The purpose of this study is, through qualitative interviews, to identify the reasoning behind working methods designed to counteract gender roles and norms, as applied by nine teachers working in three municipal preschools in Stockholm. Beside, another aim is to gain an understanding of their reasoning, and the methods used to promote gender equality among the children. As the pre-school's curriculum is an important document regulated by the government in all Swedish preschools, teachers are expected to follow it in their work. Within the curriculum there are rules and regulations related to equal rights and equality; therefore we also wish to examine how preschool teachers interpret and apply this curriculum. The qualitative methods used in this study help us to gain an understanding of the preschool teachers based upon their lived experiences of the studied issues. Through this study we have used previous scientific research by Arvidsson (2014), Eidevald (2009) and (2011), and Dolk (2013) to support our thesis. The theory applied is based on Giddens and Griffiths (2007) and Allwood and Erikson’s (2010) definition of social-constructionism. The results of this study show us that all the interviewed preschool teachers have some kind of awareness and knowledge of the subject. However the teachers’ knowledge of what gender- and equality work involves, and their knowledge on how to work gender-consciously, varies a lot. The main factor in this is their level of education and interest.

The law is something that as individuals we live every day. From paying for our groceries, drafting purchase orders, to employment policies and practices, the law structures the way we interact with each other. In so doing, it shapes our behaviours, affects our autonomy, our emotional well-being, and the ability to resolve problems in creative ways. In effect, it has the capacity to shape who we are. Equality rights law is designed to remove barriers that otherwise inhibit individuals from meaningfully participating in a democratic society. The following research applies a Relational Approach to the study of law by exploring how equality rights structures the Self and its capacity to engage in interactive creation. The research employs an experimental design. 516 volunteer undergraduate students participated in an experiment that manipulated the structure of equality rights law. Participants were assigned to one of three conditions: the construction of the law, its interpretation, or its combined structure. Within each of the conditions, participants were asked to negotiate a cultural-religious conflict. The effect of each of these conditions was tested on the participants’ Relational, Affective, and Creative Selves. The results of this research demonstrate that equality rights law is an influential force on the Self and can be a means by which deep conflicts can be attenuated or even resolved. The results however go deeper. They suggest that just by shaping the law in particular ways, its effect can have a potentially significant impact on how we engage in constructing long-term relationships with individuals, organizations, and even the State. Le droit est quelque chose que chaque personne vit au quotidien. Que ce soit de payer l’épicerie, de rédiger des bons de commandes, d’examiner les politiques et pratiques reliées à l’embauche, le droit structure la façon dont nous interagissons les uns avec les autres. Ce faisant, il façonne nos comportements, affecte notre autonomie, notre bien-être émotionnel, et notre capacité de résoudre les problèmes de façon créative. En effet, le droit a la capacité de façonner qui nous sommes. Le droit à l'égalité est conçu pour éliminer les obstacles qui autrement, empêcheraient des individus à participer de façon significative dans une société démocratique. La recherche suivante applique une approche relationnelle du droit en explorant comment le droit à l’égalité structure le Soi et sa capacité à inciter des interactions créatives. La recherche utilise un modèle expérimental. 516 étudiants bénévoles au niveau du premier cycle ont participé à une expérimentation manipulant la structure du droit à l'égalité. Les participants ont été mis dans une des trois situations impliquant soit la construction du droit, son interprétation ou sa structure. Dans chacune de ces situations, les participants ont été invités à négocier un conflit d’ordre culturel et religieux. L’impact de chacune de ces situations a été testé sur l’autonomie, le bien-être émotionnel et la créativité des participants. Les résultats de cette recherche démontrent que le droit à l'égalité est une force influente sur le Soi et peut être un moyen par lequel des conflits majeurs peuvent être atténués ou même résolus. Cependant, les résultats vont plus loin. Ils suggèrent que, tout en façonnant le droit de façon particulière, ceci peut avoir un impact potentiellement significatif sur la façon dont nous nous engageons dans la construction de relations à long terme avec des individus, des organisations, et même l'État.

Après avoir établi les bases méthodologiques de cette recherche, nous avons débuté notre réflexion en inscrivant la problématique du port des signes religieux dans l’espace public dans le débat qui perdure entre les perspectives différentialiste et universaliste au niveau de l’application des droits à l’égalité. Par la suite, nous effectuons un survol des cadres conceptuels appropriés à l’analyse du sujet: le libéralisme classique et le républicanisme qui se rapportent à la vision universaliste. Les divers types de féminisme juridique, la théorie de l’intersectionnalité, l’approche communautarienne, le libéralisme repensé de Kymlicka et les valeurs relatives au droit à l’égalité de Sandra Fredman qui se rangent sous la houlette de la philosophie différentialiste. Par la suite, le libéralisme repensé de Kymlicka et les valeurs relatives au droit à l’égalité de Fredman sont identifiés comme étant les cadres les plus appropriés à l’analyse du sujet à l’étude. Dans cette même optique, notre examen du droit international nous a permis de démontrer que pendant que le droit européen se range davantage dans la perspective universaliste au niveau de l’examen du droit à la liberté de religion, tel n’est pas le cas pour le droit onusien qui se joint timidement à la vision différentialiste et donc, du libéralisme repensé de Kymlicka et de la perspective des droits à l’égalité de Fredman. Au niveau des systèmes juridiques des États-Unis, du Canada, de la France et de la Suisse, nous avons vu une application intermittente des deux perspectives dépendant du domaine d’activité en cause. Cependant, le Canada est ressorti de notre analyse comme étant celle ayant une approche plus axée sur la vision différentialiste en raison de sa neutralité inclusive ou bienveillante qui accorde une grande place à l’inclusion et à l’égalité réelle de ces nationaux. / After establishing the methodological foundations of this study, we began our reflection by examining the issue of wearing religious symbols in the public sphere within the context of the debate between differentialist and universalist perspectives in the application of equality rights. Afterwards, we conducted an overview of conceptual frameworks related to the analysis of the subject: classical liberalism and republicanism from a universalist vision, diverse types of legal feminism, the theory of intersectionality, the communitarian approach, Kymlicka's renewed liberalism and the values related to Sandra Fredman's equality of law that are aligned within differentialist philosophy. We subsequently identified Kymlicka's renewed liberalism and the values related to Fredman's equality of law as being the most appropriate framework for the analysis of the subject under study. Our study of international law allowed us to demonstrate that while European law tends to apply the universalist perspective in the application of rights to freedom of religion, this is not the case with United Nations law that adheres to a differentialist vision, and thus of Kymlicka's renewed liberalism and of Fredman's equality perspective. With respect to the judicial systems of the United States, Canada, France and Switzerland, we found an intermittent application of both perspectives depending upon the domain of activity. However, Canada stood out in our analysis as having an approach more focussed on the differentialist vision as a result of its inclusive neutrality that focuses on the notions of inclusion and substantive equality for its nationals.

Law and development mainstream conceptions of labour market policies, while still marked by long-dominant views of contract law as economically superior to any labour regulation, have recently incorporated certain specific labour (human) rights. Core labour rights are thus accepted by global policy-makers, on the basis of their radical distinction from non-core labour standards and their rationalization according to certain foundational principles. This thesis criticizes the prevailing dichotomies between core labour rights and non-core standards, on the one hand, and contract law and regulation, on the other, bringing to bear the post-legal realist idea of legal indeterminacy. It argues that the organizing legal concepts that justify these dichotomies contain gaps and ambiguities that often lead to contradictory and indeterminate outcomes. It thus suggests that the core/non-core labour standards and contract/regulation distinctions are unproductive and should be rejected if a better conception of labour governance is to come to fruition.

Law and development mainstream conceptions of labour market policies, while still marked by long-dominant views of contract law as economically superior to any labour regulation, have recently incorporated certain specific labour (human) rights. Core labour rights are thus accepted by global policy-makers, on the basis of their radical distinction from non-core labour standards and their rationalization according to certain foundational principles. This thesis criticizes the prevailing dichotomies between core labour rights and non-core standards, on the one hand, and contract law and regulation, on the other, bringing to bear the post-legal realist idea of legal indeterminacy. It argues that the organizing legal concepts that justify these dichotomies contain gaps and ambiguities that often lead to contradictory and indeterminate outcomes. It thus suggests that the core/non-core labour standards and contract/regulation distinctions are unproductive and should be rejected if a better conception of labour governance is to come to fruition.

[pt] Existe um conflito de direitos entre homossexuais e indivíduos que seguem religiões que pregam que a homossexualidade é contrária às leis divinas e que o casamento é uma união sagrada entre um homem e uma mulher. Esse conflito foi potencializado a partir da legalização do casamento homoafetivo. Por um lado, indivíduos homossexuais têm o direito à igualdade, o que significa que não devem ser discriminados por causa de sua orientação sexual; por outro lado, indivíduos religiosos têm a liberdade de crer em determinada religião e adotar condutas que estejam de acordo com suas crenças. Dentre as situações que podem gerar conflito, três são analisadas neste trabalho: a recusa de um indivíduo religioso a celebrar ou contribuir para uma cerimônia de casamento homoafetivo, com base na perspectiva religiosa sobre o conceito de casamento; a recusa por parte de um psicólogo a atender um paciente homossexual ou casal homoafetivo, sob o fundamento de que suas crenças religiosas o impedem de manifestar aprovação em relação à homossexualidade ou auxiliar uma união homoafetiva durante o atendimento; a recusa religiosamente motivada a fornecer produtos que manifestam apoio ao casamento homoafetivo ou alguma causa LGBT. Além do estudo de doutrina estrangeira sobre o tema, são examinadas dez decisões judiciais referentes a casos concretos ocorridos nos Estados Unidos, Reino Unido e Canadá, com o objetivo de auxiliar na elucidação de parâmetros claros para a melhor resolução da controvérsia em questão, ante a razoável expectativa de que, em breve, conflitos semelhantes surgirão no Brasil. / [en] There is a conflict of rights between homosexuals and individuals who follow religions that preach that homosexuality is contrary to the laws of God and marriage is a sacred union between one man and one woman. This conflict was intensified after the legalization of same-sex marriage. On the one hand, homosexual individuals have the right to equality, which means they must not be discriminated on basis of sexual orientation; on the other hand, religious individuals have the right to believe in a religion and act according to their beliefs. This paper will examine three situations that might cause conflict: the refusal to celebrate or contribute to a same-sex wedding, because of one s religious views on marriage; the refusal to assist a homosexual patient or a same-sex couple, by a psychologist or counselor whose religious beliefs prevent them from affirming homosexuality or assisting a same-sex union; the religiously motivated refusal to print materials that promote same-sex marriage or other LGBT interests. This dissertation will look at foreign studies on the matter, and will examine ten judicial decisions on cases that occurred in the United States, United Kingdom and Canada, in order to help create clear parameters to resolve the controversy, which is likely to soon arise in Brazil.

The author argues that the Court Challenges Program’s 2006 cancellation was based on claims that judicial review is undemocratic, including those made by three academics, Rainer Knopff, F.L. Morton and Ian Brodie; the Court Party Theorists (the “CPT”). Through a study of Charter equality cases, this paper examines the CPT’s arguments regarding judicial activism, interest groups and interveners and finds they are largely unsupported by statistical evidence. Further, the debate about judicial review and democracy obscures judicial review’s important auditing function over the legislature’s constitutional adherence. This audit depends on individuals’ capacity to pursue Charter litigation, an ability compromised by the access to justice crisis. The author examines this crisis and the efforts to fill the funding gap left by the CCP’s cancellation and concludes that a publicly-funded program like the CCP is best-placed to ensure that the Charter remains a relevant tool for enforcing fundamental human rights in Canada.

The author argues that the Court Challenges Program’s 2006 cancellation was based on claims that judicial review is undemocratic, including those made by three academics, Rainer Knopff, F.L. Morton and Ian Brodie; the Court Party Theorists (the “CPT”). Through a study of Charter equality cases, this paper examines the CPT’s arguments regarding judicial activism, interest groups and interveners and finds they are largely unsupported by statistical evidence. Further, the debate about judicial review and democracy obscures judicial review’s important auditing function over the legislature’s constitutional adherence. This audit depends on individuals’ capacity to pursue Charter litigation, an ability compromised by the access to justice crisis. The author examines this crisis and the efforts to fill the funding gap left by the CCP’s cancellation and concludes that a publicly-funded program like the CCP is best-placed to ensure that the Charter remains a relevant tool for enforcing fundamental human rights in Canada.