Este trabalho tem por objetivo compreender um plano de insurreição escrava, organizado na Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Aldeia dos Anjos em 1863, focando, principalmente, na questão da mobilidade espacial dos cativos pela localidade. Para chegarmos a esta compreensão, tornou-se necessário empreender uma análise mais detalhada de aspectos geográficos, sociais e econômicos dessa freguesia, da qual buscamos destacar sua posição geográfica, população, atividades econômicas e tipo de estrutura de posse escrava. Tais informações foram cruzadas com os dados presentes em inventários post-mortem de integrantes dos grupos familiares ligados aos senhores de alguns dos insurgentes. Essa comparação permitiu-nos entender a estrutura das propriedades senhoriais - atividades econômicas, tamanho da propriedade escrava e perfil dos escravos - nas quais os insurgentes viviam, bem como possibilitou-nos compreender fragmentos das redes de relações senhoriais com as quais os escravos estavam acostumados a lidar em seu cotidiano. A compreensão de tais questões permitiu-nos sugerir algumas possibilidades explicativas para a mobilidade espacial dos insurgentes pelas diversas propriedades senhoriais, que estavam diretamente relacionadas a dois pontos fundamentais: 1) as atividades desenvolvidas pelos escravos nas propriedades senhoriais e 2) as redes de relações familiares dos cativos de seus senhores. / This dissertation aims to understand a slave insurrection plan organized in Freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Aldeia dos Anjos (Nossa Senhora da Aldeia dos Anjos Parish) in 1863, focusing on captives’ space mobility in the parish. The understanding of this plan demanded a detailed analysis of geographical, social and economic aspects of that parish. Its geographic position, population, economic activities, and type of structure of slaves' position were thus emphasized. Information gathered was collated with data found in post-mortem inventories of members of family groups connected to the owners of some insurrectionaries. This comparison enabled to understand the structure of slave owner properties - their economic activities, size of slave property, and slaves’ profile - where insurrectionaries used to live. The comparison also made it possible to understand fragments of slave owners’ relationship networks with which slaves were used to deal in their everyday routine. Understanding these issues enabled to suggest some possible explanations for insurrectionaries’ space mobility through slave owners’ properties. Those possible explanations were directly related to two fundamental points: 1. Activities performed by slaves in slave owners’ properties, and 2. Family relationship networks among captives and their owners.

Le gouverneur civil portugais ne cesse d’être, pour les juristes, les politistes et les historiens, une sourceconstante d’interrogations. Établi en 1832 par José Xavier MOUZINHO da SILVEIRA avec le titre de prefeito, puisen 1835 avec celui de gouverneur civil, en même temps que la création du district en tant que division administrativedu territoire, il a été, dès ses origines, fortement inspiré du préfet français. L’institution a été instaurée dans laperspective de créer une séparation entre les fonctions juridictionnelles et administratives, lesquelles relevaient descomarcas. De même, il s’agissait de doter le pouvoir royal d’une réelle structure politique à l’échelon local. Par lasuite, les Codes administratifs successifs, révisés ou adoptés quasiment à chaque alternance politique, avantl’avènement de l’État Nouveau et la Constitution Politique de 1933, n’ont pas bouleversé fondamentalement lesattributions de l’institution en tant que représentation locale du pouvoir central, et il a fallu attendre le Codeadministratif de 1940 pour faire du gouverneur civil un acteur essentiel de la vie administrative et politique locale.Après la transition démocratique, qui a fait suite à la Révolution des OEillets du 25 avril 1974, et l’adoption de laConstitution de la République Portugaise de 1976, le gouverneur civil, toujours nommé par le pouvoir central, a étémaintenu à titre transitoire… durant quatre décennies. Depuis l’échec du référendum du 8 novembre 1998, relatif à larégionalisation administrative du territoire, les relations complexes de la classe politique à l’égard de l’institutioncentrale du district se sont toujours inscrites entre perspectives de suppression, volonté de réformes et indécisions. Encela, elles sont révélatrices des atermoiements et des paradoxes de la classe politique qui souhaitait une réforme enprofondeur du gouverneur civil, mais qui maintenait l’institution dans une situation ambiguë. La loi organiquen° 1/2011 du 30 novembre 2011 a disposé que le gouverneur civil était supprimé. En l’absence d’un représentantlocal du pouvoir central on propose une réforme théorique dans laquelle le prefeito régional représenterait l’État dansles régions administratives lorsqu’elles auront été instaurées. / The role of the Portuguese Civil Governor remains a constant source of interrogation for lawyers, politicalscientists and historians. It was established in 1832 by José Xavier MOUZINHO da SILVEIRA, under the title ofPrefeito then in 1835 at the time of the creation of the district as an administrative division of the territory, the titlebecame the “Civil Governor”. It was initially inspired by the French Prefect. The institution was founded in anattempt to separate the jurisdictional and administrative functions within the districts. Similarly, the goal was toprovide the royal power with a real political structure at local level. Accordingly, before the advent of the New Stateand the Political Constitution of 1933, the revised and adopted administrative codes, resulting from any politicalchange, did not fundamentally alter the powers of the institution as a local representation of the central power. TheCivil Governor only became a key player in the administration and local politics following the Administrative Codeof 1940. After the democratic transition following the Carnation Revolution (April 25, 1974) and the adoption of theConstitution of the Portuguese Republic in 1976, the Civil Governor, who was always appointed by the centralgovernment, has remained in a transitory state for four decades, more than a third of a century. Since the referendumof November 8th 1998 relating to the administrative regionalization of the territory failed, the complex relationshipsbetween the political class and the central institution of the district have always wavered between the prospect ofsuppression, the desire for reform and indecisiveness. As such these relations revealed the prevarications andparadoxes of the political class which wanted an in depth reform of the Civil Governor’s role while maintaining theinstitution in an ambiguous situation. The organic law n° 1/2011 of November 30th 2011 states that the CivilGovernor is abolished. In the absence of the local representative of the central power, a theoretical reform is proposedwhere the regional Prefeito represents the State in the administrative regions once they are established.