Central Asia is a region strategically located on the crossroads of the two continents. The region is represented by five states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) with different level of economic development and with the population amounting to over 60 million people. The region is rich in energy resources, represented by oil, gas, coal and hydropower resources. The thesis analyses, assesses and scrutinises one of the topical issues of the contemporary international relations - cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states before and after adoption in June 2007 of the ‘European Union and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership’, an important political document in the history of relations between the two parties. The new stage of cooperation is analysed more comprehensively accentuating priorities set in the Strategy. Analysis of the current state of affairs is conducted concerning some important issues of the Strategy related to regional cooperation between Central Asian states, such as integrated water management and development of hydro-energy system, issues of diversification of hydrocarbons supply routes from the region to Europe and provision of energy security, etc. Issues of cooperation between the European Union and Tajikistan are analysed as a case study. State of affairs between some of the European Union member-states and Central Asian countries is characterised. The thesis also scrutinises other regional/international actors engaged in cooperation with Central Asia (such as China, Russia, the US, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, etc.) and their potential for interaction with the European Union for more effective joint solution of the problems existing in the region is assessed. In the conclusion, development of cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states is scrutinised, the problems and their possible solutions in this regard are analysed, and the recommendations for increasing effectiveness of cooperation between the two parties are presented. The European Union’s foreign policy in Central Asia is interpreted from perspective of the theories of international relations namely neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism in the end of every chapter.

The results of this thesis suggest that investors should invest in portfolios consisting of the Standard and Poor's 500, the Ten Composite Index and the ten founding stock exchanges, rather than only invest in either the ten founding stock exchanges or Standard and Poor's 500.

The Arabic primary sources from the early medieval period have long existed in the modern consciousness of the scholarship, however, differing interpretations, mistranslations, and omissions have contributed to the state of already existing confusion permeating the matter of the Rus origin, influence, and interactions in their theatre of action in East Europe, Eurasia and beyond. hence a methodology based on source criticism could lead a revisit of these sources to new understandings and an up-to-date interpretation that considers the latest contributions by the scholarship in the field. Furthermore, the paper aims to provide a new and updated translation of the three chosen accounts regarding the Rus people, with these accounts chosen on a criterion of temporal distance, reliability and officiality, thus delivering a take on the pre-state Rus that is conceivably comprehensive, as these accounts discuss and record the social, commercial and religious aspects amongst others. Moreover, a thorough discussion and analysis follows the translation while concurrently highlighting the scholarships understandings, positively and negatively. Finally, the paper aims to argue the need for a comprehensive re-evaluation of the over fifty Arabic primary sources regarding the Rus, based on the points and evidence generated through the translations and analysis conducted in the paper. / De arabiska primärkällorna från tidig medeltid har länge funnits i den moderna forskningens medvetande.t.  Ogrundade tolkningar, felöversättningar och utelämnanden har bidragit till ett förvirringstillstånd kring frågan om rusernas ursprung, inflytande, och interaktioner i Östeuropa och Eurasien. Ett återbesök av dessa källor skulle kunna resultera i nya förståelser och uppdaterade tolkningar som tar hänsyn till de senaste bidragen från forskningen inom området. Vidare syftar uppsatsen till att tillhandahålla en ny och uppdaterad översättning av de tre utvalda redogörelserna om ruserna.  Dessa redogörelser har valts ut baserat på kriterierna tidsavstånd, tillförlitlighet och officiell karaktär.  Således levereras en syn på proto-statliga ruser som är tänkbart omfattande, då dessa redogörelser diskuterar och dokumenterar de sociala, kommersiella och religiösa aspekterna bland annat. Dessutom följer en grundlig diskussion och analys av översättningen samtidigt som den nuvarande förståelsen inom forskningen lyfts fram. Slutligen syftar uppsatsen till att argumentera för behovet av en omfattande omvärdering av de över femtio arabiska primärkällorna rörande ruserna, baserat på den kunskap som genereras genom de översättningar och analyser som genomförts i uppsatsen.

The purpose of this thesis is to assess Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan before and after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. I argue that the nature of the relationship was transformed by the region becoming the centre of Cold War conflict, and show how Pakistan’s role affected the development of the mujahidin insurgency against Soviet occupation. My inquiry begins by assessing the historical determinants of the relationship, arising from the colonial legacy and local interpretations of the contested spheres of legitimacy proffered by state, tribe and Islam. I then map the trajectory of the relationship from Pakistan’s independence in 1947, showing how the retreat of great power rivalry following British withdrawal from the subcontinent allowed for the framing of the relationship in primarily bilateral terms. The ascendance of bilateral factors opened greater possibilities for accommodation than had previously existed, though the relationship struggled to free itself of inherited colonial disputes, represented by the Pashtunistan issue. The most promising attempt to resolve the dispute came to an end with the communist coup and subsequent Soviet invasion, which subsumed bilateral concerns under the framework of Cold War confrontation. Viewing the invasion as a major threat, Pakistan pursued negotiations for Soviet withdrawal, aligned itself with the US and gave clandestine support to the mujahidin insurgency. External support enhanced mujahidin military viability while exacerbating weaknesses in political organization and ideology. Soviet withdrawal in 1989 left an unresolved conflict. Faced with state collapse and turmoil across the border, heightened security concerns following loss of US support, and intensified links among non-state actors on both sides of the frontier, the Pakistan government drew on its recently gained experience of working through non-state actors to attempt to maintain its influence in Afghanistan. There would be no return to the relatively stable state-state ties prevailing before 1979.

中國的石油外交安全複合體系可分為海上運輸航線、歐亞能源陸橋以及全球經營三大面向。由於目前中國進口石油來源主要來自中東及非洲地區，並依賴印度洋通往國內東南沿海的海上運輸航線，基於分散運輸風險與進口地區多元化的考量，增進對東協關係以促成海路運輸安全、向陸地接鄰的俄羅斯與中亞國家發展能源陸橋、兼顧海陸進口路線平衡發展之佈局，以及積極於中東、非洲、拉丁美洲地區發展經貿與能源合作並進關係，將為中國建構石油安全複合體系必然的策略選擇。複合體系行為主體是運用石油公司、國家政策及區域組織外交三個層次相結合，發展區域經濟論壇、軍售與外交支持等全般作為以鞏固對產油國安全利益依存關係，即使面臨體系內美國與日本競爭石油資源，但是中國提供其他合作選項，使產油國得以增加出口選擇，因此牽制力量的存在反而有助於強化體系運作，預期與美國爭奪地緣關鍵國家合作關係將是今後中國開展石油外交的重點。 / China’s oil diplomacy security complex is divided into three aspects： Sea lines of communication, Eurasia energy bridge, and Global cooperation. Middle East and Africa are now the main areas for China’s imported petroleum, and their production are transported through Indian Ocean to the southeast China coast. China’s strategies to build oil diplomacy security complex on account of diversification of importing sources are to protect Sea lines of communication by promoting Sino-ASEAN relations, to construct energy bridge from Russia and Central Asia in order to poise the marine and continental route of imported petroleum, as well as to develop business and energy cooperation with Middle East, Africa and Latin America .There are three characteristics of the security complex: first , members that compose oil companies, countries and regional organizations ; second , interdependence that China fosters with oil-exported countries in regional economic forum , arm sales and diplomatic support , and the existence of opponents such as the United States and Japan that strengthens the security complex by relieving China’s alternative value. In conclusion, China provides other alternatives for oil-exporting countries and strengthen the regional security complex; thus to obtain cooperation opportunities with key countries in the Geopolitical field from the U.S. would be the priority in China’s oil diplomacy policy.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Since the collapse of the Communist bloc, Mongolia has pursued the independent foreign policy with balanced relations attached to the two great neighbors - Russia and China. Meanwhile, the search for a "third neighbor" (the United States, Japan and/or the collective community of democracies) has been seen as the alternative approach to the existing "neighbor-oriented" policy. The thesis argues that both approaches are not mutually exclusive schools of foreign policy, but rather constitute the common approach that is described within this research as "bufferism." To present an alternative vision of the nation's foreign policy orientation, the thesis covers the major schools of international relations and identifies the two major causes of policy: identity (based on constructivism) and interest (based on realism). As a nation, Mongolia faces the identity trilemma and the security dilemma, without much preference given to any of these options during the last decade. Hence appears the nation's ambiguity in identity, security and economic development. The thesis puts the argument that without prioritizing one option, Mongolia faces the risk of degrading into a failing state isolated from the global affairs. Thus, the reconciliation of its identity and interest, as well as of its aspirations must lead to a rational choice of a Sino-centric East Asian policy dimension over any other. / Civilian, Mongolian Ministry of Defense

Central Asia is a region strategically located at the crossroads of the two continents: Asia and Europe. The region is represented by five states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) with different level of economic development and with the population amounting to over 60 million people. The region is rich in energy resources represented by oil, gas, coal and water resources. The thesis analyses, assesses and scrutinises one of the topical issues of the contemporary international relations - cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states before and after adoption in June 2007 of the ‘European Union and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership’,  an important political document in the history of relations between the two parties. The new stage of cooperation is analysed more comprehensively accentuating priorities set in the Strategy. Analysis of the current state of affairs is conducted concerning some important issues of the Strategy related to regional cooperation between Central Asian states, such as integrated water management and development of hydro-energy system, issues of diversification of hydrocarbons supply routes from the region to Europe and provision of energy security, etc. Issues of cooperation between the European Union and Tajikistan are analysed as a case study. State of affairs between the Central Asian states and the European Union Member States actively cooperating with these countries is characterised. The thesis also scrutinises other regional/international actors engaged in cooperation with Central Asia (such as China, Russia, the US, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, etc.) and their potential for interaction with the European Union for more effective joint solution of the problems existing in the region is assessed. In the conclusion, development of cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states is scrutinised, the problems and their possible solutions in this regard are analysed, and the recommendations for increasing effectiveness of cooperation between the two parties are presented. The European Union’s policy in Central Asia is interpreted from perspective of the theories of international relations namely neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism in the research.

The thesis focuses on theoretical and empirical analysis of oil and natural gas flows in Eurasia and maps Ukraine's transit position in the regional oil and gas supply chain. The aim of the thesis is to objectively evaluate possibilities of Eurasian energy integration by enlargement of the European energy market further to the East and to prospect Ukraine's involvement into a new geopolitical energy alliance, driven by EU. This dissertation builds up on economical, geographical, historical and political premises of markets integration as well as system approach of energy alliances development. It argues that (i) energy integration on contrary to traditional economic stream can be explained by system approach and geopolitical stream of energy expansionism; (ii) EU infrustructural oil and gas projects imply deeper integration of EU member-states with involed non-members and (iii) Ukraine's oil and gas transit status within Eurasian region facilitates its growing involvement into EU energy intiatives guided by the European rules. The thesis is organized into three chapters. The first one is predominately theoretical and seeks to summarize current theoretical approaches towards integration and trends of energy markets in Eurasia. The second chapter introduces the role of oil and gas transport capacities and Ukraine's transit status in resolving disparities of Eurasian energy supply chain. The third chapter describes condition of Ukrainian oil and gas infrastructure and tackles issues for reformation of national oil and gas transit pipelines. Securing access to energy supplies has been a driving factor of global development since the industrial revolution. Increasing demand for oil and gas has undermined energy and economic security of world centers. In Eurasia Europe and Asia has been competing for fossil fuels originating from Russia, Middle East and Central Asia. Since recently Eurasian energy security problem is being solved by development of new supply routes. These infrastructural projects are initiated by oil and gas consumers, suppliers and transitors competing over control in the infrastructure. Such competition destabilises Eurasian relations, leads to energy "wars", political conflicts and increases supplies disruption risks. To secure stability of energy supply chain producers, transitors and consumers of oil and gas resources should integrate, closely cooperate and jointly invest into improving the existing supply routes and efficiency of fuels consumtion, production and transportation. Oil and gas should be traded for technologies and capital securing control in the infrustucture of mutual interests. Development of further bilateral and multilateral tools of joint interest would also help in resolving energy related contradictions of the participating parties. The leading role in driving energy integration in Eurasia belongs to the EU being the most mature and advanced integration grouping in Eurasia. EU realises TEN-e projects and from recently a common foreign energy policy aimed to strengthen external cooperation with oil and gas suppliers and transitors, including Ukraine. Since 1970s Ukraine has been an important oil and gas transitor for Russian and Central Asian oil and gas to Europe. Ukrainian pipelines intermediate 10 % of oil and 50 % of gas imports of Europe. To counterbalance Russian energy diplomacy over Ukraine, EU is supporting Ukraine's efforts in such energy alliances as INOGATE or GUAM. Ukraine's recent accession to the South Eastern-European Energy Community should improve stability of gas and oil supplies to Europe and facilitate reformation of national transit capacities.

Russian Federation has reconsidered its foreign policy on the European Union and is now focusing more on Eurasian integration. This step aroused various reactions in the world, especially after the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union in January 2015. This work deals with the intention of the Union, examines the steps which preceded this event and the possible influence of the eurasianism on Eurasian integration. At the same time, based on the statements of both parties -- European and Eurasian -- the work analyzes potential point of possible cooperation between the European Union and the newly formed regional integration Eurasian Economic Union.

Магистерская диссертация посвящена особенностям межкультурной коммуникации России и Казахстана в процессе евразийской интеграции (на примере ЕАЭС). Цель данного исследования анализ межкультурной коммуникации России и Казахстана в евразийской интеграции (на примере ЕАЭС) и рекомендации специалистам по межкультурной коммуникации по разработке механизма межкультурной коммуникации в евразийской интеграции. Структура работы состоит из двух глав: теоретической и практической. В теоретической части рассматриваются теоретические аспекты: межкультурное взаимодействие в контексте парадигм глобализации, интеграции; феномен межкультурной коммуникации как взаимодействие двух языковых картин мира в евразийской интеграции, а также лингвистические проблемы межкультурной коммуникации в Евразийском пространстве. В практической части анализируется источниковедческая база, интернациональность политической и экономической терминологии как следствие межкультурной коммуникации и глобализационных процессов; коннотации и символы культуры, их интерпретация в межкультурной коммуникации России и Казахстана, а также предлагаются рекомендации специалистам по межкультурной коммуникации по разработке механизма межкультурной коммуникации в евразийской интеграции. После анализа значительного количества источников становится очевидным, что для участников делового общения межкультурной коммуникации в рамках евразийской интеграции характерна общность пресуппозитивной базы знаний, которая понимается как наличие предварительных сведений и знаний, общего житейского и профессионального опыта. Это можно объяснить многолетним знакомством деловых коммуникантов, взаимностью интересов, совместной долгосрочной профессиональной деятельностью, краткосрочным совместным опытом, важным лишь для данного высказывания. / The master dissertation is devoted to the features of intercultural communication between Russia and Kazakhstan in the process of Eurasian integration (on the example of the EAEU). The purpose of this study is to analyze the intercultural communication of Russia and Kazakhstan in the Eurasian integration (using the example of the EAEU) and recommendations to specialists in intercultural communication on the development of a mechanism for intercultural communication in the Eurasian integration. The structure of the work consists of two chapters: theoretical and practical. In the theoretical part, the theoretical aspects are considered: intercultural interaction in the context of the paradigms of globalization, integration; the phenomenon of intercultural communication as the interaction of two linguistic worldviews in Eurasian integration, as well as linguistic problems of intercultural communication in the Eurasian space. The practical part analyzes the source base, the internationality of political and economic terminology as a consequence of intercultural communication and globalization processes; connotations and symbols of culture, their interpretation in the intercultural communication of Russia and Kazakhstan, as well as recommendations are offered to specialists in intercultural communication on the development of a mechanism for intercultural communication in Eurasian integration. After analyzing a significant number of sources, it becomes obvious that participants in business communication of intercultural communication within the framework of Eurasian integration are characterized by a common presuppositive knowledge base, which is understood as the presence of preliminary information and knowledge, common everyday and professional experience. This can be explained by the long-term acquaintance of business communicants, mutual interests, joint long-term professional activity, short-term joint experience, important only for this statement.