自2008年以來，兩岸實質交流與政府政策的開放下，金融產業在多年的紅海競爭下，出現新契機。尤以2010年兩岸經濟合作架構協議（ECFA）的簽署，將金融服務業列為早收清單，使臺灣銀行業者能縮短等待期提早進入中國大陸市場開展業務。 本文以臺灣31家本國銀行（不含專業銀行及外資銀行）為研究對象，自2007至2013年為研究期間，以中介法選擇「利息支出」、「營業費用」、「存款」等3項投入變數；「利息收入」、「非利息收入」、「放款及貼現」、「投資」等4項產出變數。運用資料包絡分析法（DEA）及Tobit迴歸模型，由全體銀行、金控子銀行與非金控銀行的角度，探討兩岸簽訂ECFA對其經營績效的影響。 實證結果發現：1.銀行經營績效深受外在金融環境及規模大小影響。2.全體樣本銀行於簽訂ECFA後之平均效率不如簽訂ECFA前，惟部分銀行效率值提高。3.簽訂ECFA前非金控銀行純技術效率優於金控子銀行；簽訂ECFA後金控子銀行整體效率、純技術效率及規模效率皆優於非金控銀行。4.簽訂ECFA前後公股銀行之整體效率、純技術效率及規模效率皆優於民營銀行。 / The financial industries led to a red ocean market due to high and intensive competition many years ago. However, the relaxation of government policy of substantial cross-strait economic interactions has brought the turning point since 2008. Especially, the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) between Taiwan and China was signed in 2010 and the financial service industry is covered under the Early Harvest list which can make Taiwanese bank sectors shorten the time and enter the Mainland China market early. This study is to research 31 domestic banks (exclude professional bank and foreign banks) and choose interest expense, operation expense and deposit as the three input variables and interest revenue, non-interest revenue, loan and discount and investment as output variables from 2007 to 2013. With the use of Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) and Tobit regression mode, it explores the effect of operating performance for the banks, the financial holding banks and the Independent Banks under the ECFA. Finding: After the signing of the ECFA，the sample banks' efficiency is not as good as before the signing, but some banks to improve the efficiency. Before the signing ECFA, the pure technical efficiency of non-bank financial holding is superior than financial holding banks ; however, efficiency of financial holding banks ,including technical efficiency pure technical efficiency scale efficiency,is superior than non-financial holding banks. Overall, the performance of public financial holding banks is superior than the private banks. However, the performance of banks is impact by financial environment and the size.

原產地規則隨著區域整合之興起，已成為一個相當重要的貿易問題。其不僅與國內整體產業發展有關，對於個別廠商之生產決策與外銷優勢亦有相當程度之影響。尤其對於部分相對弱勢之產業，若制定過於寬鬆之原產地規則，除將面臨區域內國家之進口壓力，區域外國家還可能透過違規轉運藉由優惠性關稅進口。台灣自從與經貿關係密切之中國大陸洽簽了兩岸經濟合作架構協定（Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement，ECFA），隨著貨品逐步之關稅調降，許多區內產品認定問題亦隨之而來。 而本文之研究目的，即為透過原產地規則之制定，在適當的彈性空間下，避免區外國家透過中國大陸轉運，使過多產品享有優惠性關稅進入國內市場，造成國內廠商受到衝擊。而本文所研究之產業為台灣之成衣產業，相較於中國大陸之成衣產業，其目前發展情形相對弱勢，故政府未來針對此產業制定原產地規則時必須更加謹慎地考量國內產業發展，並參考其他FTA所制定相關原產地規則。本文希望透過比較研究其他FTA，並審酌產業發展現況，經適當調整後，試擬一套適合台灣成衣產業之原產地制度。最後，為了解所建議原產地規則之可行性，本文以實際採訪政府機關之方式，了解原產地制度制訂者之看法與意見。 / Rule of origin is a quite important issue since the trend of regional integration. This is not only relevant with the development of domestic industries, but also has impact for the strategies of production and export each firm made. Domestic industries, especially for the relatively weak industries, will burden much pressure if the rules of origin are too simple and less restrictive. Sine Taiwan signed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement（ECFA）with China, we need to consider all the issues and impact rules of origin may occur. The main subject of this thesis is to set up appropriate rules of origin to avoid the severe impact to domestic industries caused by excessive import from China. Due to the condition of industry, I chose garment industry as a focus of my study and analysis. Since domestic garment industry involves more employed population compare to the other weak industry, government should consider more cautious when they set up rules of origin for garment industry in the future. By making the comparison for the rules of origin for garment industry in different free trade agreement, I tried to imitate the rules of origin for garment industry with some adjustment. In the last part, I made an interview with the researcher of Industrial Development Bureau to understand their opinion for the applicability of the rules of origin.

L'objectif principal de l'Accord de partenariat économique (APE) est la mise en conformité des arrangements commerciaux entre les États ou groupes d'États avec les dispositions de l'Organisation Mondiale de Commerce (OMC)notamment l'introduction de la réciprocité dans les relations commerciales entre l'Union européenne (UE) et les pays d'Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP).La signature de l'Accord de partenariat économique par certains pays ACP, suscite encore à l'heure actuelle des critiques sur les effets de la suppression des préférences commerciales dont dépendent de nombreux pays ACP. / The main purpose of te economic partnership agreement (EPA) is to make the commercial settlements between states or groupe of states cumply with the clauses of the World Trade Organization (WTO) namely the introduction of the principle of the reciprocity in the commercial relations between the European Union (EU)and the African, Caribbean and Pacifique states (ACP).The signing of the economic partnership agreement by some ACP countries,still currently sparks of critisims upon the consequences deriving from the revocation of trade preferences, of wich numerous countries are dependent on.

This dissertation deals with German-Soviet economic and political relations from 1939 to 1941. These were forms of totalitarian regimes whose cooperation was not suspended though its own dynamics were influenced by ideological, economic, and political conditions. One of the motives for the intensification of German-Soviet cooperation was Germany's attempt to secure self-sufficiency in the development of raw materials. The German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact of August 23rd, 1939 was a calculated accord with precise objectives when in both systems common national interests, which consisted also in the partition of Poland, overshadowed their ideological differences. This work outlines the circumstances of the negotiations, the main actors, and motives leading to the creation of the most significant trade agreements. It quantifies the Soviet deliveries exported to the German economy in the given period and analyzes the fulfillment of contractual obligations. A barely two-year business relationship in which Reich Foreign Ministry was significantly engaged provided more short-term benefits to the German war economy, especially in quantitative terms. It helped Hitler, among others, partially solve the import dependency. With regard to the structure of trade, the Stalinist regime was particularly important for the Nazi economy because of imports of raw materials and food. Reciprocally, Hitler's Germany represented a notable source of technologies and arms production. Business contracts completion was affected by military operations, strategic plans, contract terms and conditions, and other factors. In the last part, the thesis analyzes the German economic situation in the occupied territories of the USSR in the years 1941-1943 with respect to the area of present-day Ukraine and Belarus. The aim was to answer the question of whether the planned economic goals were achieved, and to characterize the most important factors influencing German economic gains. Part of this research was an analysis of the overall balance of obtained minerals, food, and labor in order to provide an answer to the question whether it was worth it, in purely quantitative terms, for Germany to terminate economic cooperation and attack the Soviet Union. Military action was motivated by economic objectives, while there is no doubt about the racially ideological background. In the elaboration and implementation of occupation policy representatives of the industrial and banking sectors or the Reich's ministries were actively involved. Benefits expected from the economic occupation of the Soviet territory were not realized. Efficiency and goals achievement were complicated by evacuation and collaboration, also corruption, guerrilla activities, and the concept of occupation policy.

Au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale, avec le retour à la souveraineté, le Japon commença aussitôt à planifier la reconstruction de son économie et la création de nouveaux liens en Asie. C'est ainsi qu'il déclencha son « avancée vers le sud », à la recherche de matières premières et de marchés pour ses produits. Cependant le processus de pénétration de l'Asie du Sud-est ne fut pas seulement de nature économique mais aussi politique, et la valeur de la région dans la recherche d'une nouvelle position stratégique fut claire dans l'approche au problème indochinois, surtout après l'intensification de la guerre du Vietnam. Le Japon, désireux de contribuer de manière significative à une reconstruction régionale « après-­Vietnam », à la fin des années soixante lança une première série d'initiatives diplomatiques et de coopération dans la région entière. Ensuite les « tournants » de l'ordre bipolaire des années soixante-dix, surtout le « Nixon choc » et la chute de Saigon, ainsi qu'une majeure sensibilité vers le pays de la région, amenèrent de Tokyo à la systématisation de son approche et donc à la planification de la doctrine Fukuda. Cette première codification de la politique japonaise vers l'Asie du Sud-est est basée sur la fonction intra-régionale du Japon visant à lutter contre les tentatives hégémoniques de Pékin et Moscou et à profiter du désengagement militaire occidentale, afin de remodeler les relations avec les grandes puissances et assumer un rôle international de premier plan. / In the aftermath of World War II, after Japan had regained its sovereignty, the government started immediately planning the economic recovery and the creation of new ties in Asia. Thus it launched its "southern expansion", focused on the search of raw materials and markets for Japanese products. However, the penetration in Southeast Asia was not only an economic process, but also a political one. In the search of a new strategic role, the importance of the region became evident for Tokyo when facing the Indochinese problem, especially after the intensification of the Vietnam War. With the aim to provide a significant contribution to the regional reconstruction, even more important in the perspective of a "post-Vietnam", in the late l960s Japan launched a first set of diplomatic and economic initiatives in the whole region. The "turning points" of the Cold War in the 1970s, i.e. the "Nixon shock" and the fall of Saigon, combined to a closer attention to the expectations of Southeast Asian countries, eventually led Tokyo to the systematization of its regional approach and to the definition of the Fukuda Doctrine. In this first attempt to codify its policy towards Southeast Asia, Japan conceived its intra-regional role in opposition to the hegemonic moves of Beijing and Moscow and in connection to the Western military withdraw from the region, with the ambition to reshape its relations with the Great Powers and enhance its political standing in world affairs.

Kateřina Papežová, Collaboration of czech and austrian border regions after 1989 This diploma thesis deals with the topic of cooperation between border regions of the Czech Republic and Austria since the opening of the common border in 1989 until the Czech Republic's entering the European Union in 2004. The aim of the thesis is to observe the influence of the opening of the border on the regions and the development of the cooperation in the following years. The introduction presents the development of the interstate relations between the Czech Republic and Austria in 1989-2004. The following chapters focus on three areas of cooperation of border regions that have been selected in order to monitor the intensifying of the regional cross-border cooperation. The first chapter concentrates on the initial contacts between the inhabitants of the regions on the occasion of cross-border encounters and cultural events. It also deals with the positive and negative effects of opening the border for the border regions. In the second chapter, attention is given to the efforts of Czechs and Austrians living in the neighborhood of the border to understand each other, as well as to the prejudices and stereotypes that contributed to misunderstandings between the neighboring nations. The last chapter discusses the...

Магистерской диссертация анализируются дискуссии в ООН по вопросу способов и методов стимулирования экономического развития стран, получивших независимость в ходе процессов деколонизации. Отношения между индустриально развитыми и освободившимися обострились на фоне биполярного противостояния. В работе характеризуется деятельность ООН в рамках декады развития, а также работа Конференции ООН по торговле и развитию (ЮНКДАД). Автор формулирует причины неудач и ограничений в деятельности ООН по стимулированию развития в 1950-1960-е гг. и обстановку зарождения инициативы Нового мирового экономического порядка, которая предусматривала слом существующей системы. Автор анализирует дискуссию о НМЭП на специальной сессии Генеральной Ассамблеи и на заседаниях Экономического и социального совета ООН, а также характеризует попытки реализации Хартии экономических прав и обязанностей государств. Опираясь на численное большинство, развивающиеся страны смогли в целом добиться принятия необходимых резолюций, однако развитые страны, обдающие экономическим влиянием, успешно блокировали их реализацию. С началом неолиберальных преобразований в США и странах Западной Европы проект НМЭП потерял свою актуальность. / The master's thesis gives an overview of the discussions at the UN on the issue of stimulating the economic development of countries that emerged due to the process of decolonization. Relations between the developed and the developing countries constantly deteriorated because of a bipolar confrontation. The first part of the work focuses on the activities of the United Nations in the framework of the UN development decade, as well as the initiatives of the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). The author formulates the reasons for the failures and limitations in the UN activities to stimulate development in the 1950s-1960s and the setting in which the New International Economic Order (INEO) initiative was born. The author analyzes the discussion about the INEO at a special session of the General Assembly and at meetings of the UN Economic and Social Council and also characterizes attempts to implement the UN Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. Due to the numerical majority, developing countries were able to generally achieve the adoption of the necessary resolutions, but developed countries, possessing economic influence, successfully blocked implementation of the INEO initiatives. Start of neoliberal transformations in the United States and Western Europe had led to the decline of interest to the INEO project.

Résumé. Le mémoire s’intéresse à l’émergence historique de la coopération économique régionale comme forme non-hégémonique de coopération. Nous y proposons une approche alternative au problème de l’origine de la coopération systémique, par rapport à la conception d’origine hégémonique de la coopération systémique, propre aux théories néolibérale et néoréaliste. Plutôt que par le biais des théories du marché, l’origine de la coopération est approchée par le biais des processus caractérisant l’anarchie-même tel le processus de construction anarchique des formes de guerre. Et plus spécifiquement, des formes de guerre dont l’usage soumet la structure anarchique à des contraintes extrêmes, mettant celle-ci en crise, exemplifiée par la chute de la puissance hégémonique, la fin d’un système hégémonique et le début de coopération systémique non-hégémonique, de nature plus régionale et économique. En privilégiant l’approche historique, nous insistons notamment sur l’impact critique du commerce au loin et du crédit international dans la construction par la structure anarchique des formes de guerre que la puissance hégémonique ne peut plus supporter. / Historical origins of regional economic cooperation as a non-hegemonic form of cooperation. Abstract. This thesis examines the emergence of the regional economic cooperation as a non-hegemonic form of cooperation. We propose an alternative to the prevailing conception of hegemonic origin of systemic cooperation, proposed by the neorealist and neoliberal theories. Rather than relying on theories of the market, we focus instead on some critical processes of the anarchical structure itself, such as creation of forms of war by anarchy. More specifically, we focus on the forms of war that put the anarchical structure under maximal strain, bringing it to an overwhelming systemic crisis, the fall of a hegemonic power, the end of a hegemonic system, and the onset of a non-hegemonic systemic cooperation of more regional and economic nature. Prioritizing the historical approach we stress especially the role of long-distance trade and international credit in the construction, by the anarchical structure itself, of forms of war impossible for the hegemonic power to withstand.

Les modes de négociation au CAD de l'OCDE sont organisés autour de la règle du consensus et d'un processus itératif conduit entre pairs. Ces modes de négociation ont produit la notion d'Etat fragile de 2004 à 2010, idée prête à l'usage et prête à être étendue par ses promoteurs initiaux comme par tous les représentants de bailleurs de fonds qui choisissent de s'y investir. La notion et l'agenda concernant les Etats fragiles entrent en 2005 dans la course à la démonstration de la légitimité de l'aide publique au développement comme des compléments nécessaires et comme des concurrents à l'agenda de l'effocacité de l'aide. Cependant les mêmes modes de négociations ainsi que les contraintes organisationnelles et normatives rencontrées dans les bureaucraties de l'aide qui participent à cette construction ont tendu à normaliser le contenu et à limiter la transposition politique et bureaucratique de ce nouvel agenda. Au sein du CAD, ces contraintes diminuent également la portée des tenants de l'agenda Etats fragiles qui doivent faire face à des normes établies. Cet agenda a cependant pu être diffusé rapidement en raison de sa malléabilité, de la nature proinstitutionnelle de son argumentaire et du risque normatif et politique relativement faible qu'il fait prendre aux acteurs qui s'en servent pour promouvoir leurs propres visions stratégiques de l'aide publique au développement. Dans ce contexte, le CAD constitue une arène internationale de négociation où s'analyse l'action organisée des représentants de bureaucraties bilatérales et multilatérales. / LModes of negotiation OECD DAC are organized around the rule of consensus and an iterative process led peer. These modes of negotiation produced the concept of fragile state from 2004 to 2010, an idea ready to use and ready to be extended by its promoters as the original by all representatives of donors who choose to invest. The concept and agenda for fragile states come into the race in 2005 to demonstrate the legitimacy of official development assistance as necessary complements and as competitors on the agenda of the effocacité help. However the same modes of negotiation and organizational constraints and normative encountered in aid bureaucracies involved in this construction have tended to standardize the content and limit the political and bureaucratic implementation of this new agenda. In the DAC, these constraints also reduce the scope of the proponents of the fragile states agenda should deal with established standards. This agenda has yet been released quickly because of its malleability, nature proinstitutionnelle of its arguments and the normative and political risk he is taking relatively small actors who use them to promote their own strategic visions of the official development assistance. In this context, the DAC is an international trading arena where analysis of organized action by representatives of bilateral and multilateral bureaucracies.

“21世紀海上絲綢之路”倡議與絲綢之路經濟帶的傳輸紐帶關係，發展成為“一帶一路”倡議，為中共在2013年所提出的戰略構想。 就美國而言，由於其經濟實力受金融危機影響減弱，透過積極干涉南海爭端，可協助其順利推進亞太戰略轉向，強化本國在東亞地區的權力基礎，並制約中國勢力擴張。相對於中共來說，應有效應對美國實施重返亞太戰略可能產生的各種不利影響。 本文探討對於共同建設的“21世紀海上絲綢之路”倡議，需要沿線各國與經濟體共同努力，願景需要由政治互信不斷增強，未來發展建置議程，共同促進聯合行動方案的互聯互通。 / The initiative of “One belt, one Road” means the economic belt of Land route of Silk Road connecting Mainland China with the countries of Central Asia and the transport ties of the Maritime Silk Road connecting Mainland China with the countries of ASEAN, which has been making a strategic formulation put forward by the People's Republic of China since 2013. The impact of islands disputes between China and Philippines on the security of South China Sea, as far as the United States is concerned, with its economic strength weakened by the financial crisis, by proactively interfering with that, it helps successfully reorient its regional strategy, strengthen the U.S. power base in East Asia, and prevent China from expanding further. On the other side, to the PRC., effective strategies should be put forward to all kinds of disadvantageous influences of America's returning to the Asia-Pacific region. This article argues that jointly building the initiative of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road is required all parties to work together, the vision needs to be built for future development by increasing political mutual trust as well as development agenda so as to jointly promote inter connectivity.