The thesis is devoted to analysing the EU's communication with Southern Neighbours (SNs), namely Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria. The purpose of the study is to identify what the EU's communications disclose about its role as Hard, Soft, Normative or Transformative Power in the region. The literature describes the actorness of the EU in the world by all four forms of power. However, the competition between these concepts inside the official discourse of the EU Delegations (EUDs) has been less investigated. Data for the current research comes from the content of the country-specific statements and press releases that appeared on the EUDs' websites from June 2016 to March 2021. The methodology is a combination of quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The work reveals that the EU appeals to its Transformative Power more often in comparison to the other concepts of power in its communications to the three SNs in focus. Moreover, the thesis critically assesses external perceptions of the EU based on 2016 and 2020 opinion polls. It unfolds the problems of the current communication strategy of the EU with SNs. This review is followed by recommendations for possible improvement of the efficiency of the EU's power representation on the international stage. The thesis attempts to add to the discussion...

The European Union uses different means of power to exert its influence on the direct Neighbours of the polity.  One of the most influential and widely used means in the EU's foreign policy is soft-power and the value diffusion process. The process differs from harsh “imposition” of the norms and values, it rather creates the norms which are desirable to be achieved by others. The discourses used in the process of norm diffusion reinforce Union’s normative identity, but different types of powers intersect and interact with each other depending on the sector of cooperation. What is happening in the “People-to-People: Culture and Education” dimension of European Neighbourhood policy is described in the thesis, by analysing modes of external governance, tracing their biopolitical nature and determining the role of culture in the wider context of the relationship between EU and the Neighboring East.           This thesis is going to analyse grant applications in the framework of currently ongoing EU4Culture project , which aims to support the preparation of Cultural Development Strategies in non-capital cities and towns of Eastern Partnership countries (EaP). The project’s main objective is to promote Culture and Creativity as an engine for economic growth and social development. It is currently being held in five EaP countries: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova.

No / The misinterpretation of radiographs is recognised as a key source of emergency department (ED) errors, regardless of clinician profession. This article compares ENP and medical staff accuracy in the interpretation of musculoskeletal trauma X-rays between immediate and delayed radiology reporting pathways. The data for this study was drawn from a larger pragmatic randomized controlled trial of immediate reporting. Patients were recruited and randomly assigned to immediate or delayed reporting arms and treated according to group assignment. Image interpretive accuracy between ED staff groups and arms was undertaken together with an assessment of the influence of immediate reporting on patient pathways and journey times. Six hundred and seventy-four radiographic examinations were performed (598 patients). There was a significant reduction in the interpretive errors in the immediate reporting arm for all ED clinicians (proportional difference = 4.2%; 95% CI [0.017,0.068]; p = 0.001), but no significant difference in proportion of interpretive errors was evident between ENPs and medical staff. Patient journey times, discharge and referral rates were not significantly different between study arms, although admission rates varied for medical staff collectively. ENP X-ray interpretation accuracy is comparable with that of medical staff, but immediate reporting was seen to reduce errors without increasing patient journey times.

The European Union (EU) is a formidable actor in contemporary international politics. Many prominent scholars devote their lives to studying both how European power came to be and analyzing the character of that power. The vast majority of the resulting scholarship fails to empirically test the arguments set forth. While rich in theoretical insights, the lack of empirical support renders the debate unsatisfying. This study tests the arguments about the nature of European power in the international context using the cases of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and Europe's energy policies. Chapter One introduces the Normative Power Europe concept and describes my methodology. Chapter Two delineates the existing debates on the power of the EU. Chapters Three and Four test European power using the cases of the ENP and Europe's energy policies (respectively). In addition, Chapter Four offers some concluding remarks. This study finds that the EU consistently behaves as a normative power from the basic premise of virtue ethics, but inconsistently in terms of deontological and teleological ethics.

The purpose of this essay is that through idea analysis and ideal types examines if the EU changed the kind of peace they seek to promote to confirm or falsify Magnus Jernecks thesis that the meaning of peace change depend on the context. I will be making two comparison points, the first at the peace projects start in the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the second in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). My ideal types that I have chosen are the idealistic perspective of peace, the justice peace perspective and the perspective of balance of power which has constituted a main line when it comes to issues of war and peace. My research question is linked to my ideal types and reads - is the peace that ECSC and ENP promote: 1) a peace of the idealistic perspective, 2) a peace of the justice perspective, 3) a peace of the balance of power perspective. I seek the answer of these questions in two types of documents. The Schuman declaration which is directed to answer the question ECSC and the report Wider Europe – Neighbourhood: a new framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern neighbors which is directed to answer the question ENP. The results of the study shows that the EU was intended to promote a different kind of peace within the ECSC than the ENP. The ECSC seek to promote a peace of justice and a peace of the balance of power perspective. With ENP they seek to promote a peace of justice and the idealistic peace perspective. This can give a result that EU loses its trustworthiness as a peace-builder if one is not clear when this change occurs.

This study examines the European Unions (EU) promoting of regional cooperation, included in its programme, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The thesis is based upon the agreed activities in the EU/Ukraine relation concerning regional cooperation. The aim for this thesis is to visualise the policy outcome of the ENP concerning the EU/Ukraine relation and regional cooperation. The following questions are posed: What are the goals for the EU; what are the achievements and planned actions and what instruments are used by the EU in the ENP concerning the EU/Ukraine relation and regional cooperation? The theoretical approach assumes that the Union is a power in international relations. It’s well suited promoting its policies in an asymmetric power environment, where the EU is the supremacy. This study is conducted with a qualitative research method, based on text analysis on the European Unions official documents. The result shows that the goals for the Union are the protection of its prosperity and its energy supply. Ukraine shall assist the EU, reaching these goals. In exchange, is the EU promising integration to the Unions internal market for Ukraine. But the EU has problems when this contravenes to Russia’s interests. This confirms the theory.

La tesi analizza le politiche di promozione della democrazia messe in atto dall'Unione Europea, al fine di inquadrare queste ultime nell'ambito del dibattito sulla dimensione internazionale dei processi di democratizzazione. L'opera si divide in due parti. La prima parte, teorica, pone le basi per la comprensione dei concetti di democrazia, democratizzazione, e dell'influenza del sistema internazionale sui processi di democratizzazione. La seconda parte, empirica, applica tali nozioni, e la definizione di politiche di promozione della democrazia, al caso specifico. Obiettivo della tesi è quello di mostrare la peculiarità dell'azione dell'UE nell'ambito delle politiche di promozione della democrazia. / The thesis analyses EU's democracy promotion policies in order to put these latter in relation to the wider debate on the international dimension of democratization. It is divided into two parts. The first, mainly theoretical draws the foundations for the understanding of the concepts of democracy, democratization, and the international dimension of democratization. The second part, empirical, apply these notions and the definition of democracy promotion policies, to the specific case of the EU. The goal is to show the peculiarity of EU's action in this field.

The main topic of this master thesis is instruments of the EU external representation specifically in case of the European Neighborhood Policy. As the theoretical part this thesis uses forming the external united position of the European countries after the World War II through the key documents adopted in the framework of the European integration, ending with the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty that creates the contemporary instruments for the external representation of the EU. The research question of this thesis is whether in the context of the European Neighborhood Policy is the united position of the EU Member States. The case study of the European Neighborhood Policy combines elements of both quantitative and qualitative research.

<p>The two Eastern enlargements in 2004 and 2007 marked a new chapter in the EU’s history, since it was the first time that the Union turned to enlarge eastwards. This thesis examines the borderline problem that arose with Article 49 of the <em>Maastricht</em> <em>Treaty on the European Union</em>, which gave the right to <em>any European country</em> that respects the principles of: liberty, democracy, human and fundamental rights, and the rule of law, to apply for membership in the EU.</p><p> </p><p>This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem by taking on three case studies consisting of Hungary, Lithuania, and Ukraine, for the purpose of analyzing the Eastern enlargement and Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU. The reason for doing so is to compare Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member in the EU with two Eastern states that, like Ukraine, have been involved with the Soviet Union, and that despite their degree of involvement, have been successfully integrated in the EU.</p><p> </p><p>As the EU has turned to enlarge eastwards, it gradually pushes its borderline with every enlargement, closer to Russian territory. Hence, it is necessary to investigate how potential integration of a country like Ukraine can affect the EU’s relations with Russia. The crucial aspect of the current relations between the EU and Russia is the interdependence of energy, where Ukraine is as a strategically important country, since it currently serves as a corridor between East (Russia) and West (EU). This thesis therefore shows that the problematic of potential integration of Ukraine goes much deeper than that of a geographical matter, and therefore touches other problem areas related to domestic political instability in Ukraine, and Russian political influence through its gas supplies.</p><p> </p><p>This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem from a foreign political perspective by investigating Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU and suggesting, by the assistance of Westberg’s theoretical framework of integration theories, a third generation of integration theories to be needed in order to meet the problematic of the enlargement towards East. The thesis further gives recommendations to how the EU could deal with its borderline problem by answering three research questions related to the enlargement problematic.</p> / <p>De två östutvidgningarna 2004 och 2007 utgjorde ett nytt kapitel i EU:s historia då det var första gången som Unionen påbörjade utvidgningen mot Öst. Denna uppsats undersöker gränsproblematiken som uppkom i samband med Artikel 49 i <em>Maastricht</em> <em>Fördraget om Europeiska Unionen</em>, vilken gav rätten till varje Europeiskt land som respekterar principerna om: frihet, demokrati, mänskliga och fundamentala rättigheter, samt rättsstat, att ansöka om medlemskap i EU.</p><p> </p><p>Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem genom att ta sig an tre fallstudier bestående av Ungern, Litauen, och Ukraina, i syfte att analysera östutvidgningen och Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU ur ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv. Anledningen till detta är att jämföra Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU med två öststater som, i likhet med Ukraina, har varit involverade i Sovjet Unionen, men som oberoende graden av involvering med Ryssland, framgångsrikt blivit integrerade i EU.</p><p> </p><p>Eftersom EU påbörjat utvidgningen mot Öst så förskjuts EU:s gräns gradvis, med varje östutvidgning, nära ryskt territorium. Därmed är det nödvändigt att utreda hur potentiell integrering av ett land som Ukraina kan påverka EU:s relationer med Ryssland. Den avgörande aspekten när det gäller relationerna mellan EU och Ryssland, är det ömsesidiga beroendet kring energi, där Ukraina utgör ett strategiskt viktigt land, eftersom det för närvarande verkar som en korridor mellan Öst (Ryssland) och Väst (EU). Denna uppsats visar att problematiken kring potentiell integrering av Ukraina rör problemområden bortom geografisk natur, så som inhemskt politisk instabilitet i Ukraina, samt Rysslands politiska inflytande genom energiförsörjning till Europa.</p><p> </p><p>Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem från ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv genom att utreda Ukrainas potentiella medlemskap i EU. Den föreslår, med hjälp av Westbergs integrationsteoretiska ramverk, att en tredje generation av integrationsteorier är nödvändig för att analysera problematiken kring utvidgningen mot Öst. Uppsatsen ger rekommendationer till hur EU kan hantera sitt gränsproblem genom att svara på tre frågeställningar gällande utvidgningsproblematiken.</p>

The two Eastern enlargements in 2004 and 2007 marked a new chapter in the EU’s history, since it was the first time that the Union turned to enlarge eastwards. This thesis examines the borderline problem that arose with Article 49 of the Maastricht Treaty on the European Union, which gave the right to any European country that respects the principles of: liberty, democracy, human and fundamental rights, and the rule of law, to apply for membership in the EU.   This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem by taking on three case studies consisting of Hungary, Lithuania, and Ukraine, for the purpose of analyzing the Eastern enlargement and Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU. The reason for doing so is to compare Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member in the EU with two Eastern states that, like Ukraine, have been involved with the Soviet Union, and that despite their degree of involvement, have been successfully integrated in the EU.   As the EU has turned to enlarge eastwards, it gradually pushes its borderline with every enlargement, closer to Russian territory. Hence, it is necessary to investigate how potential integration of a country like Ukraine can affect the EU’s relations with Russia. The crucial aspect of the current relations between the EU and Russia is the interdependence of energy, where Ukraine is as a strategically important country, since it currently serves as a corridor between East (Russia) and West (EU). This thesis therefore shows that the problematic of potential integration of Ukraine goes much deeper than that of a geographical matter, and therefore touches other problem areas related to domestic political instability in Ukraine, and Russian political influence through its gas supplies.   This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem from a foreign political perspective by investigating Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU and suggesting, by the assistance of Westberg’s theoretical framework of integration theories, a third generation of integration theories to be needed in order to meet the problematic of the enlargement towards East. The thesis further gives recommendations to how the EU could deal with its borderline problem by answering three research questions related to the enlargement problematic. / De två östutvidgningarna 2004 och 2007 utgjorde ett nytt kapitel i EU:s historia då det var första gången som Unionen påbörjade utvidgningen mot Öst. Denna uppsats undersöker gränsproblematiken som uppkom i samband med Artikel 49 i Maastricht Fördraget om Europeiska Unionen, vilken gav rätten till varje Europeiskt land som respekterar principerna om: frihet, demokrati, mänskliga och fundamentala rättigheter, samt rättsstat, att ansöka om medlemskap i EU.   Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem genom att ta sig an tre fallstudier bestående av Ungern, Litauen, och Ukraina, i syfte att analysera östutvidgningen och Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU ur ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv. Anledningen till detta är att jämföra Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU med två öststater som, i likhet med Ukraina, har varit involverade i Sovjet Unionen, men som oberoende graden av involvering med Ryssland, framgångsrikt blivit integrerade i EU.   Eftersom EU påbörjat utvidgningen mot Öst så förskjuts EU:s gräns gradvis, med varje östutvidgning, nära ryskt territorium. Därmed är det nödvändigt att utreda hur potentiell integrering av ett land som Ukraina kan påverka EU:s relationer med Ryssland. Den avgörande aspekten när det gäller relationerna mellan EU och Ryssland, är det ömsesidiga beroendet kring energi, där Ukraina utgör ett strategiskt viktigt land, eftersom det för närvarande verkar som en korridor mellan Öst (Ryssland) och Väst (EU). Denna uppsats visar att problematiken kring potentiell integrering av Ukraina rör problemområden bortom geografisk natur, så som inhemskt politisk instabilitet i Ukraina, samt Rysslands politiska inflytande genom energiförsörjning till Europa.   Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem från ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv genom att utreda Ukrainas potentiella medlemskap i EU. Den föreslår, med hjälp av Westbergs integrationsteoretiska ramverk, att en tredje generation av integrationsteorier är nödvändig för att analysera problematiken kring utvidgningen mot Öst. Uppsatsen ger rekommendationer till hur EU kan hantera sitt gränsproblem genom att svara på tre frågeställningar gällande utvidgningsproblematiken.