra de Toole é praticamente desconhecida dos brasileiros, senão por uma tradução restrita aos leitores do Círculo do Livro, feita por Cristina Boselli, na qual a fala de Jones não apresenta nenhum marcador dialetal, apenas registra um nível coloquial. Na introdução do trabalho, no Capítulo I, demonstro a relevância de se manter na tradução uma diferenciação entre os níveis de fala de cada personagem, em especial do negro Jones, ao examinar como o autor empregou a heterogeneidade lingüística a favor da caracterização dos personagens e da posição social que cada um ocupa na sociedade ficcional do livro. Estabelecida essa relação, considero, no Capítulo II, os dialetos literários em sua construção formal e nas implicações representativa, ideológica e humorística que resultam da presença desse recurso na obra literária. Nessa análise, destaco momentos de nossa literatura em que personagens negros receberam tratamento diferenciado nos diálogos, a fim de verificar como tem sido a representação ficcional da fala dos negros na literatura brasileira. No Capítulo III, no que concerne à teoria da tradução, aproveito a questão da tradução dialetal para enfatizar a intervenção \"violenta\" do tradutor na produção de sentido estético, ideológico e político, processo que se repete também na tradução em geral e sustenta-se nas teorias contemporâneas da tradução, em que os conceitos de \"original\" e \"fidelidade\" são questionados. Como conclusão, apresento a tradução comentada dos diálogos mais relevantes de Burma Jones / This paper aims to translate the dialogues of Burma Jones, a character from John Kennedy Toole\'s book A Confederacy of Dunces. This character\'s speech is a representation of the Black English Vernacular (BEV) style, which raises questions about the literary dialects and the problems involved in their translation. Toole\'s work is almost unknown to Brazilian readers, except for a translation by Cristina Boselli, distributed only to members of Círculo do Livro and therefore available to a limited readership. In that translation, Jone\'s speech is not presented with any trace of dialectal variation, being only marked as belonging to a colloquial register. Chapter I advocates for the relevance of preserving the translation of the different literary dialects, especially Burma Jones\'. This is done through examining how the author employed the linguistic heterogeneity to stress the characters\' peculiarities and the social position they occupy in the fictional society of the book. This relation being established, Chapter II considers the literary dialects in their formal construction and the representative, ideological and humorous effects they create in a fictional work. This analysis highlights works from Brazilian literature in which black character\'s speeches have received a different treatment, in order to verify how the authors have portrayed them. Chapter III addresses translation theory and emphasizes the translator\'s violent intervention, as s/he creates aesthetic, ideological and political meaning in any act of translation, and specially when translating literary dialects. This concept is supported by to some authors on contemporary translation theory, who challenge the concepts of \"fidelity\" and \"original work\". In conclusion, I present a dialectical translation of the most relevant dialogues of Burma Jones, followed by comments on my decisions

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Cette thèse a été financée par le Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada (numéro de référence 767-2010-1310) / Dans le cadre de la théorie de l’accommodation communicative, ce travail consiste à évaluer, avec la méthodologie de la sociolinguistique comparative, dans quelle mesure les immigrants hispanophones des Andes boliviennes qui se sont établis à San Pedro de Atacama (Chili) accommodent leur langage aux hispanophones de ce pays. Pour ce faire, quatre traits grammaticaux caractéristiques de l’espagnol andin ont été choisis pour être analysés : l’usage du double possessif (e. g., He ido a su casa de mi marido), l’utilisation des adverbes de lieu comme particule finale de la préposition en (e. g., Entonces he vivido en allá así como diez años), la préférence du passé composé sur le passé simple pour exprimer des actions qui ont été accomplies dans le passé (e. g., El año pasado he ido a visitar a mi madre) et l’usage exclusif de formes verbales standard pour exprimer la deuxième personne du singulier (e. g., Tú puedes estar comiendo tu hamburguesa). Les résultats obtenus après avoir analysé statistiquement la variation dans les données empiriques qui ont été recueillies au moyen d’entrevues révèlent que, tandis que ces immigrants conservent l’usage du double possessif et l’utilisation des adverbes de lieu comme particule finale de la préposition en de manière pratiquement inchangée par rapport à un groupe de contrôle de Boliviens non-immigrants (c’est ce que l’on entend par « divergence »), ils substituent graduellement la préférence du passé composé sur le passé simple pour exprimer des actions qui ont été accomplies dans le passé par une prédilection du passé simple sur le passé composé (e. g., Esta mañana fui a la playa) et intègrent progressivement l’alternance entre les formes verbales standard et les formes verbales vernaculaires du voseo pour exprimer la deuxième personne du singulier (e. g., Cuando tú flotái… y no te sumerges hacia adentro), à l’instar de ce qui se fait dans l’espagnol parlé au Chili (c’est ce que l’on entend par « convergence »). En d’autres termes, on peut affirmer qu’ils incorporent de nouvelles ressources linguistiques dans leur langage, en même temps qu’ils en conservent d’autres sans modifications significatives. On remarque donc que le contact dialectal provoqué par l’immigration bolivienne au Chili a des conséquences linguistiques indéniables qui font ressortir le dynamisme de la langue. En effet, le fait que ces immigrants adoptent de nouvelles ressources linguistiques tandis qu’ils en gardent d’autres sans changements notables met en évidence que les processus de convergence et divergence dialectales ne sont pas exclusifs, mais plutôt inclusifs, c’est-à-dire qu’ils peuvent avoir lieu simultanément au sein de la même communauté linguistique. Enfin, le fait que ces immigrants parlent désormais un dialecte qui n’est équivalent ni au dialecte d’origine ni au dialecte du lieu d’accueil permet d’avancer qu’ils parlent une sorte de dialecte nouveau. / Within the framework of the communication accommodation theory, the present study evaluates the extent to which Spanish-speaking migrants from the Bolivian Andes to San Pedro de Atacama (Chile) accommodate their speech to Chilean Spanish, using a comparative sociolinguistics methodology. Four distinctive grammatical features of Andean Spanish were selected for the analysis: the use of the double possessive adjectives (e.g. He ido a su casa de mi marido), the use of adverbs of place as adjuncts of the Spanish preposition en (e.g. Entonces he vivido en allá así como diez años), the preference for the present perfect over the simple past to express the perfective aspect (e.g. El año pasado he ido a visitar a mi madre), and the exclusive use of standard verbal forms to express the second person singular (e.g. Tú puedes estar comiendo tu hamburguesa). Results were obtained from a statistical analysis of variation in the empirical data, which were collected through interviews, and compared with a non-migrant Bolivian control group. The data reveal that, while these migrants maintain a practically unaltered use of both the double possessive adjectives and the adverbs of place as adjuncts of the Spanish preposition en (this is understood as “divergence”), they gradually develop a preference for the present perfect over the simple past to express the perfective aspect by a predilection for the simple past over the present perfect (e.g. Esta mañana fui a la playa), and they progressively adopt an alternation between standard forms and vernacular ones (i.e. voseo) to express the second person singular (e.g. Cuando tu flotái… y no te sumerges hacia adentro), as occurs in Chilean Spanish (this is understood as “convergence”). In other words, the migrants have incorporated new linguistic resources into their speech, while they have simultaneously maintained others without any significant change. The dialect contact situation caused by migrants from the Bolivian Andes to Chile, therefore, has undeniable linguistic consequences, which bring out the dynamic character of the language. Indeed, the fact that these migrants integrate new linguistic resources into their speech while simultaneously maintaining others without serious changes highlights that the processes of dialectal convergence and divergence are not exclusive, but rather inclusive. That is, they can occur simultaneously within the same linguistic community. In conclusion, the fact that these migrants henceforth speak a dialect that is equivalent neither to their original dialect nor to the host dialect supports the claim that they speak a kind of new dialect. / Dentro del marco de la teoría de la acomodación en la comunicación, este trabajo consiste en evaluar en qué medida los inmigrantes hispanohablantes de los Andes bolivianos establecidos en San Pedro de Atacama (Chile) acomodan su habla a la de los hispanohablantes de este país, recurriendo a la metodología de la sociolingüística comparativa. Para ello, se seleccionaron para análisis cuatro marcas gramaticales del español de los Andes: el uso del posesivo doblado (e. g., He ido a su casa de mi marido), la utilización de los adverbios demostrativos de lugar como términos de la preposición en (e. g., Entonces he vivido en allá así como diez años), la preferencia del pretérito perfecto sobre el pretérito indefinido para expresar el aspecto perfectivo (e. g., El año pasado he ido a visitar a mi madre) y el uso exclusivo de las formas verbales del tuteo para referir a la segunda persona del singular (e. g., Tú puedes estar comiendo tu hamburguesa). Los resultados, que se obtuvieron después de haber analizado estadísticamente la variación en los datos empíricos que se recogieron mediante entrevistas, revelan que mientras que estos inmigrantes mantienen el uso del posesivo doblado y la utilización de los adverbios demostrativos de lugar como términos de la preposición en sin cambios aparentes con respecto a un grupo de control constituido por bolivianos que no han emigrado de la zona andina (esto es lo que se entiende por “divergencia”), sustituyen gradualmente la preferencia por el pretérito perfecto frente al indefinido para expresar el aspecto perfectivo por una predilección del pretérito indefinido sobre el perfecto (e. g., Esta mañana fui a la playa), e integran progresivamente la alternancia entre las formas verbales tuteantes y las formas verbales del voseo para referir a la segunda persona del singular (e. g., Cuando tú flotái… y no te sumerges hacia adentro), a la manera de lo que se hace en el español chileno (esto es lo que se entiende por “convergencia”). En otras palabras, se puede afirmar que estos inmigrantes incorporan nuevos recursos lingüísticos en su habla al mismo tiempo que mantienen otros sin modificaciones significativas. Así, pues, se puede considerar que el contacto dialectal provocado por la inmigración boliviana en Chile tiene consecuencias lingüísticas innegables que resaltan el dinamismo de la lengua. Efectivamente, el hecho de que estos inmigrantes adopten nuevos recursos lingüísticos mientras que mantienen otros sin cambios notables pone de manifiesto que los procesos de convergencia y divergencia dialectales no son exclusivos, sino que son más bien inclusivos, es decir, pueden acaecer simultáneamente en el seno de una misma comunidad lingüística. Por último, el hecho de que estos inmigrantes hablen ahora un dialecto que no es equivalente ni al dialecto original ni al dialecto del lugar de acogida permite postular que utilizan una suerte de dialecto nuevo.

Ce travail interroge les relations entre langue écrite et langue orale et les effets de la représentation de l’oralité et du dialecte dans l’écriture littéraire. Plus spécifiquement, il établit un cadre théorique d’analyse stylistique permettant de faire émerger la poétique du parler populaire dans l’œuvre de Barrytown de Roddy Doyle. Cette étude s’articule autour de trois chapitres. Les deux premiers sont à visée théorique, et ont pour objectif de mettre en place les outils stylistiques, linguistiques et littéraires à partir desquels l’étude du corpus est abordée. Ainsi, après un retour diachronique et synchronique sur les rapports qu’entretiennent les deux media de communication orale et écrite, nous établissons un cadre d’analyse stylistique de la représentation de l’oralité et du dialecte dans la littérature. Nous étudions ensuite cette problématique plus spécifiquement dans le contexte irlandais, puisque la littérature et la culture irlandaises sont marquées par un la tradition orale. Cela nous conduit à une description détaillée du dialecte anglais-irlandais sous l’angle de la grammaire, du lexique et de l’accent. Nous abordons enfin les effets de la représentation de l’oralité et de l’irlandité dans l’œuvre barrytownienne de Roddy Doyle et faisons émerger la poétique du parler populaire qui l’anime. / This study focuses on the relations between spoken and written language and on the effects created by the representation of orality and dialect in literary writing. More specifically, it proposes a theoretical framework of stylistic analysis which allows for the study of the poetics of popular language in Roddy Doyle’s Barrytown novels. This study is divided into three chapters. The first two chapters aim to define the stylistic, linguistic and literary tools that are used in the third chapter in order to carry out the corpus analysis. This study starts with a diachronic and a synchronic overview of the relationship between the oral and written media of communication. A workable framework for the stylistic analysis of the representation of orality and dialect in literature is then established. The second chapter considers this issue in an Irish context. Indeed, a strong oral tradition has always been present in Ireland and its impact is still felt in literature and culture. The linguistic situation in Ireland is studied from the point of view of grammar, lexicon and accent. Finally, the third chapter applies the framework previously presented and explores the effects created by the representation of orality and Irishness in Roddy Doyle’s Barrytown novels. It finally exposes the poetics of popular language.

With the rising importance of Mandarin Chinese since the 80s, researchers have paid more attention to the Mandarin learners of heritage backgrounds who can understand or speak Mandarin Chinese before entering Chinese as a Foreign Language (CFL) programs. However, the study of Fangyan-speaking learners of Mandarin Chinese has been long neglected and still remains scarce. This interview study was conducted with twelve Fangyan-speaking learners of Mandarin in U.S. universities with an aim of investigating the linguistic knowledge and ethno-cultural identities that Fangyan-speaking students bring to college-level CFL classrooms. Another focus of this study is to investigate the perception Fangyan-speaking students have about their linguistic abilities and what Fangyan-speaking students are perceived to be the expectations of their instructors and peers. This study was conducted in two CFL programs: a long-established dual-track program in a research university and a newly-established mixed track program in a teaching university. Both Fangyan-speaking students and their instructors were recruited for interviews and document data were collected from both students and their instructors. A modification of Krashen’s Input Hypothesis (1981) was employed in categorizing four types of Mandarin input, in which Cantonese pronunciation for reading purposes and media consumption were found to play important roles in Fangyan-speaking students’ Mandarin learning. Analysis of the data also revealed that Fangyan-speaking participants’ ethno-cultural identities may exhibit a nature of “hybridity” (Young, 1995) owing to their family immigration histories. Implications derived from the findings are offered for researchers, practitioners, and administrators of programs that serve tertiary CFL learners. / text

Cette étude porte sur la forme périphrastique había- + do/-to/-cho que la tradition grammaticale répertorie comme le « plus-que-parfait de l’indicatif », en espagnol contemporain. Après avoir interrogé les différentes approches auxquelles a donné lieu l’étude de cette forme verbale, nous en proposons un signifié unique en langue qui en subsume l’ensemble des manifestations discursives. Pour cela, nous adoptons les principes théoriques de la « linguistique du signifiant », laquelle postule l’unicité du signe linguistique – à un signifiant correspond un seul signifié, et inversement – et accorde la primauté à la lecture de la structure sémiologique du signifiant. Cette approche nous conduit à replacer había- + do/-to/-cho au sein des réseaux signifiants de l’espagnol, et à reconsidérer la structuration modale du système verbal de cette langue. Enfin, nous nous employons à décrire le fonctionnement discursif de la périphrase en syntaxe, dans l’élaboration de séquences narratives, d’une part, mais aussi dans les « cas limites » que représentent les emplois diatopiques en situation de contact de langue en Amérique (contact espagnol / guarani en particulier) / This study focuses on the periphrastic form había- + do/-to/-cho that the grammatical tradition identifies as the ‘pluperfect (past perfect) indicative’ in contemporary Spanish. After reviewing the different approaches to this verbal form, we provide a unique signified for this form that is able to subsume all its discursive manifestations. For this purpose, we adopt the theoretical principles of the ‘Linguistics of the signifier’, which postulates the unity of the linguistic sign – i.e. a signifier corresponds to a single signified, and vice versa – and gives priority to the semiological structure of the signifier. This approach leads us to reexamine había- + do/-to/-cho within the signifying networks of Spanish, and to reconsider the modal structure of the verbal system. Finally, we describe the discursive syntactic behaviour of the Spanish pluperfect, in the development of narrative sequences, but also in certain Latin American diatopic occurrences (contact Spanish / Guarani in particular) since they are ‘borderline case’ among the pluperfect discursive occurrences

This thesis investigates the intonation of Argentine Spanish in Queens, NYC, with the goal of verifying if the unique prosody of producing early peak alignments in the F0 of Argentine Spanish, specifically of Porteños (those from Buenos Aires), is maintained among the intense contact influences with other varieties of Spanish in the area. Previous studies have reported this early peak alignment phenomenon in the Spanish spoken in Buenos Aires, and this paper strives to see if this still occurs among Argentine Spanish speakers in New York City. The Buenos Aires speakers were compared with other native Argentine Spanish speakers in New York City who originated from provinces other than Buenos Aires (primarily from Mendoza) to verify if the dialectal varieties of Argentine Spanish had remained the same under the intense language contact situation of living in Queens. The data in the current study are from interviews recorded during the summer of 2014 in the Queens, NYC neighborhood of Elmhurst. Acoustic information obtained includes total syllable duration, F0 measurements, and F0 patterns. Additional linguistic variables included vowel type and vowel syllable position within a word. Extralinguistic variables included speaker sex, age, origin in Argentina, educational level, number of years in NYC, and number of years in Argentina. Results indicate that early peak alignment does indeed occur among Argentine speakers in Queens, NYC; however, it is interesting to note that it not only occurs in the informants from Buenos Aires as predicted, but in the informants from outside Buenos Aires as well. This suggests that the Outside Buenos Aires speakers are undergoing prosodic dialectal leveling with their pitch accent patterns and an increase in stressed syllable duration as occur naturally among the Buenos Aires speakers.