The purpose of this study is to produce an Africological model that lends attention to epistemological questions in African diaspora research through theoretical and culturally based analysis, ultimately to aid the historical and psychological restoration of Africans in diaspora. This work reflects the theoretical and historic stream of scholarship that centers geographic Africa as the adhesive principle of study in shaping and understanding the cultural and political ally-ship between different African diasporic communities. My aim is to illustrate what Africa represents in diaspora and how it was shaped in the conscious minds and actions of early Africans in diaspora from their own vantage point. Secondly, through a case study of the intra-diasporic relationship between Haiti and free Africans of Philadelphia following the Haitian Revolution, this work lays precedence for the expansion of an African diasporic consciousness. The significance of the intra-diasporic relationship is in the mutual recognition that Haitians and Africans in North America considered themselves a common people. Moreover, they developed an international relationship during the early 19th century to serve their mutual interest in African freedom and autonomous development despite Western expansion. My research locates Africa as the place of origin for dispersed and migrating African diasporic communities, operating as a binding source. In this study Africa is explored as a cognitive and geo-political cultural location for African people in diaspora. I support that African diasporic communities exist as extended African cultural locations of awareness which can and have been negotiated by communities depending on their agency, support, and circumstance to achieve collective goals. / African American Studies

No description available.

Black people in the U.S. die at younger ages, have significantly higher rates of death from treatable medical conditions, are more likely to have late-stage breast and colon cancer diagnoses and more likely to die from these cancers, and are at higher risk for chronic illnesses compared to other racial and ethnic groups. Accessing healthcare is crucial to health and well-being; however, U.S. immigrants' use of healthcare services is far less than native-born Americans. Haitian immigrants experience health disparities at the highest rate compared to other Black immigrants in the U.S. Given their unique history, culture, and immigration experience, it is necessary to understand the health-seeking decision-making process and behaviors among Haitian immigrants. This study thus explored the following research question: How do Haitian immigrants make decisions about their health-seeking behavior? In response, this qualitative study used the Grounded Theory approach, collecting data through semi-structured interviews and a focus group with adult Haitian immigrants living in Central Florida. This led to the development of a theoretical model which shows that Haitian immigrants engage in the following process: 1. Self-Diagnosing, 2. Self-Treating: Informal Health-seeking, 3. Self-Monitoring, 4. Considering Formal Health-seeking, and 5. Seeking Medical Services: Formal Health-seeking. The model also demonstrates how barriers impede the steps towards formal health-seeking; however, Haitian immigrants can bypass these barriers under specific conditions. Understanding this phenomenon of health-seeking decision-making has implications for culturally-appropriate interventions and healthcare and housing policies to address health disparities and promote well-being among Haitian immigrants.

Haitian university students represent a part of the increasing diversity of Haitian migrants in the Dominican Republic. Using an ethnographic approach, I explore university students’ motivations for studying in the Dominican Republic, their experiences at Dominican universities and in Dominican society, Haitian student organizations, and their future plans. Additionally, I focus on Haitian students’ experiences with discrimination and how they relate to other Haitian migrants in the Dominican Republic. I find that most students come to the Dominican Republic due to the difficulty of gaining entrance to affordable Haitian universities and logistical convenience. The university is a unique setting where Haitian and Dominican students are clearly peers, which results in increased interactions between the two groups and decreased discrimination towards Haitian students. However, Haitian students remain a relatively isolated group within the university and in the larger Dominican society. Many students reported experiencing discrimination, although students identified class, rather than race or nationality, as the main reason for discrimination. Furthermore, I focused on the role of language in migrants’ experiences. I found that while a high command of Spanish allowed migrants to avoid identification as Haitian and subsequent discrimination, Kreyòl was used as a resource to create solidarity and maintain cultural ties to Haiti. My research suggests that it is important to keep in mind the distinct notions of race and nationality in Haiti and in the Dominican Republic when considering contemporary struggles for the rights of Haitian migrants and their descendants in the Dominican Republic.

C’est dans un contexte d’instabilité politique que François Duvalier assuma la présidence de la République d’Haïti en septembre 1957. Le nouveau chef d’État, qui finit par instaurer une dictature autoritaire (après 1964) et héréditaire (après 1971), s’empressa de justifier sa victoire aux urnes comme l’édifice d’une nouvelle Haïti régénérée par l’entremise de son leadership. Dans les faits, les presque trente ans de la gouvernance duvaliériste furent surtout ponctués par la violence étatique. Des nombreuses retombées de cette dictature, l’une d’entre elles fut bien la création de diverses communautés diasporiques haïtiennes à l’étranger, notamment à Montréal, au Québec, pendant la seconde tranche du XXe siècle. Malgré le constat souvent peu reluisant qui est fait de l’époque duvaliériste par de nombreux spécialistes, les Haïtiens, en Haïti comme à l’étranger, demeurent partagés quant à leur examen de cette gouvernance autoritaire. En nous penchant plus spécifiquement sur le cas des ressortissants haïtiano-québécois à Montréal, et en prenant pour intervalle d’analyse la période comprise entre 1964 et 2014, cette thèse a voulu s’interroger sur la mémoire collective du duvaliérisme tissée au sein de cette population. Aussi, en mettant en exergue l’analyse de documents manuscrits et l’enquête orale, notre recherche fait état de la manière dont, dans différentes conjonctures historiques entre le Québec et Haïti, cette population, marquée par son hétérogénéité, a articulé diverses visions de la dictature en Haïti. Ce travail s’inspire particulièrement du concept de « mémoire emblématique » développé par l’historien Steve Stern (2004) dans sa trilogie sur le Chili post-Pinochet afin de traiter de différents « camps » de mémoire. Notre propre thèse suggère que les discours et les mémoires du duvaliérisme façonnés au sein de cette communauté révèlent, dans un premier temps, que la pensée entourant le régime ne suivit pas une trajectoire linéaire et s’inscrivit plutôt dans un projet plus ample où diverses conceptualisations du pouvoir duvaliériste et sa place dans l’histoire d’Haïti furent remises en question. Dans un second temps, elle démontre que la manière de saisir le duvaliérisme connut une certaine évolution au fil du temps pour s’adapter aux nouvelles réalités politiques en Haïti et au Québec. Sur les traces de ces visions compliquées du duvaliérisme, cette thèse illustre surtout comment c’est souvent à la lumière de l’actualité politique mouvementée d’Haïti avec la fracture post-1986 que l’époque duvaliériste est interprétée. / Political instability in Haiti provided an important backdrop to the election of François Duvalier in September 1957. The new head of state, who soon established an authoritarian dictatorship (notably after 1964) and a hereditary regime (after 1971), justified both his victory and presidency trough a messianic message around the creation of a new Haiti. In the end, the duvalierist regime, stretching close to thirty years, was mostly a period marred by state-sponsored violence. Of the many repercussions of the dictatorship the creation of various Haitian diasporic communities, notably in Montreal, Quebec, during the second half of the 20th century remains one of the most notable. Despite the often critical tone employed by most specialists to make sense of the Duvalier period, Haitians, in Haiti and abroad, have remained divided in their assessment of the authoritarian regime. This doctoral thesis locates the emergence and creation of different collective memory scripts within diasporic communities by focusing on the particular case of the Haitian diaspora in Montreal between 1964 and 2014. By combining an analysis of “traditional” written documents and through the examination oral interviews, this research explores how, at different historical junctures between Quebec and Haiti, this population, marked by its heterogeneity, articulated different visions of the dictatorship in Haiti. This thesis was particularly inspired by the concept of “emblematic memory” advanced by the historian Steve Stern (2004) in his book trilogy which investigated different “memory camps” in post-Pinochet Chile. Our own research contends that the discourses and memories of Duvalierism that were forged within the Haitian diaspora in Quebec did not follow a linear trajectory and fell within a larger project where various conceptualizations of Duvalierist power and its place in Haiti’s national history were contested. It also shows that the very way in which many have understood duvalierism has evolved over time to adapt to new political realities in Haiti and in Quebec. Ultimately, it suggests that any reading of duvalierism, positive or negative, is always located within a broader appreciation (critic) of post-1986 Haiti.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Embora a migração internacional tenha ganhado espaço e protagonismo na agenda política internacional e nacional, a atuação do governo brasileiro quanto ao tema ainda é restrito. Nas últimas décadas, milhões de pessoas, de distintas origens, raças, etnias e gêneros, têm encontrado no deslocamento a alternativa para libertarem-se de contextos de vulnerabilidades, caminho que tem sido facilitado por um cenário global de avanços tecnológicos. Assim como o perfil migratório se diversificou diante da intensificação da globalização, os fluxos e direções também se alteraram, não respondendo mais a um padrão de deslocamento Sul-Norte. Nos últimos anos, países do Sul do globo, como o Brasil, adquiriram notoriedade, também, como destino migratório. Essa posição se fez preponderante, sobretudo, a partir do crescente fluxo de migrantes haitianos para o país em 2010, impulsionados pelo terremoto que atingiu o Haiti naquele ano e atraídos pela fase de prosperidade e crescimento econômico que o Brasil atravessava na época. No entanto, apesar do protagonismo que o tema da migração já vinha adquirindo na agenda política, essa questão ainda permanecia – e permanece – precária no Brasil. Além de uma política migratória historicamente seletiva, centrada na segurança nacional, o país foi construído sob uma estrutura étnica, cultural e racial hierárquica, em que o negro e o migrante têm ocupado um papel social marginal. Portanto, esse fluxo migratório tem despertado desconfortos entre a população brasileira, dada as diferenças que se reafirmam nessa interação, gerando um cenário de resistência à integração desses imigrantes. Essas barreiras se intensificam quando se intersecciona à raça e à cultura a questão do gênero, tendo em vista que a migração de mulheres haitianas para o Brasil tem sido significativa e a relação entre homens e mulheres no país é extremamente desigual. Nesse sentido, considerando as marginalizações às quais essas mulheres estão sujeitas, esta pesquisa centra sua reflexão na realidade migratória por elas experenciada. Isso porque, mesmo suscetíveis a conjunturas múltiplas de opressão, não há, no Brasil, uma agenda nacional que estabeleça diretrizes de políticas públicas especificamente voltadas à população migrante e, tampouco, às mulheres migrantes. Desse modo, a atuação de atores sociais e de indivíduos tem sido imprescindível para driblar contextos de vulnerabilidade fomentados pela fraca atuação do poder público e para pressionar a ação estatal quanto ao tema da migração. Assim, com a finalidade de perceber como se dá a articulação desses atores e, mais do que isso, identificar quais são as associações que têm transformado essas realidades migratórias, essa pesquisa etnográfica interrelaciona o campo das Políticas Públicas à perspectiva da Antropologia e da Sociologia das Associações. Imersa no cotidiano das imigrantes haitianas que vivem na Esperança Cordeiro, em Porto Alegre, essa pesquisa buscou rastrear as associações entre atores que se estabelecem nessa interação e pude perceber que muitos mediadores estão ocultos desse processo, por não serem visivelmente institucionalizados e políticos. / Although the international migration has acquired space and prominence in the international and national political agenda, the performance of Brazilian government regarding this issue is still restricted. In the last decades, millions of people, from different origins, races, ethnicities and genders, have found in the displacement the alternative to free themselves from contexts of vulnerability, a path that has been facilitated by a global scenario of technological advances. As well as the migratory profile has diversified due to the intensification of globalization, the flows and directions also changed, no longer responding to a pattern of South-North displacement. In recent years, countries from the South of the globe, such as Brazil, acquired prominence also as a migratory destination. This position was mainly due to the increasing flow of Haitian migrants to the country in 2010, driven by the earthquake that hit Haiti that year and attracted by the phase of prosperity and economic growth that Brazil was experiencing at that time. However, despite the prominence that the issue of migration was already acquiring in the political agenda, this question remained – and still remains – precarious in Brazil. In addition to a historically selective migration policy, focused on national security, the country was built on an ethnic, cultural and racial hierarchical structure in which black people and migrants have occupied a marginal social role. Therefore, this migratory flow has aroused discomfort among the Brazilian population, bearing in mind the differences that are reaffirmed in this interaction, generating a scenario of resistance to the integration of these immigrants. These barriers are intensified when we intersect to race and culture the question of gender, given that the migration of Haitian women to Brazil has been significant and the relationship between men and women in the country is extremely uneven. In this sense, considering the marginalization to which these women are subject, this research focuses their reflection on the migratory reality experienced by them. This is because, even if they are susceptible to multiple situations of oppression, there is no national agenda in Brazil that establishes public policy guidelines specifically targeted to the migrant population and, neither, to the migrant women. Thus, the performance of social actors and individuals has been essential to overcome contexts of vulnerability fostered by the weak performance of the public authority and to pressure the state action on the issue of migration. In this way, in order to understand how the articulation of these actors occurs and, more than that, identify which associations have transformed these migratory realities, this ethnographic research interrelates the field of Public Policies to the perspective of Anthropology and Sociology of Associations. Immersed in the daily lives of Haitian immigrants living in Esperança Cordeiro, in Porto Alegre, this research sought to trace the associations between actors that are established in this interaction and I could realize that many mediators are hidden in this process, because they are not noticeably institutionalized and political.

Esta dissertação analisa o processo de formação do estereótipo dos imigrantes haitianos no município de Lajeado, buscando descrever o papel do imigrante como um sujeito estrangeiro nas relações sociais, sendo aquele indivíduo na qual exerce funções importantes em um determinado contexto ao mesmo tempo em que é mal visto pela população local. Para compreender isso, apresenta-se as teorias migratórias para analisar a diáspora haitiana e como a partir de seu processo histórico, os haitianos buscaram na imigração, formas de identificação e ascensão social. Posteriormente demonstra-se como o Brasil tornou-se uma porta de entrada para esses imigrantes, qual foi o contexto para isso ocorrer. Adentrando então, na sua chegada ao Brasil, especificando o caso de Lajeado. Os dilemas que foram apresentados pela população local, como os acordos dos empresários e a contratação dos haitianos para a região sul do país, evento esse que ocasionou no estranhamento da população estabelecida com a chegada de um grupo estrangeiro indesejado que surge repentinamente na cidade. Esta dissertação aborda as condições que ocorrem para que grupos étnicos sejam racializados e dominados por grupos dominantes. Demonstrando como o caso dos imigrantes haitianos em ratifica que nos diversos contextos em que imigraram eles tornaram-se um grupo étnico estigmatizado e racializado. A dissertação visa enfatizar como a formação do estereótipo do imigrante haitiano na cidade ocorre a partir de dois vieses, o primeiro é que os haitianos foram racializados e o segundo foi a sua estigmatização por parte da população local estabelecida de Lajeado em suas relações sociais cotidianas. Em um primeiro momento a população local utilizou-se de categorias raciais já existentes sobre a imagem que elas têm do brasileiro negro para com os haitianos, mas a mesma foi ressignificada posteriormente através de um processo de categorização de um novo estereótipo para com esses imigrantes. Constatando que através de uma rede de fofocas de informações falsas e exageradas sobre os imigrantes haitianos foram transmitidas pela população estabelecida da cidade. Estas características dos haitianos que corroboraram para a formação do seu estereótipo na região. / This thesis analyzes the process of stereotyping of haitian immigrants in the city of Lajeado, seeking to describe the role of the immigrant as a stranger subject in social relations, being an individual in which performs important functions for a certain context at the same time that it’s bad seen by the local population. To understand this, this thesis presents migratory theories to understand the Haitian Diaspora and how from their historical process, the Haitians sought in immigration, forms of identification and social ascension. Later shown how Brazil has become a gateway for these immigrants, what was the context for this to occur. Entering then, upon their arrival in Brazil, specifying Lajeado’s case. The dilemmas presented by the local population, such as the agreements of the businessmen and the contracting of the Haitians immigrants to the southern region of the country, which caused the estrangement of the established population with the arrival of an unwanted stranger group that suddenly appears in the city. This thesis addresses the conditions that occur for ethnic groups were racialized and dominated by dominant groups. Demonstrating how the case of Haitian immigrants in Lajeado ratifies that in various contexts in which they immigrated they have been a stigmatized and racialized ethnic group. The thesis aims to emphasize how the formation of the stereotype of the Haitian immigrant in the city occurs from two biases, the first is that the Haitians were racialized and the second was their stigmatization by the established local population of Lajeado in their everyday social relations. At first, the local population used existing racial categories about the image they have of the Brazilian black people towards the Haitians, but it was late re-signified through a process of categorization of a new stereotype towards these immigrants. Noting that through a network of gossip of false and exaggerated information about Haitian immigrants were transmitted by the established population of the city. These characteristics of Haitians who corroborated to the formation of their stereotype in the region.

People living in rural Haiti lack access to basic health care services due to poverty. Rural poverty in Haiti particularly affects women's health because Haiti has had the highest maternal mortality and infant mortality rates in the Americas, in addition to some of the worst health statistics in the Western Hemisphere. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to cultivate a greater understanding of the poverty factors that affect access to health care services specifically among poor women living in rural Haiti. This study was based on the social ecological model for population health development, theorizing that a person's health is influenced by factors at multiple levels including intrapersonal, interpersonal, organizational, and public policy and community roles. The main research question in this study explored potential relationships between poverty and poor health among women in rural Haiti as it relates to health status and access to health care services. Using semi structured interviews and Moustakas's modified van Kaam 7 steps method for phenomenological analysis, I explored the poverty phenomenon and various aspects of the lived experiences of 12 poor women in rural Haiti. The research findings indicated that factors such as barriers to health care, alternative health care, and poor living conditions contributed to the way that the poverty phenomenon affects the health and lives of poor rural Haitian women. The social change implication for this study includes development of new programs in rural Haiti that improve access to basic health care services together with more accessible clinics and staff on call 24 hours a day, 7 days a week that will positively influence women's health outcomes and health status.