Les libertés publiques sont connues et réclamées par tous et partout. Elles doivent être protégées contre toute atteinte. Les atteintes portées aux libertés publiques le sont souvent par l'administration. La première institution à garantir les libertés publiques contre l'administration est le juge administratif, son juge ordinaire. Le juge administratif est le juge de l'administration, il juge son action, annule ou confirme ses décisions et lui adresse même des injonctions. La jurisprudence administrative montre que le juge administratif utilise souvent tous les instruments dont il dispose pour protéger les libertés publiques contre les atteintes qui leur sont portées par l'administration. Parmi ces instruments figurent l'interprétation étroite des cas d'incompétence du juge administratif en la matière, l'assouplissement du régime de recevabilité du recours, l'application extensive du référé-liberté, la faculté de compléter la lacune législative qui est d'ailleurs large et voulue dans le droit administratif, la création des principes généraux du droit, dont les plus importants sont le principe du caractère exceptionnel des limites aux libertés publiques et surtout des mesures de police et le principe d'égalité, l'interprétation restrictive des lois défavorables aux libertés publiques, l'interprétation extensive des lois favorables aux libertés publiques et l'engagement de la responsabilité publique au service des libertés publiques. / Public freedoms are known and demanded by everyone, everywhere. They must be protected against any attack. The infringements of public freedoms are often by the administration. The first institution to guarantee public freedoms against the administration is the administrative judge, his regular judge. The administrative judge is the judge of the administration, he consider his action, rescind or conform its decisions and directed her orders. The administrative case law shows that the administrative judge often uses all the instruments at its disposal to protect public freedoms against violations by the administration. These instruments include the narrow interpretation of the cases of incompetence of the administrative judge in the matter, easing the admissibility of the action plan, the extensive application of the petition for freedom, the ability to complete the legislative gap that is to also broad and deliberate in administrative law, the creation of general principles of law, the most important being the principle of the exceptional character of limits on public freedoms and especially of the police measures and the principle of equality, the restrictive interpretation of laws unfavorable to public freedoms, the broad interpretation of laws favorable to public freedoms and the commitment of public responsibility in the service of public freedoms.

This thesis focuses primarily on the question ”why is freedom of speech valuable in a democratic context?” I argue that it is problematic that free-dom of speech takes for granted and that the main question therefore is absent in current political science research, in legal texts, and in public discourse. I also argue that in democratic states the focus, regarding freedom of speech, is often on its boundaries and limits rather than on its justification. But it is highly problematic to find and establish its limits without dis-cussion why freedom of speech is desirable in the first place. The thesis poses two questions. The first concerns how freedom of speech is justified by the five strongest available arguments. I analyze the arguments and conclude that they justify freedom of speech differently but that they are similar in one aspect. Freedom of speech is not primarily justified as an individual right. It is rather justified in terms of the public good. The second question asks if we can reach a better understanding of the central arguments. I argue that the arguments have something in common; all of them justify freedom of speech with reference to a common value. I argue that this common value is what I call, a “reliable communication process”. All five arguments claim that freedom of speech is valuable because it promotes a reliable communication process. This process is reliable in terms of its capacity to create a pluralistic public discourse that exposes citizens to ideas and perspectives that they would not have chosen in advance. This study results in the following findings. First, that freedom of speech is valuable in a democratic context because the reliable communication process supports the central democratic value of the enlightened understanding of the democratic citizen. Secondly, that I can give a principled reason for the boundaries of freedom of speech. This means that, according to the arguments, there are reasons to abolish or limit freedom of speech if the reliable communication process is damaged or absent, for example in case of war, anarchy, or violent circumstances. Third, that there are strong reasons in support of a public service media, and greater state intervention in media politics. One strong reason for that conclusion is that a public service media can ensure a pluralistic communication in society and counteract information conformity and intolerance among the members of society.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:26:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rauelDissertacao.pdf: 498380 bytes, checksum: e550daca23c2a003fa7cf7636e6a49e1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-28 / This dissertation work is a requirement for completion of the masters in social policy of the Universidade Católica de Pelotas/ RS (Catholic University of Pelotas/RS) and it is linked to the line of research: social issues, human rights and access to justice, whichexamines the paradigms in the social and legal context, involving Law, Public Space and Citizenship, with special emphasis oncitizenship participation in the effectuation processes of social and human rights. The present work aims as object of research the educational practices- in terms of education existing and inprospective, in the 5th Penitentiary Region of Rio Grande do Sul, in prisons A and B. Education, object of this study, is contextualizedin a punitive system, which proposes itself legitimate through the promise of (re)insert the individual in society, without going into the motivations for crime. The empirical fact is that the prison population has characteristics and profile, among other things, low schooling, thereby suggesting that providing education is, besides guaranteeing a constitutional right, an important strategy.The work is based on a dense review of the Educating for Freedom Project, created in 2005, by the federal government, to attend educational demand within the prisons environment. This work is grounded in theoretical references from Pierre Bourdieu and Michel Foucault. Ouvir Beyond the theoretical study on education prison, interviews were held with technicians of the prisons, administrators of correctional institutions, prisoners, Regional Education Coordination, Municipal Education Department, penitentiary precinct and teachers. The survey allows us to analyze regional/local realities, though marked out by national guidelines, to produce not only more precise knowledge, but also develop basement, knowledge and strategies for its approach / Este trabalho de dissertação é requisito para a conclusão de Mestrado em Política Social da Universidade Católica de Pelotas/RS e está vinculado à linha de pesquisa questão social, direitos humanos e acesso à justiça, o qual estuda os paradigmas no contexto das relações sociais e jurídicas que envolvem Direito, Espaço Público e Cidadania, com destaque especial à participação da cidadania nos processos de efetivação dos direitos sociais e humanos. O presente trabalho visa como objeto de pesquisa as práticas educacionais - em termos de educação - existentes, e em perspectivas, na 5ª Região Penitenciária do Rio Grande do Sul, nos presídios A e B. A educação, objeto desse estudo, se contextualiza num sistema punitivo, o qual se propõe legítimo através da promessa de (re)inserir o indivíduo na sociedade, sem entrar aqui no mérito das motivações para o crime. O dado empírico é que a população encarcerada possui características e perfil, entre outras coisas, de baixa escolaridade, sugerindo, então que oferecer educação é, além de garantir um direito constitucional, uma estratégia importante. O trabalho se assenta em uma densa revisão ao Projeto Educando para Liberdade, criado no ano de 2005, pelo Governo Federal, para atender à demanda educacional dentro dos ambientes prisionais. O trabalho esta pautado num referencial teórico de Pierre Bourdieu e Michel Foucault. Além do estudo teórico sobre educação/prisão, foram feitas entrevistas com técnicos dos presídios, administradores das instituições prisionais, presos, Coordenadoria Regional de Educação, Secretarias Municipais de Educação, delegacia penitenciária e professores. A pesquisa permite analisar realidades regionais/locais, ainda que balizados por diretrizes nacionais, para se produzir, não só conhecimento mais preciso, mas também desenvolver embasamento, conhecimento e estratégias adequadas para sua abordagem

[pt] Nosso trabalho teve por finalidade analisar como se manifesta a interação teologia/educação nas atividades e procedimentos da escola católica. Para isto, localizamos escolas católicas que possuíam teólogos inseridos em suas equipe profissionais ou que tenham tido assessoria de teólogos durante um certo tempo. Interessava-nos saber como é percebida a presença do bacharel de teologia no cotidiano escola. Por outro lado, também procuramos perceber se o tema da escola em pastoral evidenciado pela linha da Educação para a Justiça e para a Liberdade era, ainda, uma proposta em vias de consolidação ou após 35 anos de seu anúncio tornou-se algo ultrapassado. Para cumprir o nosso objetivo, realizamos entrevistas semi- estruturadas com as direções, os professores de religião e teólogos que trabalham em escolas católicas; além de termos estudado os documentos das escolas (projetos políticos- pedagógicos, regimentos etc). Constatamos que há novos desafios a serem respondidos pela escola católica que deseja atuar em pastoral, dentre eles: o pluralismo religioso, o secularismo e a nova estrutura familiar. À nova problemática da escola católica a teologia, através da figura do bacharel, tem muito a colaborar. Os/as teólogos presentes nos diferentes colégios católicos que pesquisamos têm trabalhado em permanente diálogo com os setores pedagógicos, facilitando a real construção de uma comunidade educativa. Esta realidade, leva-nos a acreditar na fecundidade do diálogo entre a teologia e a educação. / [en] This study analyzes the interaction between Theology and Education in the activities and procedures of Catholic schools. With this objective, the study was carried out in Catholic schools with theologians amongst their staff or acting as consultants for a period of time. The principal focus was in understanding how a university graduate with a Theology degree is perceived. A related interest was in finding out whether the theme of pastoral schooling, grounded in the Theology of Liberation and emphasizing education for justice and freedom, is still a potent force, 35 years after its initiation, or has become obsolete. In order to achieve this objective, interviews were conducted with the headmasters, the teachers of religious studies and the theologians who work in these Catholic schools. School documents, such as the political-pedagogic project, rules and norms etc., were also analyzed. The study shows that new themes have been developed by Catholic schools wanting to develop pastoral work, including religious pluralism, secularism and the new family structure. The conclusion of the study is that Theology, through the figure of the university graduate with a bachelors degree in Theology, has a lot to contribute to the new problems faced by Catholic schools. Theologians, acting in the schools studied, have maintained a permanent dialogue with pedagogic themes, thus facilitating the construction of a real educational community. This leads us to believe in the fruitfulness of a dialogue between Theology and Education.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-05T18:03:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Flaviane Nascimento.pdf: 3522447 bytes, checksum: 38d5bfba666d9eb7acd72910912964ae (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-11-18T17:10:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Flaviane Nascimento.pdf: 3522447 bytes, checksum: 38d5bfba666d9eb7acd72910912964ae (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-18T17:10:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Flaviane Nascimento.pdf: 3522447 bytes, checksum: 38d5bfba666d9eb7acd72910912964ae (MD5) / CAPES / Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar projetos e experiências de liberdade na região de Feira de Santana das últimas décadas do escravismo. A questão que persigo nesta dissertação é quais expectativas e experiências de liberdade foram possíveis entre os anos de 1850 e 1888 por aqueles lados da Bahia. Analiso em que medida as formas de outorga da carta de alforria e o exercício da liberdade estavam firmemente imbricados no período. Trata-se de um estudo que avalia os significados e usos da carta de alforria dentro de uma determinada gramática da libertação e do domínio a partir de uma coleção documental ainda inédita. Ou seja, como as circunstâncias da manumissão, sua política e prática incidiram sobre experiências de liberdade vivenciadas e compartilhadas pelos egressos do cativeiro, notadamente nos anos que se seguiram às reformas do escravismo no Brasil. Para tanto foi necessário entender como os diferentes sujeitos envolvidos – libertandos, testemunhas, juízes e senhores - definiam o estado ou a condição de liberdade daqueles sujeitos em ações cíveis de liberdade levadas às barras do tribunal. Pretendi uma análise dos significados do viver por si, grifados na documentação cartorial e judiciária.This study aims to analyze projects and experiences of freedom in the area of Feira de Santana in final decades of slavery. The question that I chase in this dissertation is what expectations and experiences of freedom were possible between the years of 1850 and 1888 in those parts of Bahia. I analyze the extent to which the shapes of the grant of letter of manumission and the exercise of freedom were tightly interwoven in the period. This is a study that assesses the meanings and uses of the letter of manumission within a particular grammar of liberation and domination from a collection of documents still unpublished. That is, as the circumstances of manumission, its policy and practice focused on experiences of freedom experienced and shared by freedmen, especially in the years following the reforms of slavery in Brazil. Therefore it was necessary to understand how the different subjects involved - libertandos, witnesses, judges and slaveholders - defined the state or condition of freedom from those subject to civil lawsuits brought freedom to the bars of the court. Here I analyze the meanings of live by themselves, written in judicial and notarial documents.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:20:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Soares.pdf: 761404 bytes, checksum: 44e300758f15bb12eef253d08552ae45 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-09-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study discusses the relationship between spirituality and education for freedom from the anthropological perspective of human mimetic desire as key to the understanding of human relations, and spirituality as a fundamental dimension in the engagement in the battle for transformation of society. Through literature search, it is the analysis of the problem identified by Paulo Freire, that the oppressive "hosted" the oppressed represents an obstacle to the liberation, from the perspective of the theory of mimetic desire of René Girard. Works with the hypothesis that this essential element in anthropological thinking of Paulo Freire, forgotten as his pedagogical proposal assumed a character purely on conscience, refers to the dimension of spirituality. Because the distance between utopia of the liberation and the reality, establishes itself the scene of a crisis that falls not only on formal educators, but also on many of those who, at some point in their lives, whether in the battle for the engagement in social transformation. Since the method is well known, and it is acquire consciousness, the fact that the dreamed transformation has not occurred leads the conclusion that something failed in the process.(AU) / Este estudo discute a relação entre espiritualidade e educação para a liberdade, a partir da perspectiva antropológica da natureza mimeticamente desejante do ser humano como elemento chave para a compreensão das relações humanas, e da espiritualidade como dimensão fundamental para o engajamento na luta pela transformação da sociedade. Por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, procede-se à análise do problema identificado por Paulo Freire, de que o opressor hospedado no oprimido representa um obstáculo para a libertação, sob a ótica da teoria do desejo mimético de René Girard. Trabalha-se com a hipótese de que o elemento antropológico fundamental presente no pensamento de Paulo Freire, esquecido à medida que sua proposta pedagógica assumiu um caráter meramente conscientizador, referese à dimensão da espiritualidade. Diante do abismo que se coloca entre a utopia da libertação e a realidade instaura-se o cenário de crise que recai, não apenas sobre educadores formais, como também sobre muitos daqueles que, em algum momento de suas vidas, se engajaram na luta pela transformação social. Uma vez que o método é sabido, e é conscientizar, o fato de que a transformação sonhada não tenha ocorrido leva a conclusão de que alguma coisa falhou no processo.(AU)

This study aims to investigate how two forms of non-violent campaigns, one run by unionsand one without, have arisen. It is investigated by analyzing the mobilization processes of the two campaigns. The materials used in this study is the theoretical framework of Resource Mobilization Theory’s five resource mobilization categories. It was used as an alternative way to examine how and understand why the two movements turned out to be so different, where one was a labor movement and the other were not. The method used was a qualitative comparative case study. Through the comparison the study could identify some differences between the two movements campaigns. Through the comparison, the study was able to identify certain differences between the two movement campaigns. On the one hand, the scope and network of the campaigns were important for their emergence, and on the otherhand, the temporal context was important for the mobilizations of the cases.

近年來許多歐洲國家的極右派政黨打著反移民與反歐洲整合之主張，受到國內民眾的支持度越來越高。然而也有些國家如荷蘭的極右派政黨之表現卻正好相反，其支持率於2010年達到高峰後便逐年下降。本論文旨在探討荷蘭極右派政黨發展之歷史、荷蘭移民政策在「自由黨」於2006年創黨前後是否發生轉變，及其在創黨後至2014年年底為止中三次國會大選中所取得之成果，且勝選後又如何依其政見主導荷蘭移民政策之產出。 除了參考許多相關學術文獻，本論文亦以歷史研究途徑與文獻分析法對荷蘭近三次國會選舉結果與移民政策法規進行研究。研究結果顯示，荷蘭移民融合政策在自由黨成立前後之方向並無太大差異，其主要轉變在1980年代以後便開始逐漸醞釀，由起初對多元主義之嘗試走向90年代強調社會參與的整合主義，並在2000年後開始實施強調荷蘭單一國族認同與主流價值觀的同化主義至今。然而在自由黨於2010年成為國會第三大黨後，其藉由支持少數聯合內閣之方式，將其反移民之理念體現在2010年的政黨協議中，使移民接納政策在依親移民、申請獨立居留與享有社會福利的等待期、對非法居留外國人之待遇，以及境外移民整合考試等規定均漸趨嚴格。 / With their political ideologies strongly against immigrants and further integration of European Union, many far-right parties across Europe have been gaining more supports than ever in recent years, while the electoral outcomes for some far-right parties appear to be totally opposite. For instance, Party for Freedom (Partij voor de Vrijheid, PVV) in the Netherlands only reached its peak of political success in 2010, after which less and less supports from the public have been shown. To know better of such an unusual circumstance, not only the development of the far-right parties in the Netherlands will be discussed, this thesis also aims to probe into the difference of Dutch migration policy before and after PVV was founded, its election results in three times of general election until the end of 2014, and how it once successfully influenced the making of Dutch migration policy. In addition to taking many related literatures into account, in this thesis the results of the recent three times of general election, migration policy, migration law and regulations in the Netherlands are also being analyzed with historical approach and document analysis. The finding shows that there has been no major changes to Dutch integration policy before and after PVV was founded, for they already started to change gradually from multiculturalism in 1980s to integrationism in 1990s, and ended in assimilationism in 2000s as of today. Futhermore, after PVV became the third biggest party in 2010, it also obtained the power to influence the making of Dutch migration policy by supporting the formation of minor coalition government of VVD and CDA, followed by writing its ideologies against immigrants and the EU in the coalition agreement. With such a power, PVV successfully tightened the law and regulations for immigrants, such as imposing stricter qualification for family reunion, harder cultural integration exam to pass, and longer period to enjoy social welfare and political rights.

Islamophobia and New Populism in Contemporary Western Europe: France and the Netherlands Bc. Martina Kočařová The Master thesis Islamophobia and New Populism in Contemporary Western Europe: France and the Netherlands explores current transformations of populism in contemporary Western Europe. The main objectives of the thesis are following: First, to verify a hypothesis implying that islamophobia has become a new feature of the contemporary populism, which has been consequently changing in terms of its content. Thus, it can hardly be classified as another form of the 'far right' politics. In this context, one may observe its shift towards the centre of the political party system. Second, based on the above outlined assumption, we aim to study whether the populist parties can be considered 'populist' in spite of the new features they have recently adopted. The theoretical framework of our research refers to Paul Taggart's conceptualisation of populism applying it on the cases of the French National Front under the lead of Marine Le Pen and the Dutch Party for Freedom and his leader Geert Wilders.

Submitted by Flávia Fernandes Pinto (fla_fp@hotmail.com) on 2018-04-06T14:05:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia Fernandes - Imp. Assist. Educacional em Estabelecimentos Penais MS e SP - Mestrado.pdf: 3250634 bytes, checksum: 54405128e11070bdcb86152ca8de2a4f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2018-04-06T14:10:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia Fernandes - Imp. Assist. Educacional em Estabelecimentos Penais MS e SP - Mestrado.pdf: 3250634 bytes, checksum: 54405128e11070bdcb86152ca8de2a4f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzane Guimarães (suzane.guimaraes@fgv.br) on 2018-04-06T14:25:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia Fernandes - Imp. Assist. Educacional em Estabelecimentos Penais MS e SP - Mestrado.pdf: 3250634 bytes, checksum: 54405128e11070bdcb86152ca8de2a4f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-06T14:25:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia Fernandes - Imp. Assist. Educacional em Estabelecimentos Penais MS e SP - Mestrado.pdf: 3250634 bytes, checksum: 54405128e11070bdcb86152ca8de2a4f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-01 / Este trabalho pretende investigar o processo de implementação das políticas públicas de educação – formal e não formal – aos privados de liberdade no estado do Mato Grosso do Sul (MS) e de São Paulo (SP). Essa análise será feita a partir das legislações nacionais e, sobretudo, estaduais e estudos de campo com a finalidade de verificar como ocorre a implementação da educação em duas penitenciárias para condenados do sexo masculino em regime fechado: Instituto Penal de Campo Grande – MS e Penitenciária I 'Mário Moura Albuquerque' de Franco da Rocha – SP. Para isso, foi realizada pesquisa qualitativa por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas com custodiados alunos e não alunos dessas penitenciárias e com os profissionais responsáveis por essa implementação dos seguintes órgãos: Secretaria de Estado de Educação do MS, Secretaria Estadual de Educação de SP, Agência Estadual de Administração do Sistema Penitenciário do MS, Secretaria de Administração Penitenciária de SP – e aos seus órgãos vinculados: Escola Estadual Polo Professora Regina Lúcia Anffe Nunes Betine - MS, Escola Estadual Domingos Cambhiagi - SP e Fundação Professor Doutor Manoel Pedro Pimentel - SP. A partir daí, a pesquisadora buscou compreender a implementação da educação no Instituto Penal de Campo Grande e na Penitenciária I 'Mário Moura Albuquerque' de Franco da Rocha – SP referente ao período temporal correspondente ao das entrevistas – ano de 2017, abarcando também 2015 e 2016. / This thesis goal is to investigate the implementation process of educational public policies - both formal and informal - for individuals deprived of freedom in Mato Grosso do Sul (MS) and Sao Paolo (SP) states. This analysis has as starting point the Brazilian legislation, mainly state legislations and field studies, with the purpose of verifying how the implementation of education is conducted to convicted male individuals in two state prisons: 'Instituto Penal de Campo Grande – MS' e Penitenciária I 'Mário Moura Albuquerque' de Franco da Rocha – SP. To accomplish this objective a qualitative research was conducted by using semi structured interviews with student inmates and non-student inmates as well as the personnel responsible for the implementation from the following state agencies: ‘Secretaria de Estado de Educação do MS’, ‘Secretaria Estadual de Educação de SP’, 'Agência Estadual de Administração do Sistema Penitenciário do MS', 'Secretaria de Administração Penitenciária de SP' – and associated institutions: 'Escola Estadual Polo Professora Regina Lúcia Anffe Nunes Betine - MS', 'Escola Estadual Domingos Cambhiagi - SP' e 'Fundação Professor Doutor Manoel Pedro Pimentel - SP'. From this perspective the researcher tried to understand the implementation of the educational policies at the 'Instituto Penal de Campo Grande' and at the Penitenciária I 'Mário Moura Albuquerque' de Franco da Rocha in the time frame corresponding to the interviews – 2017 – and also 2015 and 2016.