Thesis (M. Phil.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-137). Also available in electronic version. Access restricted to campus users.

The aim of this study was to understand how gang members desist from their gangs and which role authorities have in the process. More specifically the aim was to discover turning points and find out how the former gang members themselves look upon the contact with authorities, for example social services. This study was based on five interviews and two autobiographies with former gang members. The interviews took place in a organisation for former offenders in Sweden and the choice of autobiographies was based on the purpose of this study. As the results showed, the most common turning points was social bonds, fear of prison, disappointment and traumatic events or experiences. Authorities did not have any impact on the decision of leaving the gang. Former gang members also indicated that they had negative experiences with the authorities. Based on the results of this study suggestions for improvement have emerged. Authorities need to have experienced employees, knowledge about gang members, have a flexible work method and a positive approach.

The impact of intervention strategies to reduce gang related violence by Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the community at large has so far not attracted much attention or support from provincial and national authorities. Helenvale and its surrounding areas plays an integral part of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality as the economic-hub of the Eastern Cape Province. But its gang problem has evolved over decades of socio-economic difficulties and struggle for a better life in the predominantly Coloured community. In order for this problem to be overcome a more strategically focused intervention strategy is required by local, provincial, and national authorities. This research study evaluates the gang intervention strategies in the Helenvale area and seeks to provide a primary research base from which key policies and strategies could be developed to address this challenge in an effort to bring about peace and stability in this community and other affected areas within close proximity of the area of study. At the heart of providing possible solutions to practices of gangsterism amongst mostly the youth, should be a well-coordinated intergovernmental high impact intervention strategy in partnership with NGO’s, civil society and other sectors of the community. Further solutions are the investment by authorities in rehabilitation centres, with skills development and job-creation opportunities as a key exit strategy for those involved in gangs. Acknowledgement that the enhancement and development of mediation skills of community based structures through the sharing of critical conflict theory and mediation practices, could make a substantial contribution to greater peace and stability in our communities.

The problems that gang members create within adult correctional facilities continue to receive attention in the literature. Gang members within juvenile institutions have received far less attention from researchers, and misconduct of these juveniles, both serious and non-serious, is relatively unexplored. This study explored the institutional misconduct of 4,309 male delinquents released from the Texas Youth Commission. Youths younger at commitment, those with a higher TYC risk score, and those youths with emotional problems were found more likely to commit both serious and non-serious institutional misconduct, regardless of gang membership. This thesis concludes with suggestions for additional research on gang members within juvenile institutions and the relationship of gang membership to institutional misconduct.

The Bulk Electric System (BES) in the United States includes transmission lines of 100kV and above, transformers of 100kV and above on Low Voltage (LV) side and generating units that step up to 100 kV and above. The BES is a power network that connects different states and utility companies via tie lines for exchange of Power. To maintain the integrity of power systems, it is very important to keep the BES intact and for that the regulatory authority, North American Electric Reliability Corporation (NERC), has developed over 100s of reliability standards and is responsible to enforce them. During the past several years, the U.S has experienced power system instability events in which a fault occurred on one part of a system and travelled through the entire interconnection. Some of the extreme events are a major concern for power systems in the U.S that consists of Cascading, Uncontrolled Separation and natural disasters damaging the transmission circuits. Protection System plays important role towards the stability of power systems, but most important aspect of protection system is the Critical Fault Clearing Time. This case study focused on the Critical Fault Clearing Time enhancement by making a comparison between a Gang Operated (GO) and Independent Pole Operated (IPO) Breaker. An extreme event was considered as a fault scenario for the case study that consisted of three phase fault followed by breaker failure scenario. PSS®E 33.9 software was used to perform dynamic study on three different power plants to show the comparison between GO breaker and IPO breaker. A tremendous improvement was achieved using IPO breaker with more than 100% increase in Critical Fault Clearing Time.

Violent non-state actors have represented a significant challenge for both national and international security in recent decades. One of the many countries that have experienced extensive violence perpetrated by these entities is also Kenya. Particularly armed group called Mungiki managed to become influential security, political, criminal and religious actor. Considering frequent transformations of the group making it difficult to determine what type of violent non-state actor Mungiki is, the group still represents a challenging case for researchers to fully comprehend. To contribute to the understanding of this entity and extend contemporary knowledge of violent non-state actors, this study aims to conceptualize individual phases of Mungiki development and discover mechanisms behind its recurrent metamorphoses from one type of violent actor to another. Based on the review of existing literature focused on violent non-state actors, their conceptualization, emergence, and transformations, the thesis uses a case-centric process- tracing method aimed at explaining particular outcomes of individual transformations. The study consists of an in-depth analysis of Mungiki development in the context of Kenyan security and political environment. The results indicate that Mungiki represented different types...

Abstract The purpose of this bachelor’s thesis (C-uppsats) is to analyse the Swedish governments 34-point programme, which contains measures for preventing gang criminality, to see if the government has addressed the theoretical perspective of social capital. The analysis will be conducted using the previously mentioned theoretical perspective. To make the analysis, two different interpretations of the theoretical perspective was combined into a theoretical analysis framework. Which contained the codes used for analysing the text material. The theoretical analysis framework contains the four most central elements from both the interpretations of the theoretical perspective, regarding social capitals effects on criminality, and has been filtered out and used in the analysis.  This thesis is designed as a case study and to conduct it, a qualitative analysis method has been used. Choosing this method has led to a more deep going analysis of the material. It has made it possible to observe interesting information between the written lines thanks to the thorough reading of all material, which is a part of the qualitative text analysis. The deductions made from the thesis analysis are as follows. The government has considered three of the four central elements of social capital that affects criminality. Which means they have taken social capital into account. The measures proposed for preventing gang criminality are also believed to work since the government addresses the theoretical perspective. This is backed up by both the theoretical perspective and by earlier studies. However, the fourth central element that the government has not addressed in their programme is negative social capital, which is an important element. They have not addressed the fact that negative social capital could lead to all their proposed measures of preventing gang criminality having the opposite effect. The proposed measures could increase the criminality or make it harder integrating the gang members back into “normal” society, thanks to the negative social capital.  Therefore, the government receives criticism at the end of the thesis for not addressing this central element in their programme. It is proposed that the government should rework the 34-point programme to also include a consideration of the negative social capital and to have some form of risk analysis in the programme as well. Just in case the proposed measures do not work, or if they increase gang criminality. At the very end of the thesis, possible subjects for further studying in the future are presented.

Gang-related crime and the increased deadly violence it has given rise to, is one of the most highlighted societal problems in our time. It is a recurring theme in public debates and it challenges the Swedish self-image as a successful welfare state. Considering that gang-related crime is a key voter issue of the upcoming 2022 elections, this study aims to explore Sweden's two largest parties', the Moderates and the Social Democrats, rhetoric ongang-related crime. This study focuses on central discourses by the parties and what effects these may have in vulnerable areas. Empirical data linked to gang-related crime has been collected from the parties' websites and social media, and Jönson's problem perspective has been applied to analyze and summarize the material. The results indicate that the parties' positions are based on preventive and punitive measures against gang members. The theoretical frame consists of critical discourse analysis and the concepts of labeling and territorial stigmatization, which in the study's analysis contribute with knowledge of how individuals, groups and neighborhoods are blamed for the causes of gang-related crime. The study's conclusion is that the political discourses reproduce and reinforce societal problems linked to gang-related crime. / Gängkriminalitet och det ökade dödliga våld det bidragit till är ett av de mest uppmärksammade samhällsproblem i vår tid. Det är ett återkommande tema i samhällsdebatter och utmanar den svenska självbilden som lyckad välfärdsstat. Då gängkriminalitet är en av de viktigaste väljarfrågorna inför det kommande valet 2022, syftar denna studie att undersöka Sveriges två största partier, Moderaternas och Socialdemokraternas, retorik kring gängkriminalitet. Denna studie fokuserar på partiernas centrala diskurser och vilka effekter dessa kan få för utsatta områden. Empiriskt material kopplat till gängkriminalitet har insamlats från partiernas hemsidor och sociala medier, och Jönsons problemperspektiv har använts för att analysera och summera materialet. Resultatet visar att partiernas ståndpunkter baseras på förebyggande och straffande åtgärder gentemot gängkriminella. Den teoretiska referensramen består av kritisk diskursanalys samt begreppen stämpling och territoriell stigmatisering som i studiens analys bidrar med kunskap om hur individer, grupper och bostadsområden blir skuldbelagda för gängkriminalitetens orsaker. Studiens slutsats är att de politiska diskurserna reproducerar samt förstärker sociala problem kopplat till gängkriminalitet.

The purpose of this report is to investigate how the government through its measures of the problem with gang crime represent the problem. In other words, what is the problem of gang crime represented to be according to their action program by name “34-punktsprogrammet”. The study also examines whether these measures go hand in hand with what research believes can counteract criminal behavior in individuals. Among the questions at issue are 1. In what way is the problem of gang crime described and represented in the government's action program? 2. Is there a perspective that is left unproblematic in the category "crime prevention" in the government's action program? The study is based on theories about criminal policy, citizens' growing interest in these questions, and the research's answers that can counteract that individuals break the norms and commit crimes. The results of the study indicate that the government represents the problem of gang crime as an efficiency problem, a problem that is due to too lenient punishments, that citizens do not trust the state as their protector and a welfare problem. The study also shows what is left unproblematic in the program are early aspects of the youth's upbringing, for example diagnoses that affect the individual's schooling.

In this paper I argue that in a mediatized Australia, where media are increasingly constructing society and culture as a whole, racializing frames used by Melbourne newspapers The Age and Herald Sun during a two-month period in 2018 contribute to the continued ‘othering’ of the ‘highly visible’ Sudanese-Australian and Sudanese refugee communities, and the erosion of the policy, and lived reality, of multiculturalism in Australia. Building upon the existing extensive body of research about the representation of refugee groups in Australian media, I use media framing theory to inform my analysis. In order to understand what media frames the Melbourne print media constructed around the ‘African gang crisis’ in 2018 I chose to conduct a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the types of sources used, and the quotes referenced, within the news articles. The analysis shows that ‘the media’ cannot be treated as one homogenous ‘sense-making’ group, as latent patterns of dominating source types as used by each newspaper point to specific ‘newsroom frames’ for each outlet. These ‘newsroom frames’ should be taken into account when exploring the media frames and, specifically, the role of racializing frames, in understanding the ‘othering’ of black Sudanese people in Australia in relation to the country’s ‘white majority’. Only with this understanding can we begin to dismantle the lingering impact of the country’s ‘White Australia Policy’ past and make multiculturalism the solid foundation of Australia’s future.