<p>The first of the dual purposes of this work has been to describe the research that has been done regarding the root causes of terrorism and second, using a general causal theory and examining the political dimensions of it, to discuss whether or not general causal theories (grand-theories) are helpful for researchers and policy-makers when reacting to social developments in the form of terrorism. The essay is a qualitative literature analysis and I have based my studies on mostly new books treating root causes of terrorism. I have concentrated on discussing international terrorism and how political dimensions may impact the occurence of this form of political violence. The conclusions I have made is that there is no widespread consensus among researchers and scholars as to what really causes terrorism. Neither can the general model examined in chapter 5 be used to predict when and where terrorism will occur next. The author of the model says that different types of political systems may act as catalysts for terrorism, although some democracys are targeted by terrorists and some are not. That strongly indicates to me that there is no strong causality between type of political system and terrorism, at least not between type of political system and international terrorism.</p><p>The above leads me to believe that there is no way of constructing a grand-theory that can explain all occurence of terrorism. There will always be factors that cannot be charted and that no one can predict. If one were to continue mapping the political factors that catalyst terrorism one would do well by looking at the relationship between policy and the occurence of terrorism. What political factors do the countries that have been attacked have in common?</p><p>Instead of trying to manufacture grand-theories explaining why terrorism occurs I conclude that researchers and scholars studying the political causes of terrorism ought to approach terrorismstudies in an intense empirical way, analyzing specific cases in depth. Policy-makers would also be better off analyzing the specific political factors of their time and geographical location rather than trying to adopt a view that all terrorism can be charted and prevented in a universal way.</p>

<p><p>Two organizations with different frequency on their events have been researched by deep interviews and an observation. The examined organizations are Löfbergs Lila Arena and Karlstad Grand Prix.</p><p>The traditional event organization primarily focuses on solving problems and delegating tasks during their meetings. And can therefore be seen as single loop learning. This leads to a situation where problems are being solved individually and the organization becomes very dependant on certain persons.</p><p>The more process oriented event organization discuss their problems and tries to find the source of the problem. This implies that they use double loop learning and become less dependant on a specific person, rather the position.</p>The tourism industry is one of the fastest growing industries in Sweden. Events are a contributing part of this growth. The purpose of this paper is to examine how the transfer of experience differs between a traditional event organization and a more process oriented one.</p>

<p>“Fröknarna von Pahlen”, is a series of novels written by the author Agnes von Krusenstjerna. Especially the fourth and fifth parts, published in 1933, raised questions about sexuality, especially about what was conceived as perverse and provoking descriptions. “Fröknarna von Pahlen” became a part of heated debates about what is acceptable to write about. How can the so called Pahlen feud be understood from an intersectional perspective, and from a focus on values, and by discussing imagined communities? The purpose is to find out what is going on in these debates. Six different values are being pointed out; art and skill, truth, freedom of speech and freedom of the press, the value in the young, the value in female perspectives, and moral values. There is a number of knot points tied to these values, and differentiating processes such as sex, class, age, ethnicity, religion etc. are all intertwined in these debates. From an intersectional understanding, none of these processes are more primal than another. The knot points are both of an emotional nature and thematic. The individual voices that emerge in the feud are named small narratives, and the more intersubjective narratives are called grand narratives. These narratives are being investigated rhetorically; for instance how some stories can appear more as truths than others, and it is analyzed how they separate people in groups and create hierarchies. They are also being seen from an emotional perspective; how individual feelings are a part of emotions, larger contexts and meaning coherences. These feelings are also understood as actions. Throughout the investigation there is a hermeneutic will to make things intelligible, and respect and point out the many different perspectives. This is being made in a cultural relativistic attempt. By focusing on imagined communities, different comradeships and groups in the feud can be pointed out. People can consider themselves parts of these groups, but they can also, more or less involuntarily, be considered as parts of these groups. In the writers opinion, the most important question is how “extreme” sexual descriptions an author is allowed to bring forth.<em></em><em></em></p>

This book examines and analyses the Union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Sweden signed in 1655 at Kėdainiai and the political crisis that followed. The union was a result of strong separatist dreams among the Lithuanian-Ruthenian Protestant elite led by the Radziwiłł family, and if implemented it would radically change the balance of power in the Baltic Sea region. The main legal point of the Union was the breach of Lithuanian federation with Poland and the establishment of a federation with Sweden. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania aspired to return to international relations as a self-governing subject. The Union meant a new Scandinavian alternative to Polish and Russian domination. The author places the events in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the general crisis that occurred in Europe in the middle of the 17th century characterized by a great number of wars, rebellions and civil wars from Portugal to Ukraine, and which builds the background to the crisis for Lithuania and Sweden. The research proved the importance of lesser powers in changing the geopolitical balance between the Great Powers. The conflict over Lithuania and Belarus was the main reason for the Swedish-Russian, Polish-Russian and Ukrainian-Russian wars. The failure of the Union with Sweden was caused by both internal and external factors. Internally, various ethnic, confessional and political groups within the nobility of Lithuania were split in favour of different foreign powers – from Muscovy to Transylvania. The external cause for the failure of the Union project was the failure of Swedish strategy. Sweden concentrated its activity to Poland, not to Lithuania. After the Union, Swedish authorities treated the Grand Duchy as an invaded country, not an equal. The Swedish administration introduced heavy taxation and was unable to control the brutality of the army. As a result Sweden was defeated in both Lithuania and Poland. Among the different economic, political and religious explanations of the general crisis, the case of Lithuania shows the importance of the political conflicts. For the separatists of Lithuania the main motive to turn against Poland and to promote alliance with Sweden, Russia or the Cossacks was the inability of Poland to shield the Grand Duchy from a Russian invasion.The Lithuanian case was a provincial rebellion led by the native nobility against their monarch, based on tradition of the previous independence and statehood period. It was not nationalism in its modern meaning, but instead a crisis of identity in the form of a conflict between Patria and Central Power. However, the cost of being a part of Sweden or Muscovy was greater than the benefit of political protection. Therefore, the pro-Polish orientation prevailed when Poland after 1658 recovered its military ability the local nobility regrouped around Warsaw. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania managed to remain on the political map of Europe, but at the price of general religious Catholization and cultural Polonization. After the crisis, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania gradually changed into a deep province of the Polish state.

Two organizations with different frequency on their events have been researched by deep interviews and an observation. The examined organizations are Löfbergs Lila Arena and Karlstad Grand Prix. The traditional event organization primarily focuses on solving problems and delegating tasks during their meetings. And can therefore be seen as single loop learning. This leads to a situation where problems are being solved individually and the organization becomes very dependant on certain persons. The more process oriented event organization discuss their problems and tries to find the source of the problem. This implies that they use double loop learning and become less dependant on a specific person, rather the position. The tourism industry is one of the fastest growing industries in Sweden. Events are a contributing part of this growth. The purpose of this paper is to examine how the transfer of experience differs between a traditional event organization and a more process oriented one.

Pour le géologue, l'application de la méthode des traces de fission permet d'obtenir des renseignements précieux sur l'histoire thermique des roches. Dans ce travail, cette méthode est appliquée à l'étude des Alpes franco-italiennes, sur une transversale d'Ivrée au Mont Blanc, recoupant le massif du Grand Paradis et les ophiolites de la zone Piémontaise. La comparaison des résultats obtenus dans ces différentes unités, nous apporte des contraintes thermiques et temporelles pour les phases de métamorphisme Haute Pression et Schiste Vert. Nous proposons un modèle géodynamique de l'orogenèse alpine dans ce secteur des Alpes internes .

This thesis examines the Grand Paris Express project currently underway in the Île-de-France. The basis of this project is a series of new and renovated railway lines to connect and span across the entirety of the region. They are being planned with the hopes to improve urbanization for the outlying suburbs. The Île-de-France is the wealthiest region in France, but it has high economic inequality between its departments. One hard hit area is Seine-St-Denis. This is the area I will be focusing primarily on. Department number 93, its urban landscape holds histories of rioting, unemployment, and large immigrant populations. In its underdeveloped growth, residents are calling for socio-spatial justice. Professor of Urban and Regional planning Edward Soja (1980) coins this as a “social-spatial dialectic” (208), where any given space is inherently political. Currently, residents in Department 93 are engaged in this “dialectic”, taking action by means of redefining the places where they live. In addition to demands for spatial equality is a more complex and hidden protest: the demand from marginalized citizens for an adjusted French ideology with respect to national identity. In their spatial marginalization, groups are contesting the egalitarian claims of the state based on where they live. I explore the historical significance of the Seine-St-Denis department in the Île-de-France’s urbanizing efforts. This thesis argues that planning for the Grand Paris Express represents the effects of a new French identity in formation. But while Paris is being recreated to accommodate those living in the outer communes, an anti-immigrant state narrative is also resulting in reformed urban planning in an existing discriminatory French ideology. However, as I plan to prove later in my research, the Grand Paris Express will provide more social access for France’s marginalized citizens.

La fin des années 1960 et le début des années 1970 au Québec sont marqués par une ample vague d’affirmation identitaire à laquelle participent les écrivains, dramaturges, chansonniers et monologuistes de l'époque. Durant leur premier cycle de créations (1969-1971), le Grand Cirque Ordinaire et le Théâtre du Même Nom, deux collectifs d’acteurs, chefs de file du Jeune Théâtre, prennent part à ce mouvement. Ce projet de recherche entend analyser la pratique des deux collectifs en tissant des liens avec les traditions théâtrales qui l'ont précédée. Avant l'émergence d'une conscience nationale québécoise durant la fin des années 1960 (québécité), les scènes du Québec sont marquées par deux courants : la francité et l'américanité. L'influence de ces derniers sur la pratique du Grand Cirque Ordinaire et du Théâtre du Même Nom peut être éclairée par les notions de culture première et de culture seconde (Dumont, 1968). Les acteurs des deux troupes sont formés dans les écoles de jeu montréalaises (École Nationale et Conservatoire de Montréal) selon les principes du théâtre d'art français. Au moment de se constituer en collectif, ils rejettent cette culture seconde – qui leur apparaît étrangère, élitiste, universaliste – et se revendiquent de la tradition locale et populaire du burlesque. Dans leur pratique, le GCO et le TMN s'inspirent de l'américanité et renouvellent globalement l'approche du jeu et du théâtre qui leur a été transmise à l'école. Ainsi, deux conceptions du jeu s'opposent, l'une dans laquelle l'acteur répond aux besoins du texte en sa qualité d'interprète, l'autre dans laquelle il apparaît davantage créateur et polyvalent. Sur le plan du contenu, les collectifs québécois renouvellent le réalisme canadien-français de Gratien Gélinas et de Marcel Dubé en questionnant et en critiquant la culture québécoise (famille, religion catholique, condition ouvrière) dans leurs spectacles. D'un point de vue scénique, ils développent une esthétique originale : le « nouveau réalisme québécois ». Largement inspirée des procédés brechtiens, elle se définit comme un condensé de réel, une version dessinée à gros traits de celui-ci. Finalement, cette esthétique scénique se caractérise par son aspect québécois, populaire et critique.

Cette thèse concerne la synthèse, la caractérisation et l'utilisation en catalyse de ligands à grand angle de morsure à base de phosphole. La première partie de ce travail traite d'études effectuées autour d'un ligand rigide basé sur le squelette xanthène, le XDPP. Après avoir caractérisé le premier complexe hydrure d'or présentant des ligands phosphorés, nous avons tenté de comprendre le mécanisme de la silylation déshydrogénative catalysée avec des complexes cationiques d'or avec une étude combinée expérimentale et théorique. Enfin, l'étude de la réactivité du XDPP vis-à-vis de la protonation a été abordée. Dans une deuxième partie, la synthèse diastéréosélective de composés à base de phospholes présentant un squelette hétéromacrocyclique flexible basé sur le squelette porphyrinoique, les calix-[1]phosphaferrocène-[2]phosphole-[1]hétérocycle, a été réalisée. Les premières études d'électrochimie menées sur ces macrocycles, ont montré une activité rédox intéressante avec le stockage d'au moins deux électrons réversiblement. Les études de coordination des macrocycles ont permis de synthétiser des complexes thermodynamiques et cinétiques. Les premiers essais de chélation intracavité réalisés avec des métaux (Ag, Pd) révèlent un ligand pouvant jouer le rôle de ligand à grand angle de morsure. Dans une dernière partie, le principe de fonctionnement d'une stratégie d'homologation et de pseudo-désymétrisation des phosphamétallocènes a été prouvé. Cette démarche pourrait permettre d'aboutir à la synthèse de macrocycles porphyrinogènes énantiopurs. La synthèse de phosphines énantiopures basées sur le squelette phosphaferrocène présentant une certaine modularité a été réalisée.

This project examines the foreign policy rhetoric of Bill Clinton in the post-Cold War world. My reading of Clinton’s rhetoric reveals that a change/order binary underwrote his oratory. Clinton defined change as being the underlying guidepost of the post-Cold War international setting. Order was defined through how he could guide, shape, direct, and manage American foreign policy in a sea of change, represented through his use of what I call America’s foreign policy vocabulary. This lexicon is based on three rhetorical components—the definitions of America’s role in the world, identification of the enemies we face, and the grand strategy we use to achieve American interest—have been a resource for presidential foreign policy discourse since America’s founding. Clinton’s use of this vocabulary maintained continuity in its use with his predecessors, but he also modified it in key ways to deal with the changes of the global environment. These modifications positioned Clinton to direct and manage the change to serve American interests which offered a semblance of order for American foreign policy in a sea of international disorder.