yes / This article examines an innovative domestic violence intervention: some 300 ‘second-response’ police patrols set up since 2015 by military police forces and municipal guards in cities around Brazil. They enforce court-issued protection orders by paying repeat visits to women at high risk, referring them to support services, and ensuring abusers stay away. Drawing on interviews with officers who founded or now lead these patrols, and on local-level police data and studies, the article analyses their origins and modus operandi, and evaluates their impacts on victims, abusers, the community, and internal police force culture. Available evidence shows that victims enrolled in these programmes are much less likely to suffer repeated assault or feminicide than those who are not. The article examines how this intervention fits with the other elements of local protection networks and compares these patrols to second-response police interventions developed elsewhere

No / Global concern about feminicide -- the killing of girls or women for reasons related to gender roles – started in Latin America with the epidemic of sexualised murders and disappearances in Central America and Mexico. There, the killers walked free due to state indifference and an incompetent criminal justice system. But this book tells a more positive story from the region. Brazil has high numbers of feminicides, mostly committed by intimate partners. Yet, the state’s responses to this crime have been transformed in recent years. This is the first country study to examine in detail how strategic action by the women’s movement has resulted in significant improvements in the investigation, prosecution and prevention of domestic violence and of feminicide. This study traces the interaction between the main contributory factors to that transformation. Innovation and capacity-building in the criminal justice system has been driven by the development of norms and protocols at the inter-American level, by changes in Brazilian law and jurisprudence, and by policy entrepreneurs within the police and justice sector. Executive branch investment since the early 2000s in tackling gender-based violence created a propitious political environment. Coalitions of interest involving feminist academics, NGOs, local campaigners, bureaucrats within the state machineries for women, politicians, journalists, and criminal justice professionals were able to identify, create and use institutional spaces for change and diffuse good practices. / Research Development Fund Publication Prize Award winner, Mar 2021.

El feminicidio es un problema global persistente, pero su definición como homicidio basado únicamente en el género es controvertida, ya que en muchos casos los celos y otros factores influyen en estos crímenes. La falta de reconocimiento de los celos como un contexto fáctico dificulta la comprensión de las motivaciones detrás de los feminicidios y la implementación de medidas efectivas de prevención y protección. Con una tasa preocupante de feminicidios, es esencial abordar esta problemática de manera integral. La incorporación de los celos como un nuevo contexto fáctico en el delito de feminicidio permitiría una regulación legal más objetiva y completa, promoviendo una lucha más efectiva contra la violencia de género y una mayor concienciación sobre sus complejidades. / Femicide is a persistent global problem, but its definition as homicide based solely on gender is controversial, since in many cases jealousy and other factors influence these crimes. The lack of recognition of jealousy as a factual context makes it difficult to understand the motivations behind femicides and the implementation of effective prevention and protection measures. With a worrying rate of femicides, it is essential to address this problem comprehensively. The incorporation of jealousy as a new factual context in the crime of feminicide would allow a more objective and complete legal regulation, promoting a more effective fight against gender violence and greater awareness of its complexities.

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Submitted by Emanuel Varela Cardoso (emanuel.varela@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-09-11T20:42:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DAMARES NIEDJA BENTO DA SILVA – DISSERTAÇÃO (PROFIAP_CCJS) 2018.pdf: 3635702 bytes, checksum: bdd72190160184369df39d7d0b43d886 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-11T20:42:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DAMARES NIEDJA BENTO DA SILVA – DISSERTAÇÃO (PROFIAP_CCJS) 2018.pdf: 3635702 bytes, checksum: bdd72190160184369df39d7d0b43d886 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / O tema violência contra a mulher ganhou no cenário político e acadêmico uma grande visibilidade estabelecendo um conjunto de políticas públicas articuladas que visam promover, garantir e proteger a mulher vítima de violência doméstica. A produção cientifica tem sido direcionada ao estudo das práticas de violências domésticas direcionadas a mulher enquanto vítima e o homem enquanto agressor. Diante desse cenário surge a discussão de gênero demonstrando o limite de se pensar a identidade masculina e feminina a partir do aspecto da naturalização e da biologia havendo a necessidade investigar se as diretrizes das políticas públicas e tomada de decisão em relação a violência doméstica responde a dinâmica da violência vivenciada na trama do cotidiana. Diante disso, o objetivo da pesquisa foi entender se as políticas públicas direcionadas à promoção, garantia e proteção diante da questão da violência doméstica responde ao contexto de mudança das identidades de gênero advinda de um novo contexto. O diálogo teórico foi fundamentado a partir de Scott (1998) com o conceito de gênero; Silva (2012) a partir da (des)construção da identidade de gênero como mulher-vítima e homemagressor, Foucault (1982) com o conceito de poder e de violência doméstica com Saffioti (1995). Para tanto, foi realizada uma pesquisa documental Gil (2008) tomando por base os inquéritos da Delegacia Especi alizada da Mulher no Município de Campina Grande-PB, no período compreendido entre janeiro 2013 e junho de 2016, bem como revisão bibliográfica Lakatos e Marconi (2010) dos trabalhos científicos produzidos tendo como temática o estudo da violência doméstica em Campina Grande. Os resultados da pesquisa indicaram que não há diferenças culturais, econômicas e sociais entre os perfis analisado dos sujeitos envolvidos na violência doméstica; a violência vivenciada no espaço doméstico é fruto da ação e reação tanto de homens como de mulheres. A visão que naturalizou a mulher enquanto vítima e homem como agressor é limitada, pois na trama do cotidiano as ações tanto de homens quanto de mulheres representam uma relação bilateral de poder que em determinados momentos se constituem como relação de violência. As mulheres assumem posições que contrariam a vontade do outro e a partir desta ação motiva o exercício da violência. Para se ter políticas que atendam ao contexto da violência doméstica deve-se levar em consideração a relativização do paradigma da mulher enquanto vítima e do homem quanto agressor, bem como estabelecer políticas que atendam uma população vulnerável socioeconomicamente e culturalmente. / The theme of violence against women has gained in the political and academic scene great visibility by establishing a set of articulated public policies that aim to promote, guarantee and protect women victims of domestic violence. The scientific production has been directed to the study of domestic violence practices aimed at the woman as a victim and the man as an aggressor. Given this scenario, the discussion of gender arises demonstrating the limit of thinking the masculine and feminine identity from the aspect of naturalization and biology. It is necessary to investigate if the public policy guidelines and decision making regarding domestic violence responds to the dynamics. Of violence experienced in the fabric of everyday life. Therefore, the objective of the research was to understand if public policies aimed at promoting, guaranteeing and protecting the issue of domestic violence respond to the context of changing gender identities from a new context. The theoretica l dialogue was based on Scott (1998) with the concept of gender; Silva (2012) with the concept of power and domestic violence with Saffioti (1995), based on the (de) construction of gender identity as victim woman and man-aggressor, Foucault (1982). For this purpose, a documentary survey was conducted in Gil (2008) based on the surveys of the Specialized Women's Police Station in Campina Grande -PB, from January 2013 to June 2016, as well as a bibliographical review of Lakatos and Marconi (2010). Of the scientific works produced with the theme of the study of domestic violence in Campina Grande. The results of the research indicated that there are no cultural, economic and social differences between the analyzed profiles of the subjects involved in domestic violence; The violence experienced in the domestic space is the result of the action and reaction of both men and women. The view that naturalized women as victims and men as aggressors is limited, because in the fabric of daily life the actions of both men and women represent a bilateral relationship of power that at certain moments constitute a relationship of violence. Women assume positions that contradict the will of the other and from this action motivates the exercise of violence. In order to have policies that address the context of domestic violence, one must take into account the relativization of the paradigm of women as victims and of the man as aggressors, as well as establish policies that address a socio-economically and culturally vulnerable population.

Gender violence in Mexico is a problem that affects its society on a long- term basis. Its most extreme form known as feminicide, that is a gender- based murder of women, appears with so much frequency that it can be considered a structural problem yet. Mexico is one of the countries with most cases in Latin America, however, insufficient and ineffective measures taken by the state facilitate their perpetration which is often immune from prosecution. This thesis aims to approximate the issue to the reader and explain the concept of feminicide in given context within its complexity. For that purpose, a process tracing analysis of two selected cases is done; starting from their perpetration to their sentencing by judicial instances. The sentences of both cases became very important milestones. The factors that contributed to the outcome are tracked and afterwards a comparison of tracked causal mechanisms is done. As it was already mentioned, the cases were not selected randomly. Not only are they important for their sentences, but moreover they took place in two Mexican states with traditionally high numbers of committed feminicides, that is in Chihuahua and Mexico State. The results of the analysis suggest that even though Mexico has signed the most important international conventions about women's...

[pt] A adoção do feminicídio na legislação brasileira representa, para o movimento feminista, o reconhecimento da misoginia estrutural como causa dessas mortes violentas de mulheres, enunciativa da opressão de gênero por meio do direito. Além disso, essa nomeação promoveria uma mudança essencial da atuação do sistema de justiça no julgamento desses crimes, anteriormente realizados com base na culpabilização da vítima, no julgamento moral de sua conduta e, consequentemente, na discriminação de gênero. Sendo assim, a partir da Teoria Feminista do Estado de Catharine Mackinnon e dos parâmetros instituídos pela Lei 13.104/15 e pelas Diretrizes Nacionais do Feminicídio, pretende-se investigar a incorporação da perspectiva de gênero nos julgamentos de feminicídios nos Tribunais do Júri da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, ocorridos após a entrada em vigor da referida lei. / [en] The adoption of feminicide in Brazilian legislation represents, for the feminist movement, the recognition of structural misogyny as the cause of these violent deaths of women, enunciative of gender oppression through the law. Furthermore, this naming would promote an essential change in the acting of the justice system in the judgment of these crimes, previously held on the basis of blaming the victim, on the moral judgment of her conduct and, consequently, on gender discrimination. Therefore, based on Catharine Mackinnon s Feminist Theory of the State and the parameters established by Law 13.104/15 and the National Guidelines on Feminicide, the work intends to investigate the incorporation of the gender perspective in feminicide trials in the Jury Courts of the City of Rio de Janeiro, which occurred after the entry into force of that law.

The present study shows and analyses how bodies codified as women’s bodies can resist in an extreme violence context situated in Ciudad Juárez on the México-U.S. border. To be resistant or to make resistance in these circumstances can be represented in different ways, through social and civic movements, art, literature and weapons. How these women’s bodies seem and how their resistance is and what they represent is the line of investigation of this study. This resistance is a direct confrontation to the feminicide and the diverse forms of violence against bodies codified as women exercised by men. As well as the peripheral feminisms it is a confrontation to a cis hetero-patriarchal capitalist context. Women’s bodies are the territory or the stage where violence, terror, power and exploitation converge. The reaction and rejection to this situation by a diverse collective of women highlights the struggle and the activism that these groups have as a way of life, a way of dissent and finally a way of resistance.

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