Esta dissertação tem como objeto de pesquisa o governo do governador e capitãogeneral Bernardo José Maria Lorena e Silveira (Bernardo José de Lorena) a frente da capitania de São Paulo entre 1788 e 1797, principalmente em seu aspecto político e econômico. O governo de Bernardo José de Lorena se desenvolveu no contexto da Crise do Antigo Sistema Colonial, pautado, no caso de Portugal, pela política da Coroa em tentar aproveitar ao máximo as potencialidades da sua colônia. São Paulo, embora fosse uma capitania secundária, também não escapou das transformações do período e as ações levadas a cabo pelos administradores régios nos permitem vislumbrar o teor das ideias e interesses postos em jogo. Quarto governador pós-restauração da capitania de São Paulo, Bernardo José de Lorena empreendeu várias obras de infra-estrutura na Cidade de São Paulo, edificou o caminho de acesso do planalto paulista ao litoral e ao porto de Santos, incrementou a agricultura destinada à exportação, arquitetou a vinda de embarcações para a Capitania e desta para Portugal, dentro outros feitos. Sua governança, em linhas gerais se adequou ao que podemos chamar de Novo Padrão de Colonização. / This dissertation objective the resserch on the administration of Governor and Captain General Bernardo José Maria Lorena e Silveira (Bernardo José de Lorena) in charge of the captaincy of São Paulo between 1788 and 1797, especially in its political and economic aspects. The government of José Bernardo de Lorena was developed in the context of the Crisis of the Old Colonial System, ruled, in the case of Portugal, by the Crown policy of trying to exploit the full potential of their colony. São Paulo, though a secondary captaincy, has not escaped the transformations of the period and the actions undertaken by the royal administration allow us to glimpse the content of ideas and interests at stake. Fourth governor after restoration of the captaincy of São Paulo, José Bernardo de Lorena undertook various infrainstructural works in the City of São Paulo, he built the way from the Sao Paulo plateau to the coast and the port of Santos, increased farming for export, masterminded the arrival of boats directy from Portugal for this to Captaincy and for Portugal directy from São Paulo, among other deeds. Its governance, in general, adapted itself to what we call New Pattern of Colonization.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-04-18T18:04:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 queleningridlopes.pdf: 1898906 bytes, checksum: 766b6218bf2b9061f58bf8d07e28ef4f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-04-19T11:43:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 queleningridlopes.pdf: 1898906 bytes, checksum: 766b6218bf2b9061f58bf8d07e28ef4f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-19T11:43:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 queleningridlopes.pdf: 1898906 bytes, checksum: 766b6218bf2b9061f58bf8d07e28ef4f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo investigar o processo de formação da estrutura agrária da Vila do Carmo e seu termo, bem como as vicissitudes do mercado de terras rurais constituído na região, no período de 1711 a 1750. Através da análise das escrituras de compra e venda de propriedades rurais, buscamos caracterizar a estrutura produtiva agrícola da região, os diferentes tipos de propriedades, a produção e o beneficiamento dos gêneros alimentícios, bem como apreender o vínculo entre a atividade agrícola e a atividade mineradora percebida nas negociações das mesmas propriedades. Além disso, a fim de compreender o espaço da agricultura nas atividades realizadas na região e a importância do mercado de terras nas estratégias sócio-econômicas dos indivíduos, que compraram e/ou venderam propriedades rurais no período estudado, procedemos à identificação da composição social presente neste mesmo mercado. / This research aims to investigate the formation process of Vila do Carmo agrarian structure and the surrounding area as well the vicissitudes of the rural lands market formed in this region during the period between 1711-1750. By the analysis of the deeds of purchase and sale of rural properties, we intend to characterize the productive agricultural structure of the region, the different types of properties, production and processing of food, but also seek to identify the link between agricultural activities and mining activities identified on the negotiation of those properties. Furthermore, in order to understand the area of agriculture activities in the region, and the importance of the lands market in socio-economic strategies of individuals who purchased and/or sold rural properties during the period, we proceed to identify the social composition in this same market.

Orientador: Alexandre Soares Carneiro / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T01:53:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GontijoRosa_CarlosJunior_M.pdf: 638628 bytes, checksum: 5066b9185ab000a40e9a4bf418e30c0c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar a personagem de Chichisbéu na peça O Precipício de Faetonte, de Antônio José da Silva (1705-1739), representada em 1739 no Teatro do Bairro Alto, Lisboa, Portugal. Partindo de perspectivas teóricas diversas, mas convergentes no sentido de compreender a pouco explorada dramaturgia do período, buscase um entendimento dos textos joco-sérios do comediógrafo. Observando as diferentes leituras do mito de Faetonte, originalmente contado por Ovídio (43 a.C.~18 d.C.) em suas Metamorfoses (séc. I d.C.), em comparação com a peça El hijo del Sol, Faetón (1662), de Calderón de La Barca (1600-1681), percebe-se no Judeu um outro tom na exploração da narrativa, usada apenas como mote, sem relação direta com grande parte das cenas da ópera. Tendo em vista que se reconhece a peça de Antônio José enquanto pertencente ao gênero tragicômico, procede-se uma análise do cômico, uma vez que cômico e trágico, mesmo que unidos num mesmo gênero, ainda preservam características distintas. Como o forma tragicômica foi amplamente difundido na Espanha no século anterior, com grande influência em toda a Europa, em seguida buscamos demonstrar como esta influência se deu em Portugal, mais precisamente nesta peça do Judeu. Como principal representante do cômico neste gênero teatral, identificamos a figura do gracioso, que se torna tema de um capítulo no qual se estudam as diversas facetas que este personagem-tipo representa em O Precipício de Faetonte, enquanto fonte de riso, entretenimento e entendimento do público em relação à fábula e às relações estabelecidas na cena. Por fim, busca-se o entendimento deste mesmo personagem (Chichisbéu, no caso) em suas relações com o galán e a relação da obra do dramaturgo com as preceptivas e técnicas de escrita teatral vigentes no período / Abstract: This dissertation is intented to analyse the character Chichisbéu in the play O Precipício de Faetonte by Antonio José da Silva (1705-1739), represented in 1739 at Bairro Alto theater, Lisbon, Portugal. Starting from different theorical perspectives, yet converging towards the comprehension of the little-explored drama of the period, it aims to understand the joco-serious texts of the comedy writer. Observing the different readings of Phaeton myth, originally told by Ovid (43 B.C.~18 A.C.) in Metamorfoses (cent. I A.C.) compared to the play El hijo del Sol, Faetón (1662), by Calderón de La Barca (1600- 1681), it is noticed in the Jew a different tone in the exploration of narrative, only used as a motto, without a direct relation to great number of the scenes of the opera. Since the play of Antonio José is regarded as belonging to the tragicomic genre, the proceeding is an analysis of the 'comic', once comic and tragic, even though gathered in the same genre, yet retain distinct characteristics. Considering that the genre of tragicomedy was widely spread in Spain in the previous century, with great influence throughout Europe, subsequentely we aim to point out how its influence took place in Portugal, more precisely in this play of the Jew. As the main representative of the comic in this theatrical genre, we identify the figure of gracioso, who becomes theme of a chapter in which are studied the various facets that this kind of character represents in O Precipicio de Faetonte, while source of laughter, enterteinment and understanding of the public concerning the plot-structure and the relations established in the scene. Finally, we seek the understanding of the character (Chichisbéu, in the case) in his relations to the galán and the relation of the playwright's work to the preceptives and writing techniques which existed in the period / Mestrado / Mestre em Teoria e História Literária

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-21T20:23:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Chaves Junior, Jose-Dissert-2013.pdf: 3028733 bytes, checksum: 97f65722bf1177a4ff6ecdad8c884908 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-21T20:23:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Chaves Junior, Jose-Dissert-2013.pdf: 3028733 bytes, checksum: 97f65722bf1177a4ff6ecdad8c884908 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Na segunda metade do século XVIII, os territórios das capitanias do Norte do Estado do Brasil estiveram, por determinação régia, anexados administrativamente ao governo da capitania de Pernambuco. No caso da Paraíba, a anexação perdurou ao longo de quarenta e quatro anos, entre 1756 e 1799, e institucionalizou redes sociais há muito estabelecidas entre segmentos das elites da Paraíba e seus congêneres da vizinha Pernambuco. Constituída capitania real ainda no final do século XVI, a Paraíba teve sua jurisdição política, administrativa e econômica subtraída sob a alegação da inexistência de meios financeiros para a manutenção de um governo autônomo. A privação da autonomia governativa produziu uma vastidão de contenciosos entre os governadores das duas capitanias, fosse pelo desrespeito ou indefinição dos limites jurisdicionais de cada um, fosse pelo não-reconhecimento de parte das elites da Paraíba da autoridade do capitão-mor desta capitania. As falas irritadas dos governadores da Paraíba, notadamente de Jerónimo José de Melo e Castro (1764-97), contrários à anexação, foram quase sempre tomadas pela historiografia paraibana, notavelmente aquela ligada ao Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Paraibano (IHGP), como arautos de independência e bravura frente ao domínio da poderosa capitania vizinha. No entanto, uma releitura dos eventos que rodearam àquele tenso meio século repleto de intrigas entre os governadores da Paraíba e as elites locais, sempre dispostas a consorciar-se com os de Pernambuco, tem demonstrado o estabelecimento, sob a chancela da Coroa, de redes supracapitanias que interligavam tais espaços a partir dos negócios e da política, ensejadas numa cultura política de Antigo Regime nos trópicos. Portanto, esse estudo busca uma observação micro-analítica das consequências da anexação de 1756 a partir das dinâmicas das elites locais da Paraíba, inseridas no contexto do Império português, i.é., as relações que conformavam os vínculos com Pernambuco, precisamente com os negociantes da praça mercantil do Recife e com os governadores-generais, fazendo-as duelar contra aqueles que tentavam prejudicar os interesses em jogo. / In the second half of the eighteenth century, the territories of the captaincy of the State of North Brazil were, by royal determination, administratively attached to the government of the Captaincy of Pernambuco. In the case of Paraíba, the annexation lasted over forty-four years, between 1755 and 1799, and institutionalized long-established social networks of social and political elites of Paraíba and their counterparts from the neighboring, state of Pernambuco. Founded royal captaincy in the late sixteenth century, Paraíba had its political jurisdiction, administrative and economic subtracted on the grounds of lack of funds for the maintenance of an autonomous government. The deprivation of self-governing produced a breadth of litigation between the two governors of captaincy, it was the disrespect or blurring of the jurisdictional limits of each, was the recognition of elites of Paraíba the authority of the Captain General of captaincy. The angry speeches of the governors of Paraíba, notably Jerónimo José de Mello e Castro (1764-1797), against the annexation, were almost always taken by historiography, the remarkably connected to Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Paraibano (IHGP), as harbingers of independence and bravery against the powerful field of neighboring captaincy. However, a reinterpretation of the events surrounding strained to that a half a century full of intrigues among the governors of Paraíba and local elites, always willing to consort with those of Pernambuco, has demonstrated the establishment, under the auspices of the Crown, networking supracapitanias interconnected such that spaces from business and politics, triggering a political culture in the Ancien Regime in the tropics. Therefore, this article seeks a micro-analytical observatio9n of the consequences of the annexation of 1755 from the dynamics of local elites within the context of Paraíba of the Portuguese Empire, this is relations that conform the bonds Pernambuco, precisely with the businessman of Recife and with the governors generals, making the battle against those who brought harm the interests at stake.

This dissertation follows the development of the mentor figure from Frances Burney’s Evelina published in 1778 to Maria Edgeworth’s Belinda in 1801. The mentor becomes a key figure for exploring women’s revolutionary ideas on female education and women’s roles in society. My dissertation contributes to discussions on mentoring, development of the Gothic mode, and debates over sensibility and sentimental fiction. It considers how the female mentee paradoxically both desires and criticizes her male mentor and his authority. Each author under discussion employed the mentor figure in a way that addressed their contemporary society’s issues and prejudices toward the treatment of women and the power of sensibility. Much of this treatment was traced to a conversation of reforming female education from an accomplishment-based pedagogy to a moral, intellectual-based instruction that was more masculine in nature (emphasizing a balance between sensibility and reason). Frequently, the mentor provides general comments and recommendations about love to his female pupil, who is entering into the marriage market, but his advice often turns out to be wrong or misplaced since it does not fit the actual situation. He is a good spiritual guide but a poor romantic advisor. I assert that the mentor figure’s usual lack of romantic sentiment and his pupil’s ability to surpass him in matters of the heart reveal a tendency to subvert male authority. Throughout this discussion, questions related to gender arise. Women’s desire for their own agency and control over both their minds and bodies underpin much of women’s eighteenth-century fiction. My dissertation explores these complex relationships between male mentors and their female pupils.

Le thème de l’Arcadie figure dans un grand nombre du jardins au XVIIIe siècle. Le tableau de Poussin Les Bergers d’Arcadie et la formule Et in Arcadia Ego sont indissociables, de nos jours, à la vision du locus Arcadie. Cependant, il n’y a aucune preuve que notre réception actuelle du tableau corresponde aux intentions de Poussin, ni à la vision du locus au XVIIIe siècle. Une appréciation de la réception du thème de l’Et in Arcadia Ego et de ses variantes au XVIIIe siècle s’avère utile, afin de comprendre la reprise de ce thème par les jardiniers de l’époque. Nous proposons d’examiner en détail l’évolution dans le temps de ce thème, dans la peinture, dans la poésie et dans les jardins. Nous mènerons un recensement des membres étrangers de l’Accademia degli Arcadi de Rome et de leurs jardins. Cette académie, à ses origines, était une association de poètes qui se réunissaient dans les jardins ou en plein air à la campagne afin décomposer et de réciter leurs œuvres, souvent liées aux thèmes de la nature. Nous sommes partis de l’hypothèse que cette académie serait l’un des vecteurs possibles de la diffusion du thème arcadien en Europe aux XVIIIe siècle. Les jardins que nous examinerons, tous au thème de l’Et in Arcadia Ego,appartiennent ou furent conçus, en dehors de l’Italie, par un Pastor ou Pastorella d’Arcadia (un membre de l’Accademia degli Arcadi). / The arcadian theme is prevalent in a large number of eighteenth-century gardens. Poussin’s painting TheArcadian Shepherds and the enigmatic ‘Et in Arcadia Ego’ are now indissociable from our vision of thelocus Arcadia. Nevertheless, there is no proof that our actual reception of the image corresponds to Poussin’s intentions, or to the vision of this locus in the eighteenth-century. An appreciation of thereception of the theme of Et in Arcadia Ego and it’s eighteenth-century variants is useful, in order tounderstand the adoption of the theme by the gardeners of the period. We propose to examine in detail it’sevolution over time, in painting, poetry and landscape. We will conduct an identification and census of theforeign (non-Italian) members of the Accademia degli Arcadia of Rome and their gardens. This academy, atit’s origin, was an association of poets who met in gardens and in the surrounding countryside in order tocompose and recite their work, which dealt frequently with themes from nature. We are working under thehypothesis that this academy was a possible vector for the propagation of the arcadian theme in theeighteenth century garden. The gardens which we examine in detail each deal specifically with the theme ofEt in Arcadia Ego and apart from two exceptions are either created by, or in collaboration with, a foreignArcadian Pastor or Pastorella.(designation of a member of the Accademia degli Arcadi).

Cette thèse a pour objet la représentation de l’Europe dans les romans espagnols du XVIIe siècle et en particulier de trois d’entre eux : le Persiles (1617) de Miguel de Cervantès ; l’Estebanillo González (1646), attribué à Gabriel de la Vega ; et le Criticón (1651-1657) de Baltasar Gracián. Ces récits ont la particularité d’investir de vastes étendues européennes, alors que la plupart des romans du Siècle d’Or – hormis les livres de chevalerie – tend à se resserrer sur le territoire ibérique. L’enjeu de ce travail est de montrer que cette extension européenne est indissociable de projets littéraires ambitieux. Loin de se borner à une fonction ornementale, la géographie choisie par le romancier fonde un positionnement vis-à-vis du champ littéraire et du contexte historique. Dans nos récits à échelle continentale, investir des contrées jusqu’alors inexplorées par le roman est une façon d’aborder des formes et des thèmes inédits ; et traverser les territoires de plusieurs genres permet de confronter diverses écritures et des visions du monde généralement dissociées. Corrélativement, cette étude cherche à montrer que l’existence de « romans européens » dans l’Espagne du XVIIe siècle est liée à l’émergence de l’Europe comme d’une réalité prégnante : un espace culturel partagé, en passe de se substituer à la Chrétienté médiévale des livres de chevalerie ; un échiquier géopolitique où est remise en question la suprématie habsbourgeoise ; en somme, un horizon décisif pour l’existence des Espagnols. Si le Persiles, l’Estebanillo et le Criticón développent une écriture originale, c’est aussi pour explorer l’histoire en cours et la réécrire en y projetant un imaginaire propre. / This dissertation deals with the representation of Europe in seventeenth-century Spanish novels, with a special focus on three of them: Miguel de Cervantes’ Persiles (1617); La vida y hechos de Estebanillo González (1646), attributed to Gabriel de la Vega; and Baltasar Gracián’s Criticón (1651-1657). These texts have in common their opening onto vast European areas, whereas most of Spanish Golden Age novels –with the notable exception of the romances of chivalry– tend to be restrained in Iberian lands. Therefore, the main issue of this study is to show that their European spread is inseparable from ambitious literary projects. Indeed, by choosing a specific geography for their stories, the authors take position within the narrative world and the historical context. In our continental-scale fictions, covering novelistic terras incognitas is a way to reach unexplored themes and forms; and crossing genre-territories enables a mutual test of generally dissociated aesthetics and worldviews. Besides, this work aims at demonstrating that the existence of a few ‘European novels’ in the seventeenth-century Spain is linked to the emergence of Europe as an unavoidable reality: a shared cultural space, on the way to replace the medieval Christendom perpetuated by the old-fashioned romances of chivalry; a geopolitical arena where the Habsburg supremacy is being increasingly questioned; and, all in all, a decisive background for the Spaniards. In order words, one can better appreciate the aesthetic originality of Persiles, Estebanillo and Criticón, when observing that these fictions are also intended to recreate by rewriting the recent past of Europe.

Cette thèse porte sur les représentations du temps historique dans deux œuvres panoramiques de Louis Sébastien Mercier (1740-1814), soit le Tableau de Paris, publié entre 1781 et 1788, et le Nouveau Paris, publié en 1798. Ces deux œuvres partagent une visée commune (faire le portrait physique et moral de Paris et écrire l’histoire du temps présent), mais, comme elles sont séparées par la Révolution française, elles présentent deux univers distincts. Il s’agit d’une part, d’étudier le foisonnement des représentations du temps chez Mercier et, d’autre part, de faire voir comment elles se modifient sous l’impact de la Révolution, qui oblige les contemporains à réévaluer leur place dans l’histoire. L’imaginaire temporel est abordé dans ses configurations variées et dans ses apories : l’œuvre panoramique de Mercier met en scène une série de tensions entre le passé – qui est tantôt rejeté, tantôt appelé – et le futur – qui apparaît soit comme l’horizon du progrès, soit comme le tournant de l’apocalypse. C’est toutefois le présent qui agit comme point focal de l’imaginaire temporel merciérien : il est le prisme à travers lequel l’auteur aborde les autres entités. Dans son désir de capter l’extrême contemporanéité, Mercier complexifie le rapport entre le monde ambiant et l’écriture qui tente de le fixer. Pris dans la tourmente révolutionnaire, il cherche à percer l’opacité des événements et fournit dans le Nouveau Paris l’une des premières histoires de la Révolution. Au moment où le présent acquiert dans son œuvre un statut d’objet historique, il devient également un objet esthétique : l’histoire présente, dans sa grandeur chaotique, remplace la nature comme source de sublime. / This dissertation analyzes the representations of historical time in two of Louis Sébastien Mercier’s panoramic works, that is the Tableau de Paris, published between 1781 and 1788, and le Nouveau Paris, published in 1798. These two works share a common goal (drawing the capital’s moral and physical portrait and writing the history of present time), but, since they are separated by the French Revolution, they offer two distinct universes. The aim of this dissertation is to study the representations of time in Mercier’s work and to evaluate how they change after the 1789 Revolution, a major event that greatly modifies the way contemporaries conceive their place in history. Temporal imagination is analyzed through its multiple configurations and aporias : Mercier’s panoramic work operates a constant tension between the past, that is sometimes rejected, sometimes glorified, and the future, conceived either as the horizon of a stable and positive evolution or as the turning point of Apocalypse. Nonetheless, it is the present that plays the main part in the author’s temporal imagination and that gives intelligibility to the other entities. In his desire to capture extreme contemporaneousness, Mercier makes more complex the relationship between writing and the ever changing reality it tries to fix. Caught in the revolutionary storm, he seeks to go beyond the events’ opacity and produces in le Nouveau Paris one of the first history of the Revolution. As it acquires an historical status, present history also becomes an aesthetical object : in its chaotic greatness, it replaces nature as a source of sublime.

This dissertation on the fourth duke of Bedford examines the political activities of a member of the House of Lords. It documents the activities of the members of the Pelham Administration, using Bedford's correspondence to provide an outline for the narrative. The aim is to provide a greater understanding of Bedford's political career, and also to illustrate the influence this individual had in determining ministerial policy. A discussion of Bedford's social connections leads into an overview of the events culminating in his inclusion in the Administration in 1745. Initially First Lord of the Admiralty, Bedford was promoted in 1748 to the office of Secretary of State for the Southern Department. In both offices, his concern was the promotion and protection of trade. He advocated the 'Country' Whig view that the protection of British merchants and their overseas markets by the navy was in the country‘s best interest. Bedford recognized the importance of securing and expanding American markets, and implemented measures, such as the proposed 'reduction' of Canada, to promote this aim. Bedford also lead the negotiations for the commercial treaty with Spain, signed at Madrid in 1750, that gave special trade status to Britain. Bedford sought to increase his political influence in various constituencies during the 1747 General Election. The local influence he wielded, however, did not enable him to carry through private turnpike legislation in Parliament. His legislation was defeated on 13 February 1750, at third reading, in an unusually high vote (154-208). Newcastle, whose relationship with Bedford had grown increasingly acrimonious, played a role in the defeat of this bill. The deterioration in this relationship contributed to Bedford's resignation from office on 14 June 1751.

In the last few decades interest in the life and work of Elisabeth Vigée-Lebrun has increased significantly, with numerous publications and a retrospective exhibition dedicated to her oeuvre. Yet, while much new and valuable information has been introduced, very little of it deals specifically with the period from 1795-1800 when she lived as an émigré in Saint Petersburg, Russia. In this thesis I analyze two Russian portraits by Elisabeth Vigée-Lebrun, in relation to two earlier works she painted in Paris, the duchesse d’Orleans (1789) and Marie Antoinette, Queen of France (1783), elucidating the overt similarities to her earlier portraiture practice and exploring the cultural and political climate in which they were created. I argue that the Imperial family as well as the upper echelons of Russian society actively utilized imagery associated with the Ancien Régime to depict a perceived stability at a time when much of Europe was in flux. This political maneuver afforded Vigée-Lebrun the opportunity to live and work in a society similar to the one she left behind in Paris, Russia served thus as a surrogate for Ancien Régime France. In addition to examining the socio political climate of Russia, I consider portraiture practices in general, noting opposing trends that were developing contemporaneously elsewhere in Europe and review Vigée-Lebrun’s unusual status as an émigré. By contextualizing Princess Anna Alexandrovna Golitsyna and Empress Maria Fyodorovna I provide reasoning for her surprising level of success in Saint Petersburg while simultaneously highlighting the importance of this period in Vigée-Lebrun scholarship.