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The concept of sustainable development is a challenge that demands cooperation from all levels of society for it to be successful. The focus for this thesis is how politicians within the local councils understand the concept of sustainable development and how they implement it in political decision-making. The basis for the study is a questionnaire that was distributed to 303 local politicians in three municipalities of varying size in Southern Sweden. The study concentrates on departments within the local councils that are directly connected to the Swedish environmental law and the Swedish planning and construction law. One of the primary goals with the aforementioned laws is the achievement of sustainable development within one generation. The outcome of the study was that over half of the local politicians could correctly define sustainable development according to the World Commission on Environment and Development’s (WCED) definition. Two thirds of them prioritised the concept and were motivated to take it into serious consideration when making political decisions. With regard to the local councils documentation for decision-making, the respondents were not in agreement as to whether clear associations to sustainable development and the Swedish environmental objectives were present. The study also revealed both statistical differences and correlations in relation to several statements regarding aspects of sustainable development. Further education within sustainable development and clearly defined connections to documentation from the local councils can conceivably increase its acceptance and integration amongst local politicians. / Begreppet hållbar utveckling är en utmaning som kräver samarbete från alla nivåer i samhället för att det ska lyckas. Det innebär tre olika dimensioner som ska samstämmigt och ömsesidigt stödja varandra. Hänsyn måste tas till ekonomiska, miljömässiga och sociala dimensioner för att främja en hållbar utveckling. Många av de slutgiltigt offentliga besluten gällande verksamheter som påverkar medborgarnas vardag ligger hos kommunerna. Dessa kommuner styrs av politiker vars påverkan, genom sina beslut, på samhället är mycket omfattande. Fokus på denna uppsats ligger på hur de kommunala politikerna uppfattar begreppet hållbar utveckling och hur de integrerar begreppet hållbar utveckling i sitt politiska beslutsfattande. Utgångspunkten för studien är en enkät som delades ut till 303 lokala politiker i tre kommuner av varierande storlek i södra Sverige. Studien koncentrerar sig på avdelningar inom kommuner som är direkt kopplade till Miljöbalken (SFS 1998:808) och Plan- och bygglagen (SFS 2010:900). Ett av de primära målen med de ovan nämnda lagar är att uppnå en hållbar utveckling inom en generation. Resultatet av studien visade att över hälften av de undersökta förtroendevalda kunde definiera hållbar utveckling på ett korrekt sätt och enligt världskommissionen för miljö och utvecklings (WCED) definition. Två tredjedels av respondenterna prioriterade begreppet högt och integrerade det i sitt beslutsfattande. När det gäller beslutsunderlagen, framtagna av kommunala tjänstemän, ansåg större delen av respondenterna att tydliga kopplingar till hållbar utveckling eller de nationella miljömålen inte fanns. Vidare visade det sig även att en signifikant statistisk skillnad förekom i hur de olika åldersgrupperna upplevde kopplingar till de ovannämnda aspekterna. Ytterligare statistiskt säkerställda skillnader och samband uppkom i förhållande till påståenden gällande olika dimensioner av hållbar utveckling. Vidareutbildning inom hållbar utveckling och tydligt definierade kopplingar till hållbar utveckling, de nationella miljömålen och kommunala handlingsplaner kan möjligtvis öka begreppens integration och uppfattning bland de förtroendevalda.

[pt] Um dos principais desafios do mundo moderno é equilibrar o desenvolvimento econômico com a responsabilidade ambiental, de forma a alcançar um crescimento sustentável que minimize os impactos gerados no meio ambiente. Isto tem feito com que muitos governos e empresas estabeleçam políticas ambientais como instrumentos para a garantia de um futuro com sustentabilidade e que favoreçam o bem estar social. A proposta desta dissertação é utilizar a teoria dos jogos evolucionários para analisar as interações entre agentes reguladores de políticas ambientais de comando e controle e os agentes (firmas) que impulsionam o desenvolvimento econômico, porém que impactam de alguma forma o meio ambiente. Enquanto os primeiros precisam determinar as melhores ações estratégicas para implementar a política e aumentar o bem estar social, os segundos só irão se adequar à regulamentação ambiental estabelecida se esta escolha lhe render um maior retorno (payoff). Os resultados mostram que o custo de fiscalização é determinante para estabelecer a política ambiental mais adequada e, dependendo da magnitude deste custo, existem diferentes formas de iniciar sua implementação a fim de favorecer o melhor resultado possível sob o ponto de vista do bem estar social. / [en] The modern world faces the great challenge of balancing economic development and environmental responsibility in order to achieve sustainable growth that minimizes the impacts generated on the environment. This has forced some governments and firms establish environmental policies as instruments to guarantee a future with sustainability and favors social welfare. Using evolutionary games theory, this work aims to analyze the interactions between environmental policies regulators and firms that provide economic development impacting the environment. While the firsts need to choose the best strategic actions to established and inspect environmental standards sets to increase social welfare, the company will only complies if this choice yields a better payoff. The results show how the inspection cost is decisive for establishing the better environmental policy and depending on the magnitude of this cost, there are different ways to introduce it in order to provide a better social welfare result.

This article is divided into three main sections that seek to provide a panoramic look at the relationship between the presence of important natural  resources in the country and  how this influences the state, particularly in the development of environmental policies. In that sense, in the first part, we made a theoretical introduction to the  relationship between natural resource abundance  and  state building,  with a brief mention of the  ‘natural resource curse’. Following is a particular case of Peru and the particularities of the  exploitation of their natural resources. Then we go on to explain how, through various factors,  including social conflicts, have created conditions for institutional innovation in environmental matter / El presente artículo se divide en tres apartados principales que buscan brindar una mirada panorámica sobre la relación entre la presencia de importantes recursos naturales en el territorio del país y la manera como esto influye en el Estado, en particular en el desarrollo de las políticas ambientales. En ese sentido, en  la  primera  parte  se  realiza una introducción teórica a la relación entre la abundancia de recursos naturales y la construcción del Estado; haciendo una breve mención a la llamada ‘maldición de los recursos naturales’. Seguidamente, se presenta el caso peruano y las particularidades del aprovechamiento de sus recursos naturales. Luego, se pasa a explicar cómo, a través de distintos factores, incluyendo los conflictos sociales, se han generado condiciones para la innovación institucional en materia ambiental, así como los efectos que genera la distribución de beneficios de la explotación de los recursos naturales sobre el Estado. Finalmente, el artículo concluye con la identificación de los desafíos que enfrenta el país en esta materia y las líneas de investigación que se abren para la Ciencia Política.

Esta tese avaliou se o Brasil, sob a perspectiva regulatória, encontra-se preparado para iniciar localmente o desenvolvimento de gás de folhelho, principal fonte de gás não convencional. Para tal, adotou como metodologia uma análise comparativa entre a legislação do setor de gás natural dos EUA e do Brasil, com foco na regulamentação das operações de fraturamento hidráulico, buscando evidenciar e contextualizar os principais fatores de sucesso da experiência estadunidense. Na realização dessas investigações foram utilizados diversos conceitos da Política Ambiental que podem ser empregados na elaboração de normas e condutas voltadas para o gás não convencional. Pautada no resultado dessas análises, que apontou a necessidade de estudos ambientais, sociais e econômicos mais aprofundados, apresentou-se como principal recomendação uma proposta de Avaliação Ambiental Estratégica (AAE). Tal ferramenta pode orientar a decisão do governo em relação à exploração de hidrocarbonetos não convencionais no Brasil, bem como auxiliar o país na obtenção de uma licença social para operar e na criação das condições necessárias para explorar seus possíveis recursos de gás de folhelho de maneira segura e responsável. / This thesis assesses whether Brazil, from the regulatory point of view, is ready to start a local production of shale gas, the main source of unconventional gas. For this purpose, the study conducted a comparative analysis of the primary laws regulating of oil and gas exploration and production activities in the USA and Brazil, focusing on the hydraulic fracturing operations, in order to determine and contextualize the major factors of success for the American shale gas experience. Several approaches of Environmental Policy that can be used in the development of standards and rules for unconventional gas were used. The results indicated the need for additional environmental, social and economic studies. Therefore, a Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) proposal was the main recommendation. This tool may guide the government\'s decision about the unconventional resources production in Brazil, help the county to achieve a social license to operate and meet the conditions required to explore its potential shale gas resources.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A Lei n 12.305, de 2 de agosto de 2010, que instituiu a política nacional de resíduos sólidos impôs deveres a pessoas físicas ou jurídicas, de direito público ou privado, responsáveis, direta ou indiretamente, pela geração de resíduos sólidos e as que desenvolvam ações relacionadas à gestão integrada ou ao gerenciamento de resíduos sólidos. Esta Lei estabeleceu um prazo de até 04 (quatro) anos, contados de sua publicação, para que os municípios apresentassem um plano de gestão integrada de resíduos sólidos para eliminação dos lixões, prazo esse que venceu em agosto de 2014. A pesquisa objetiva demonstrar, estabelecendo desde o histórico dos resíduos sólidos em âmbito internacional e local, passando pelas políticas públicas de resíduos sólidos em âmbito nacional, estadual e municipal, a maneira como a tutela jurisdicional pode atuar quanto à omissão do poder público local em relação à aplicação das políticas públicas de resíduos sólidos, principalmente em relação à nova lei de resíduos sólidos (Lei n 12.305/2010) e suas respectivas responsabilidades. Nesse sentido cumpre mencionar as infrações pelas quais o gestor público e as pessoas físicas e jurídicas que fazem parte dessa relação estarão sendo responsabilizados e de que forma as variadas tutelas do Estado poderão cobrar sua aplicabilidade e intervir em prol da sociedade e de todo o meio ambiente. Em relação ao município de Boa Vista, capital do Estado de Roraima, ainda não há um plano nos moldes ditados pela Lei n 12.305/2010, existindo apenas um Termo de Referência, sem qualquer sinal de uma efetiva solução por parte dos órgãos competentes, demonstrando a falta de vontade política pelo gestor público para solução do problema. Assim sendo, procura-se com a presente pesquisa vislumbrar uma sustentabilidade equilibrada, em consonância com o uso correto dos resíduos sólidos em que o manejo se torna adequado e que, por consequência, tenha resultados sociais e econômicos para toda a sociedade. / Law n. 12.305, of August 2, 2010, which established the national solid waste policy imposed duties to individuals or legal entities, public or private, responsible, directly or indirectly, by the generation of solid waste and to develop actions related to integrated management or management of solid waste. This law established a period of up to four (04) years of its publication, for municipalities to submit an integrated management plan for solid waste for disposal of garbage dumps, this term which expired in August 2014. The research aims to demonstrate, establishing long history of solid waste at the international and local level, through the public policies of solid waste at the national, state and municipal, the way the judicial protection can act as the failure of the local authorities regarding the implementation of public policies solid waste, especially in relation to the new law of solid waste (law n. 12.305 / 2010) and their respective responsibilities. In this sense it is worth mentioning the offenses for which the public manager and the individuals and companies that are part of this relationship are being held accountable and how the various guardianships state may charge its applicability and intervene on behalf of society and the whole environment. Regarding the city of Boa Vista, capital of the State of Roraima, there is still no plan along the lines dictated by Law n. 12.305 / 2010, with only a Reference Term, without any sign of an effective remedy by the competent organs, demonstrating the lack of political will by the public manager to solve the problem. Therefore, searching with this research envision a balanced sustainability, in line with the correct use of solid waste in the management becomes appropriate and therefore has social and economic outcomes for society.

Climate capitalism has emerged over the last two decades as the response of a section of the global elite to the crisis of global warming. Greater consciousness of threats to the stability of the global carbon cycle, and thus to the general conditions for capital accumulation, has led certain members of the global elite to design a project of climate capitalism, that holds the promise of a smooth transition out of the crisis and into a new era of accumulation on renewed, ecologically modernized foundations. However, climate capitalism has been contested from the start. For one, many still do not accept that there exists any problem that needs addressing in the first place. At the other end of the spectrum, climate capitalism is challenged on the grounds of its incapacity to reduce GHG emissions and its complicity with neoliberalism in entrenching existing inequality. Debates abound around the latter critique. Should climate capitalism be opposed by all means, or should it be cautiously supported, for want of an alternative that can be realized rapidly enough? The response to this question crucially depends on whether support exists among the corporate and other global elites for a climate capitalism that stands a chance of actually reducing climate impacts in a timely manner. This dissertation directly addresses the issue of the existence and extent of corporate elite support for climate capitalism. It asks specifically, what forces support climate capitalism, how and to what degree they are organized, and how powerful they are relative to the forces of the status quo. This study answers the question of the potential of the climate capitalist project to become entrenched at the core of the neoliberal hegemonic bloc with a qualified yes: although broad support has not yet emerged, it seems poised to develop in the future as the global ecological crisis deepens – perhaps as an outcome of the 2015 Paris Climate Conference. As to the question of the content of climate capitalism, and thereupon the issue of whether climate capitalism can actually provide a reduction in GHG emissions, the study finds that the dominant view of climate capitalism is that of a weak ecological modernization, taking place over the long term. In view of the scientific consensus on the urgency of massive GHG emissions reductions in the near term, this confirms the argument put forth by critics that a realistic response to climate change cannot be founded on climate capitalist principles. / Graduate / 0626 / 0700 / 0616

Denna uppsats undersöker hur olika aktörer inom politik och juridik ser på landsbygdsutveckling i strandnära lägen, så kallade LIS-områden, som syftar till att bidra till landsbygdskommuners ekonomiska och demografiska utveckling i strandnära områden. Det empiriska materialet består uteslutande av domstolsreferat från Mark- och miljööverdomstolen samt riksdagsdebattprotokoll mellan åren 2012–2019 som analyserats kvalitativt. Sammanfattningsvis verkar naturvärden spela en liten roll vid juridiska överväganden om strandskyddsdispenser i strandnära lägen. Däremot används naturen och landskapet som argument för politiska ståndpunkter för eller emot ett förändrat strandskydd. En annan slutsats som kan dras från analysen är att länsstyrelserna i många fall hamnar i kläm mellan juridik och politik när man överprövar strandskyddsdispenser i landsbygdskommuner. Slutligen förefaller den allmänna politiska viljeriktningen i riksdagen idag gå mot att kommunerna delegeras mer makt till självbestämmande kring byggande i strandnära lägen och att strandskyddet kommer att bli alltmer selektivt i framtiden. / This essay explores how various actors within politics and law look upon rural development at waterfront locations, the so-called LIS-areas, which aims at contributing to the rural municipalities’ financial and demographic development in riparian areas. The empirical material is exclusively based on court reports from the Land and Environment High Court in Sweden and debate records from the Swedish Parliament between 2012-2019 which have been analysed qualitatively. In summary, nature seems to play a small role in court decisions about exemptions from the riparian law. However, nature and scenic landscapes are being used as political arguments for or against exemptions from the riparian law. Another conclusion from the analysis is that the Swedish County Boards are pushed into a tight corner between law and politics when they retry exemptions from the riparian law in rural municipalities. Finally, there is a common political direction of will, in the Swedish Parliament today, towards delegating more power to the municipalities for deciding on building in riparian areas and that beach protection will become more selective in the future.

This thesis investigates the factors that can sufficiently explain China's policy change on climate change issue. We utilize interest-based theory in environmental politics and constructivism to explore the drivers behind China's climate change policy formulation. The theories are tested by process tracing the historical development of China's policy on climate change. The analysis is further complemented by other explanatory factors based on empirical findings, including domestic policy process and the impact of non-state actors. The study finds out that China's climate change policy has experienced positive changes with growing policy stringency. The result shows that China's climate change policy cannot be sufficiently explained by the interest-based theory, the factor regarding ecological vulnerability can be only partially confirmed. Instead, international norms can provide plausible incentives for policy change through the process of socialization. The final policy outcomes are also connected to the interest of the most influential domestic political actor. The study results help us to better understand the environmental politics in China and provides guidelines to predict China's role in international climate change negotiation after the Conference of Parties in Paris.

The concept of “Environmental authoritarian” becomes the focus of discussion in the academic field of environmental politics since it has limited observations. In the recent years, the severe air pollute issue is considered as a threat by both citizens and authorities in China. Along with the more stricter environmental protection laws being issued, even the measures of the factory closings and coal ban seems to become acceptable as the population  have suffered in the heavy smog for years. Does this led to the rise of “environmental authoritarian” in China?  Taking this as a heuristic point, I observe the positions of various stakeholders in the environmental governance as well as present the findings from research on the implementation and enforcement of air pollution controls measures in Jing-Jin-Ji region. I offer a critical examination of “environmental authoritarian”, especially the levels of public participation at the policy process. After to do the research, the key funding is that the concept of “Environmental authoritarian” is too simplified, it cannot cover the complex and detailed environmental governance at local empirical cases.