Author analyses international economic sanctions at first from the theoretical view. Outcomes of the analysis are then applied on cases of Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Dissertation also includes the analysis of the economic structure of the two countries as well as the analysis of impact of sanctions followed with critical assessment of the sanction tools, their effectiveness and the level of enforcement by the international community. Dissertation is based on Czech and international literature as well as direct experience of the author with the region during the sanctions period.

This thesis examines the apparent discrepancy in success between Iran and North Korea when it comes to developing nuclear weapons. Both states at one time sought to acquire nuclear weapons for internal political and external security reasons. But whereas North Korea successfully detonated its first atomic bomb in 2006, Iran was pressured into an agreement in 2015 which put significant restraints on its nuclear programme. This thesis finds that there were multiple contributory factors that lay behind these differing outcomes. Specifically, it finds that while both nations had similar motivations to acquire nuclear weapons, their economic/military capabilities and the external pressure against their ambition differed in one case from the other. The ability of North Korea to deter a potential military attack from the United States together with the regime's ability to rely on its Chinese and South Korean partners for diplomatic protection as well as its own brutality towards its own population played the key role.

The purpose of this paper is to examine if economic sanctions is a useful tool to promote the democratic development of a state. I am interested in exploring the effectiveness of the most common reasons for implementing sanctions; to change specific behavior incompatible with democracy or to incur regime transformation. In order to examine this, we look at the intent of implementing economic sanctions, how democratic development is measured, and the importance of human rights as a part of a democratic state. By applying these findings on opposing versions of modernization theory, I find measurable economic data that I can look at in connection with two case studies. The episodes chosen for the case studies are current sanctions being leveled against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and Myanmar. In the case studies themselves, I discover that Iran and Myanmar are very different in both the intentions behind their autocratic regimes, and the results of the sanctions against them. In examining the economic effects, I find it difficult to find data for both cases, and I fail to locate parts of the economic data I intended to look at. In the end, I conclude that while economic sanctions can have some impact on specific goals and the foundation for support of democracy, they are unlikely to be the deciding factor in democratic development.

Policymakers and scholars are deeply divided on the purpose and effectiveness of sanctions, but recent work has given attention to the strategy of using positive sanctions or incentives. This study investigates the conditions under which the U.S. uses a punitive sanctions policy (indicated by all negative sanctions) or an engagement policy (indicated by a mix of positive and negative sanctions). Applying materialist (Schelling, 1960, 1966; Snyder and Diesing, 1977; Axelrod, 1984; Fearon, 1994) and sociological (Schoppa, 1999; Wendt, 2000; Lebow, 2007) bargaining perspectives, this study will consider factors such as the level of target threat, the target's nuclear weapons capability, the extent of international support for sanctions, and the relationship between the U.S. and target. This study analyzes the case studies of the U.S-led sanctions against Iraq (1990-2003), North Korea (1993-present), and Libya (1972-2006). / by Jason Levitt. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Les accords de commerce préférentiels (ACP) sont devenus des instruments importants au travers desquels lesEtats souverains conduisent leurs politiques économiques et façonnent leurs relations politiques internationales.Cette thèse analyse les enjeux transversaux et multidimensionnels des ACP. Dans un premier chapitre, nousmontrons que les domaines de négociation abordés dans les ACP, qui ne relèvent pas du mandat del’organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), augmentent les échanges commerciaux. De plus, les mécanismesde règlement des différends (en anglais DSM) les plus contraignants favorisent le commerce alors que lesmécanismes moyennement contraignants ne sont pas efficaces. Le second chapitre se tourne vers le cotépolitique des ACP et identifie un canal important au travers duquel les DSM incorporés aux ACP peuvent avoirun impact profond sur la prévention des conflits militaires. Nous montrons que les ACP avec les DSMmoyennement contraignantes empêchent l’escalade des sanctions vers les conflits militaires, tandis que les pluscontraignants ne sont pas efficaces. En plus, les Etats qui sont proche politiquement, économiquement etsocialement, sont plus portés à conclure les DSM les plus contraignants. Le troisième chapitre identifie les ACPselon le niveau de légalisme des clauses d’investissement. Nous montrons que les investisseurs internationauxfont face aux risques d’expropriation liés au régime politique du pays hôte ainsi qu'aux relations diplomatiquesentre leur pays et le pays hôte. Notre analyse montre qu'un régime démocratique ainsi que les bonnes relationsdiplomatiques conditionnent positivement les effets des clauses d’investissement légalement contraignantes.Enfin, le quatrième chapitre se penche sur les clauses environnementales pouvant figurer dans les ACP. Ilidentifie les ACP selon le niveau de légalisme des clauses environnementales. Nous montons que les pays Nord-Nord concluent les clauses environnementales avec le niveau le plus contraignant alors que les paires Nord-Sudsont plus sujettes à adopter les clauses environnementales moyennement contraignantes. / Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) have become important instruments through which sovereign statesconduct international economic as well as foreign policies. This thesis analyses multidimensional and crosscuttingissues in PTAs. In the first chapter, we show that policy issues incorporated in PTAs, but outside themandate of World Trade Organization (WTO), have a positive effect on trade. More specifically, highlylegalistic dispute settlement mechanisms (DSM) promote trade liberalization while medium legalistic DSMfeatures do not. The second chapter turns to the political side of PTAs and identifies an important channelthrough which DSMs in PTAs may have profound impact on the prevention of military conflicts. We show thatPTAs with medium level of DSMs prevent the escalation of sanctions to military conflicts, whereas higher leveldoes not. Further, the states that are more politically, economically and socially connected are more prone toform highly legalistic framework in PTAs. The third chapter identifies PTAs according to the level of legalismof investment provisions. Further, we show that international investors face risk of expropriation related to thedomestic political regime of host country as well as the diplomatic relations between home and host countries.Our analysis shows that highly democratic regime as well as the good diplomatic relationship conditionpositively the effects of legally enforced investment provisions. Finally, the fourth chapter identifies PTAsaccording to different levels of legalism of environmental provisions. We show that North-North countries signhighly legalistic environmental provisions whereas North-South country-pairs are more prone to sign mediumlegalistic environmental provisions.

The 1990’s did not only see the end of the Cold War, it experienced several man-made humanitarian crises, an emerging debate on the responsibility to protect, and an increased number of sanctions. All at the same time. How does these relate to each other? International economic sanctions can be seen as having the purposes of both punishing and making others comply with certain norms (Galtung, 1967:379). I believe that both of these purposes are visible when imposing sanctions as reactions to violations of international humanitarian law. Because of this, I argue that violations of IHL are likely to be met with sanctions. In this thesis, I study whether or not this hypothesis holds true. Specifically, I test the probability of receiving sanctions after the following IHL rules have been violated: the prohibition of child soldiers, torture, use of terror, one-sided violence and sexual violence. Most research on economic sanctions focuses either on their effect on armed conflict, or exclusively on one international institution. This thesis contributes to the research field by presenting a quantitative study on the effect violations of international humanitarian law can have on the imposition of economic sanctions, and whether there is a difference in how different violations are being reacted to.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 305-324).

The aim of this study is to discuss different motives behind the perceived transition from economic sanctions towards smart sanctions. The human rights aspect is also considered in the study, in terms of the wider humanism which is associated with smart sanctions. Does this relate to the fact that human rights have got an increased esteem in society, whereas economic, social and cultural rights be on equality with civil and political rights? Economic sanctions have been used extensively during the 1990s, both by the UN and by different regional organisations and countries. The hardest sanction regime has been imposed on Iraq. In this study, Iraq is used to highlight economic sanctions and the outcome is discussed in order to highlight the transition towards smart sanctions. Smart sanctions have been imposed three times till now, where Zimbabwe was the last example in February 2002. The effects of these sanctions are put in contradiction to Iraq, and the differences them between are discussed. Conclusions are that the ongoing transition and development towards smart sanctions have a multilateral character, where economic, efficiency, ideological, and humane motives areof considerable importance. The humane motives are of most significance for this development. Smart sanctions will continue to develop and be implemented, when international society find it necessary to maintain or restore peace or emphasise the existing rules or norms in the prevailing world. Despite the motives behind the transition towards smart sanctions, the dividing line between the two groups of human rights is still distinct. But due to new initiatives from both the UN and NGOs such as Amnesty International this dividing line is slowly starting to erase. It is not possible now to state that economic, social and cultural rights have got an increased esteem and be on equality with civil and political rights, but if the beginning consciousness is here to stay, it is likely to see an increased esteem in the near future.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T21:21:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Prado_DeboraFigueiredoMendoncado_D.pdf: 1971535 bytes, checksum: 52ad42c55c3bb8336b28f5a15e906b0c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O objetivo principal desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação internacional dos estados norte-americanos tendo em vista a implementação de sanções econômicas internacionais pelos legislativos estaduais. Estas sanções buscam impactar o bem-estar econômico de um Estado alvo por meio de restrições ao comércio internacional e investimentos com o objetivo de coagir o mesmo a alterar determinado comportamento político. No caso das sanções estaduais, são utilizados dois tipos de atividade: 1) a proibição da contratação ou aquisição de bens e serviços do governo estadual com empresas que fazem negócios no país-alvo e 2) o impedimento dos estados ou agências locais de realizar investimentos públicos nestas empresas e no país-alvo. Este tipo de atividade estadual possui um potencial conflituoso uma vez que as sanções estaduais podem gerar conflitos e tensões legais com o governo nacional. O objetivo deste trabalho será compreender o desenvolvimento destas atividades estaduais e os tensionamentos estabelecidos entre elas e o governo nacional bem como buscará compreender qual tem sido a reação das instituições norte-americanas sobre este processo. Para isto serão discutidas as raízes históricas do desenho institucional norte-americano na definição das funções dos governos estaduais e federais e o comportamento do Congresso e da Suprema Corte nesta temática. Para identificar as principais características das sanções estaduais este trabalho apresentará o mapeamento das sanções estaduais aplicadas pelos legislativos estaduais no período de 1977, data inicial deste tipo de atuação a 2012 / Abstract: The main objective of this research is to analyze the international actions of U.S. states, in view of the establishment of foreign policy actions by international economic sanctions developed by state legislatures. It is understood by the application of sanctions measures that seek to reduce the economic welfare of a target state by reducing international trade in order to coerce it to amend certain political behavior. In the case of state sanctions, are used two types of activity: 1) the prohibition in the states of hiring or purchasing goods and services from companies doing business in the target country or through selective divestment laws and 2) preventing states or local agencies to make public investments in these companies. Through this kind of activity states can develop actions contrary to national foreign policy, generating conflict and legal tensions with Washington. Trying to understand this process, this paper aims to map the historical roots of this institutional design, as well as cases of penalties imposed by state legislatures, 1977, start date this type of activity, 2012. It is understood that the analysis of these cases, the Supreme Court and of the actions taken by Congress will contribute to the understanding of the functioning of these institutions in situations of conflicts between states and the federal government on issues of international economic policy. To identify the main features of state sanctions, this work present the mapping of state sanctions imposed by state legislatures from 1977 to 2012 / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutora em Ciência Política

The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.