A complexa filosofia de Giorgio Agamben convoca-nos a compreender a crise dos atuais modelos político-governamentais e a hodierna lógica da segurança que, sob a doutrina do medo orquestrado, visa à eliminação dos não-integráveis, como igualmente nos convida a abarcar na defesa de uma nova ontologia política além da tradição da soberania e do direito. Do confronto entre as conceituações semânticas do termo vida e da relação desta com o poder soberano, inclusive numa sociedade biopolítica de normalização, emerge o protagonista da obra agambeniana, a vida nua. Uma vida que não é inauguração moderna, mas atividade originária do poder soberano, quer dizer, uma vida que pode ser detectada tanto na pólis e na civitas - na figura do homo sacer -, assim como no totalitarismo moderno e, rasteiramente, na democracia em que vivemos. Trata-se de uma vida absolutamente matável e exposta à morte que, fundada numa relação de exclusão inclusiva, isto é, de abandono, revela o verdadeiro vínculo social. O que une vida e lei, violência e norma, é o estado de exceção. A norma se aplica à exceção desaplicando-se: a força-de-lei exercida no estado de exceção não põe, nem conserva, o direito, mas o conserva suspendendo-o e o põe excetuando-se. Uma figura em que factum e ius tornam-se indiscerníveis e homines sacri são produzidos a esmo; um espaço onde distinções políticas tradicionais como direita e esquerda, público e privado, perdem sua clareza e inteligibilidade. Uma indiscernibilidade que pode ser materializada no campo, seja de refugiados, seja de concentração, seja o hoje vigente e ainda inominado, de modo que o campo reflete o próprio paradigma da atualidade. Esta é a era da exceção em permanência. O caminho para a desativação dessa relação é a profanação, figura em que se busca uma nova forma-de-vida que não seja inaugurada pela lembrança teológica da política soberana e do direito, mas que reflita uma comunidade que vem capaz de desativar a máquina biopolítica produtora da vida nua e torne inoperante o atual conceito de político-jurídico: uma nova comunidade que pense além da soberania, do bando soberano e do próprio direito. Trata-se de uma comunidade de singularidades, sem identidade, sem propriedades e destinos, mas que seja pura potencialidade, que seja em si como ela é, quer dizer, que não possua qualquer tarefa enquanto fim, mas tão somente meios sem fins. / The complex philosophy of Giorgio Agamben summons us to review the crisis of the existing political-juridical models and the on-going governmental security rationale, which, based on a pre-oriented administration of fear, aims at eliminating those somehow non-adapted, as well as to join a defence towards a new political ontology beyond the tradition of sovereignty and law. Through the confront of semantically distinct definitions of life and its relation with the sovereign power, including under a biopolitical normalizing society, emerges the protagonist of Agamben`s work, the bare life. A life that is not a modern phenomena but the original activity of the sovereign power, that is, a life exposed to death that can be found either in the pólis or the civitas - in the form of homo sacer or in the modern totalitarianism as well as the democracy that we live in. A life that is permanently subject to death and, founded on an inclusive exclusion relation, that is, a relation of abandonment, exposes the real social bound. The state of exception links life and law, violence and norm. The law is applied through its own withdrawal: the force-oflaw exercised in the state of exception does not posit nor conserve the law, but conserves it through its suspension and posits it through the exception. A place where factum and ius are brought into conjunction and homines sacri are freely produced, a space where traditional political categories such as right and left, public and private, loses clearness and intelligibility. A zone of indistinction materialized in the camp, either of refugees or concentration camps or those in full force and effect and yet unnamed. The camp is the contemporary political paradigm and this is the era in which the exception becomes the rule. The way out to deactivate such relation is to profane, a political task in search for a new form-of-life that abolishes any remembrance of theological sovereign politics and law and that reflects a coming community able to turn inoperative the biopolitical machine producer of bare life: a new community that thinks beyond sovereignty, the sovereign band and the law itself. A community composed of singularities, with no identity nor properties or destinies, but pure potentiality. A community free of means in search for an end, but solely a community of pure means without ends.

Este trabalho pretende investigar o percurso da política penitenciária brasileira contemporânea, partindo da aposta nas concepções humanizadoras e ressocializadoras do cárcere que a redemocratização tardiamente introduziu no país durante a década de 80, até seus desdobramentos que levariam a seu completo avesso. Assim, já no início da década de 90, um conjunto de medidas caracterizadas pela contínua supressão de direitos e pela maior punitividade das sanções impostas a acusados e presos acabou por instalar verdadeiros regimes de exceção dentro do sistema penal, nos quais a figura do sujeito de direito tende, gradativamente, a esvaecer. Outrossim, essa discussão está inserida a partir de um quadro teórico mais amplo que problematiza a persistência da prisão na contemporaneidade, não obstante a crise das disciplinas e a ordem de reconfigurações imposta pelas recentes transformações do capitalismo a todo um mundo social ancorado em suas representações. A análise das práticas e orientações adotadas mais recentemente pelo sistema penitenciário brasileiro é feita levando em conta a pertinência ou não dos deslocamentos ontológicos sugeridos pela literatura eleita neste estudo, a respeito das categorias que conferiam inteligibilidade ao crime, ao criminoso e à punição, e que se apresentam como centrais à compreensão da finalidade atribuída à prisão na atualidade. / This work intends to investigate the trajectory of Brazil?s contemporary penitentiary policy, starting from the bid for humanizing and rehabilitative conceptions of prison which redemocratization tardily introduced during the 80s, including its developments that would lead to its exact opposite. Therefore, already in the beginning of 90s, a set of measures characterized by continuous suppression of rights and greater punitivity of sanctions imposed to defendants and prisoners was able to install true regimes of exception within the penal system, in which the subject conceived tends gradually to vanish. Moreover, this discussion is inserted through a wider theoretical frame which discusses the persistence of prison in contemporaneity, albeit the crisis of disciplines and the sequence of reconfigurations imposed by recent capitalism transformations to a whole social world founded on its representations. The analysis of practices and guidelines lately adopted by Brazilian?s penitentiary system is conducted taking into account the pertinence or not of ontological displacements suggested by the literature elected for this study on categories which provided intelligibility to crime, criminal and punishment and that are presented as central to the comprehension of the goals referred to prison nowadays

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-04T15:05:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Fernanda Maria da Costa Vieira.pdf: 2529012 bytes, checksum: 8d720183f132a0a02064c33bb6f76838 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-04T15:05:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Fernanda Maria da Costa Vieira.pdf: 2529012 bytes, checksum: 8d720183f132a0a02064c33bb6f76838 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-28 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / In 2007, as the dossier prepared by the Military Police which aimed to investigate the Movement of Landless Rural Workers and their links with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia in the north of Rio Grande do Sul, a series of legal actions have been developed , which disclose a conflict that surpasses the competition for territory and political projects and land from the Agricultural Federation of the State of Rio Grande do Sul X MST, with the significant role of the State and Federal Judiciary and the Ministry of Carazinho State and Federal Public , which features the criminal action based on the National Security Law (Law No. 7170/83) and public civil actions that aimed to reduce the performance of the MST, and the resolution of the Board of the Public Prosecutor decided that the extinction of the MST. We understand that the rescue of history that the criminal act is indicative of the current scenario of growth of speeches punitive brand of neoliberal hegemony, where there is an expansion of the processes of criminalization of poverty in general and social movements vindicated, territories marked by the unveiling concept of state of exception, while presenting a line (not so) continued with the colonial past, which is based on the notion of control and submission of the popular classes through the criminal statute. / Em 2007, a partir do dossi? elaborado pelo Brigada Militar, que se propunha a investigar o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra e seus v?nculos com as For?as Armadas Revolucion?rias da Col?mbia na regi?o Norte do Rio Grande do Sul, uma s?rie de a??es jur?dicas foram desenvolvidas, que desvelam um conflito que ultrapassa a disputa pelo territ?rio e de projetos pol?ticos e agr?rios entre Federa??o da Agricultura do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul X MST, contando com a atua??o significativa dos Judici?rios Estadual e Federal de Carazinho e do Minist?rio P?blico Estadual e Federal, onde se destacam a a??o penal com base na Lei de Seguran?a Nacional (Lei n? 7170/83) e A??es Civis P?blicas que objetivavam reduzir a atua??o do MST, bem como a delibera??o do Conselho Superior do Minist?rio P?blico que deliberou pela extin??o do MST. Entendemos que o resgate da hist?ria que gestou a a??o penal ? reveladora do cen?rio atual de crescimento dos discursos punitivos, marca da hegemonia neoliberal, onde se percebe uma amplia??o dos processos de criminaliza??o da pobreza em geral e dos movimentos sociais reivindicat?rios, desvelando territ?rios marcados pelo conceito de estado de exce??o, ao mesmo tempo em que apresenta uma linha (n?o t?o) cont?nua com o passado colonial, que se assenta na no??o de controle e submiss?o das classes populares por meio do estatuto penal.

A presente tese de doutorado intenciona analisar os processos sociais que possibilitaram a ascensão de descendentes de escravos como possuidores de terra em contextos pós-coloniais. O debate ora suscitado busca eleger como foco de reflexão as relações que produzem discursos de verdade, nos quais antigos rendeiros (Cabo Verde) e quilombolas (Brasil) não se constituem facilmente na figura de proprietários. As teorias do estado de exceção leem esses fenômenos de oscilação política como uma forma peculiar de resguardar a segurança pública em um paradigma arbitrário de governo. Sendo assim, serão apresentados argumentos que vislumbrem a insegurança fundiária nos dois países em um quadro complexo do referido estado de exceção que mescla elementos étnicos e políticos. Neste fulcro, serão apresentados dois universos rurais: São Salvador do Mundo (Cabo Verde) e Canguçu, Quilombo Maçambique (Brasil) - o primeiro assistiu às fortes disputas territoriais entre morgados e rendeiros, passando pelo projeto de reforma agrária e, atualmente, encontra-se sob a posse de pequenos agricultores; o segundo experimentou as variadas transformações históricas no que se refere à questão fundiária sulina, bem como concentrou em seu espaço territorial um grande número de trabalhadores escravos no séc. XIX. As duas localidades partem de contextos sociais de trabalho subalternizado por proprietários brancos, porém encontrando destinos raciais diversos, oferecendo materiais etnográficos densos para trabalhar a questão teórica “terra-segurança”. / This doctoral thesis intends to analyze the social processes that enabled the rise of the descendants of slaves as having land in postcolonial contexts. The debate raised now seeking election as a focus for reflection relations that produce discourse of truth, in which former tenants (Cabo Verde) and maroon (Brasil) are not easily figure of the owners. Theories of the state of exception read these oscillation phenomena in politics as a peculiar form of protecting public safety in a paradigm of arbitrary government. Thus, arguments are presented that envisage tenure insecurity in both countries in a complex picture of that state of exception that ethnic and political mix. This core will be presented two rural universes: the São Salvador do Mundo (Cabo Verde) and Canguçu, Quilombo Maçambique (Brasil) - the first attended the strong territorial disputes between heirs and tenants, through the agrarian reform project and currently is under possession of small farmers, the latter tried the various historical transformations in relation to the southern land issue, and focused on their territorial space a large number of slave laborers in the century. XIX. The two locations run by social contexts of work subalternizado by white owners, but finding racially diverse destinations, offering dense ethnographic materials to work the theoretical question "land-security."

Title: The Lilja case – a study about discourse and media representations of violence within ice hockey The purpose of this study is to examine the discourses that influenced the debate in Swedish sport media around the professional ice hockey player Jakob Liljas 10-game suspension and subsequent assault conviction by the Swedish legal system. The aim is to see how Lilja’s violence was defined and what voices were the most prominent in the debate. The study is based on a theoretical framework consisting of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory and Agamben’s ideas of the Homo Sacer and the State of Exception. Using Laclau and Mouffe, an analytical toolbox was assembled to deconstruct the discourses present in the debate. The analysis found two dominant discourses within the debate: a sports discourse and a law discourse. The study found two nodal points that defined how the discourses treated Lilja’s violence; the nodal point “crime” within the law discourse, and the nodal point “rule violation” within the sports one. The sports discourse argued against the legal process maintained that Lilja had already received a sufficient punishment through his suspension. The law one was centred around the premise that legal action was required to properly punish Lilja. The analysis found that the sports discourse unsuccessfully tried to position the sport of ice hockey as a State of Exception where the laws of regular society should not apply. There were also similarities between the underlying masculine norms that informed how the sports discourse treated player health and Agambens Homo Sacer, how people’s life worth is reduced in order to justify certain conditions imposed on them. While a true State of Exception or Homo Sacer does not exist in this scenario, as Lilja was ultimately convicted according to the rules of the law discourse, it is interesting that ideas that align with these concepts were well represented in the medial debate.

The United States recently completed the construction of a new Consulate compound in an underdeveloped site in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, Mexico. Mexican applicants for U.S. Immigrant Visas, particularly those who had previously entered the United States without inspection, are sent to the facility to apply through a mandatory personal interview. The interview process necessitates highly invasive medical exams at designated militarized facilities, followed by a series of interviews with consular officers. Applicants, many of whom are visiting Juarez for the first time, must wait in the city for days or weeks as they attempt to navigate the requirements. Even as the city has become more violent, the U.S. Consulate mission in Juarez has become an economic driver as it processes more immigrant visas than any other U.S. Consular office in the world. It is also the largest U.S. Consulate building on the planet and the immigration complex is drawing new migrants who are both seeking asylum through it and aiding in its construction. U.S. immigration policies and the administrative procedures that accompany them also serve to discipline immigrant visa applicants long before they arrive in Juarez as they navigate a system built on penalties and waivers. The effects of these policies transcend borders and citizenship, impacting not only the immigrant applicant, but their U.S. families as well. The normalization of violence towards Mexicans and their families is becoming entrenched in a culture of impunity, both in Mexico and the United States. The immigrant processing and maquiladora manufacturing that take place in Ciudad Juarez play a specific role in U.S. / Mexico relations and are representative of the intersection of immigration policy, labor desires, and neoliberal and post-neoliberal policies of structural violence. The United States has developed, in Juarez, an economic development and security program and immigrant processing center concomitantly and Mexico has worked lockstep to fortify this position. I examine this historical occurrence, and the experiences of immigrant applicants and their families, using Foucault’s theories of discipline. / text

In 2005, the European Union (EU) began accession negotiations with its most controversial candidate to date, Turkey. The process has been, from the outset, sui generis relative to previous and current accessions, and Turkey remains the first candidate without a fixed date for the conclusion of accession negotiations. This thesis explores the problematique of Turkey’s proposed accession, and attempts to understand why its accession has been and will remain controversial and undecided. Turkey’s proposed accession has been, for both opponents and proponents, understood in terms of Europeanness: either Turkey is not European and thus not eligible to join, or is a legitimate candidate due to its very Europeanness, or has the propensity to develop a European identity. This very question frames the very limits and possibility of these negotiations. To properly understand the complexities and implications of Turkey’s EU candidacy from the perspective of European culture and identity, this thesis adopts a post-structuralist theoretical perspective which enables an understanding of fluid and hybrid difference. Turkey’s EU candidacy demonstrates that identity is not only articulated through difference; Turkey occupies a more fluid and dynamic role in the construction of European identity and is variously inside and outside, European and non. Through an examination of Michel Foucault’s governmentality and Carl Schmitt and Georgio Agamben’s exploration of sovereignty and the state of exception, this thesis examines the nexus of exclusion and inclusion, and through an examination of a ‘politics of deferral’, I demonstrate how Turkey may meet all of the EU accession criteria, yet may be never invited to accede to the European Union.

The study locates Susurluk Affair into the legal-political theory, around an axis passing through two standpoints that defines the state either as a legal or as a political institution. Two words, Susurluk Affair refer to an accumulation of incidents and relationships that point to extra-legal activities of the state that are revealed by a traffic accident in Turkey. Susurluk Affair and similar cases of extra-legal activities of the state are frequent in modern political life, although the modern state is founded on the presumption of legal use of public authority. Susurluk Affair is discussed with reference to Max Weber&amp / #8217 / s and J&uuml / rgen Habermas&amp / #8217 / s theories of the rule of law, and Hans Kelsen&amp / #8217 / s legal positivism, both of which provide perspectives that define the state as a legal institution, and from the viewpoints of doctrine of raison d&amp / #8217 / etat and Carl Schmitt&amp / #8217 / s theories of the political and sovereignty that conceptualize the state as a political institution. Susurluk Affair can be interpreted in accordance with Weber&amp / #8217 / s, Habermas&amp / #8217 / s and Kelsen&amp / #8217 / s theoretical standpoints either as a deficiency in legitimacy or violations by certain persons, however it can be interpreted as activities for maintaining the state in the framework of the doctrine of raison d&amp / #8217 / etat. On the other hand, the Schmittian approach acknowledges extra-legal activities of the state, but Susurluk Affair cannot be interpreted as a case of deciding the exception in the Schmittian sense.

Workflow Management Systems (WfMSs) are used to support the modelling, analysis, and enactment of business processes. The key benefits WfMSs seek to bring to an organisation include improved efficiency, better process control and improved customer service, which are realised by modelling rigidly structured business processes that in turn derive well-defined workflow process instances. However, the proprietary process definition frameworks imposed by WfMSs make it difficult to support (i) dynamic evolution and adaptation (i.e. modifying process definitions during execution) following unexpected or developmental change in the business processes being modelled; and (ii) exceptions, or deviations from the prescribed process model at runtime, even though it has been shown that such deviations are a common occurrence for almost all processes. These limitations imply that a large subset of business processes do not easily translate to the 'system-centric' modelling frameworks imposed. This research re-examines the fundamental theoretical principles that underpin workflow technologies to derive an approach that moves forward from the productionline paradigm and thereby offers workflow management support for a wider range of work environments. It develops a sound theoretical foundation based on Activity Theory to deliver an implementation of an approach for dynamic and extensible flexibility, evolution and exception handling in workflows, based not on proprietary frameworks, but on accepted ideas of how people actually perform their work activities. The approach produces a framework called worklets to provide an extensible repertoire of self-contained selection and exception-handling processes, coupled with an extensible ripple-down rule set. Using a Service-Oriented Architecture (SOA), a selection service provides workflow flexibility and adaptation by allowing the substitution of a task at runtime with a sub-process, dynamically selected from its repertoire depending on the context of the particular work instance. Additionally, an exceptionhandling service uses the same repertoire and rule set framework to provide targeted and multi-functional exception-handling processes, which may be dynamically invoked at the task, case or specification level, depending on the context of the work instance and the type of exception that has occurred. Seven different types of exception can be handled by the service. Both expected and unexpected exceptions are catered for in real time. The work is formalised through a series of Coloured Petri Nets and validated using two exemplary studies: one involving a structured business environment and the other a more creative setting. It has been deployed as a discrete service for the well-known, open-source workflow environment YAWL, and, having a service orientation, its applicability is in no way limited to that environment, but may be regarded as a case study in service-oriented computing whereby dynamic flexibility and exception handling for workflows, orthogonal to the underlying workflow language, is provided. Also, being open-source, it is freely available for use and extension.

A presente tese de doutorado intenciona analisar os processos sociais que possibilitaram a ascensão de descendentes de escravos como possuidores de terra em contextos pós-coloniais. O debate ora suscitado busca eleger como foco de reflexão as relações que produzem discursos de verdade, nos quais antigos rendeiros (Cabo Verde) e quilombolas (Brasil) não se constituem facilmente na figura de proprietários. As teorias do estado de exceção leem esses fenômenos de oscilação política como uma forma peculiar de resguardar a segurança pública em um paradigma arbitrário de governo. Sendo assim, serão apresentados argumentos que vislumbrem a insegurança fundiária nos dois países em um quadro complexo do referido estado de exceção que mescla elementos étnicos e políticos. Neste fulcro, serão apresentados dois universos rurais: São Salvador do Mundo (Cabo Verde) e Canguçu, Quilombo Maçambique (Brasil) - o primeiro assistiu às fortes disputas territoriais entre morgados e rendeiros, passando pelo projeto de reforma agrária e, atualmente, encontra-se sob a posse de pequenos agricultores; o segundo experimentou as variadas transformações históricas no que se refere à questão fundiária sulina, bem como concentrou em seu espaço territorial um grande número de trabalhadores escravos no séc. XIX. As duas localidades partem de contextos sociais de trabalho subalternizado por proprietários brancos, porém encontrando destinos raciais diversos, oferecendo materiais etnográficos densos para trabalhar a questão teórica “terra-segurança”. / This doctoral thesis intends to analyze the social processes that enabled the rise of the descendants of slaves as having land in postcolonial contexts. The debate raised now seeking election as a focus for reflection relations that produce discourse of truth, in which former tenants (Cabo Verde) and maroon (Brasil) are not easily figure of the owners. Theories of the state of exception read these oscillation phenomena in politics as a peculiar form of protecting public safety in a paradigm of arbitrary government. Thus, arguments are presented that envisage tenure insecurity in both countries in a complex picture of that state of exception that ethnic and political mix. This core will be presented two rural universes: the São Salvador do Mundo (Cabo Verde) and Canguçu, Quilombo Maçambique (Brasil) - the first attended the strong territorial disputes between heirs and tenants, through the agrarian reform project and currently is under possession of small farmers, the latter tried the various historical transformations in relation to the southern land issue, and focused on their territorial space a large number of slave laborers in the century. XIX. The two locations run by social contexts of work subalternizado by white owners, but finding racially diverse destinations, offering dense ethnographic materials to work the theoretical question "land-security."