Orientador: José Claudinei Lombardi / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T23:44:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lima_MarcosRoberto_M.pdf: 2147043 bytes, checksum: e0723f131d080ad91bab7014b99d04bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta dissertação toma por objeto de pesquisa a ação pedagógica desenvolvida pelo "terceiro setor" na Região Metropolitana de Campinas (RMC). Tendo por objetivo a análise crítica dos projetos desenvolvidos pela Federação das Entidades Assistenciais de Campinas (FEAC) e do Centro de Educação e Assessoria Popular (CEDAP), procuramos entendê-los à luz das transformações ocorridas no pós-Guerra, passando pela crise mundial dos anos de 1970 e seus desdobramentos. Entre os principais fenômenos que são a expressão desse período, destacamos a reestruturação produtiva do capital e a ascensão do neoliberalismo, com suas implicações no âmbito econômico, epistemológico e, sobretudo, educacional. Procurou-se interpretar a transição das "lógicas do Estado" para as "lógicas da sociedade civil", tendo por referencial teórico metodológico o conceito gramsciano de "Estado integral" e sua ênfase na categoria de hegemonia, importante instrumental para o entendimento da complexa sedimentação social que dará sustentação ao Estado que emergiu após a crise de hegemonia do capital. O marco temporal para a análise do objeto foi o contexto que se estendeu do final dos anos de 1950 até os dias atuais, passando pela chamada redemocratização brasileira, a partir da década de 1980. Este período foi fortemente influenciado pelos desdobramentos da Guerra Fria e a ação ideológica estadunidense, fundamentada na filosofia do "comunitarismo", em contraposição aos movimentos populares de cunho contestatório que atuavam no Brasil. Seus desdobramentos perpassam o "golpe civil-militar", período em que foi gestado o substrato ideológico que em nosso entendimento fundamentará a emergência do "terceiro setor" e sua ação estratégica de consolidação do "novo" consenso neoliberal. A estratégia que se revela é o pragmatismo das saídas comunitárias, cujo efeito maior é inviabilizar as perspectivas históricas transformadoras, controlando as iniciativas dos subalternos e impondo um novo consenso, através de uma "pedagogia da hegemonia". Tal pedagogia passa a ser aplicada não somente pelas escolas oficiais, mas, efetivamente, pelas iniciativas do "terceiro setor", instrumentalizando-se em benefício do capital as saídas articuladas pela classe trabalhadora. Com um rico histórico de lutas sociais, a RMC configura-se em um importante espaço em que, não sem resistências, as estratégias do "terceiro setor" fincaram suas raízes, tornando-se um importante laboratório para se desvelar o "novo canto da sereia" em educação. / Abstract: This dissertation takes search object by the pedagogical action developed by the "third sector" in the metropolitan region of Campinas (RMC). Having objective critical analysis of the projects developed by the Federation of Charities of Campinas (FEAC) and the Popular Education Center (CEDAP) and advise, we seek to understand them in the light of the transformations that have occurred in the post-war period, passing by the global crisis of the years of 1970 and its unfoldings. Among the main phenomena that are the expression of that period, we highlight the productive restructuring of capital and the rise of neoliberalism, with their implications for economic, educational, and epistemological. Tried to interpret the transition of the State's "logical" to the logical "civil society", having by methodological theoretical reference the concept of Gramsci of "integral State" and its emphasis on instrumental category of hegemony, important for the understanding of complex social sedimentation that will the State that emerged after the crisis of hegemony of capital. The timeframe for the analysis of object was the context that spanned the end of the years of 1950 to the present day, passing by the so-called Brazilian re-democratization, from the Decade of 1980. This period was heavily influenced by the developments of the cold war and the American ideological action, grounded in the philosophy of "communitarianism", as opposed to popular movements that acted in Brazil questionable imprint. Its unfoldings permeate the "civil-military coup," was conceived during the period in which ideological substrate that emergency shall justify in our understanding of the "third sector" and its strategic action of consolidation of the "new" neoliberal consensus. The strategy that is revealed is the pragmatism of community output, whose greater effect is derail the historic perspective, controlling manufacturing initiatives of junior officers and imposing a new consensus, through a "pedagogy of "hegemony. Such pedagogy happens to be applied not only by the official schools, but, effectively, by the initiatives of the "third sector", by actually Instrumenting-if for the benefit of capital by working class outputs articulated. With a rich history of social struggles, the RMC is in an important area in which, not without resistance, the strategies of the "third sector" put down its roots, becoming an important laboratory for unveiling "new corner of Mermaid" in education. / Mestrado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Mestre em Educação

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-05-14T19:23:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira, Pedro Cassiano-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2527771 bytes, checksum: ee4ed96a9717121ec313f44f94025a15 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-14T19:23:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira, Pedro Cassiano-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2527771 bytes, checksum: ee4ed96a9717121ec313f44f94025a15 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Nesta dissertação será analisada a trajetória da extensão rural no Brasil, no período de 1948 a 1974. O projeto de extensionismo surgiu, no Brasil, devido a uma iniciativa privada bem-sucedida firmada em 1948 entre a Associação Internacional Americana (AIA) — controlada por Nelson Rockefeller — e o governo do Estado de Minas. Logo em 1956 o extensionismo virou uma política nacional, com a criação da Associação Brasileira de Crédito e Assistência Rural-ABCAR. Durante essa trajetória, a extensão rural foi projetada como o veículo de propagação de técnicas agrícolas e sanitárias aos pequenos produtores. Ressalta-se, no trabalho, a relação entre a ABCAR e as agremiações do patronato rural brasileiro, sobretudo a Confederação Nacional da Agricultura (CNA) e a Sociedade Nacional de Agricultura (SNA). Nos anos 70, no que se convencionou chamar de “modernização” da agricultura, os objetivos da ABCAR também foram redirecionados para atender à nova demanda das frações da classe dominante agroindustrial. Uma nova orientação para o extensionismo consolidou-se na extinção da ABCAR em 1974. Portanto, a extensão rural no Brasil contribuiu para intensificar a desigualdade no campo ao longo de sua existência. / In this study, the trajectory of Brazil’s rural extension during 1948 and 1974 will be analyzed. The Brazilian extensionism project is due to a successful private enterprise that occurred in 1948 between Nelson Rockefeller’s American International Association (AIA) and the government of Minas Gerais State. Right in 1956, extensionism became national policy when the Brazilian Association of Rural Credit and Assistance (ABCAR) was created. During this trajectory, rural extension was projected as the vehicle for disseminating agricultural and sanitary techniques, whose target audience was the small-scale farmers. In this study, special emphasis is placed on the relationship between ABCAR and the Brazilian rural employer’s organization,, mainly the National Agriculture Confederation (CNA) and the National Agriculture Society (SNA). During the so-called “modernization” of the agriculture in the 1970s, the objectives of ABCAR were also adjusted to meet the new demand of the fractions of the dominant agroindustrial class. A new orientation to extensionism was consolidated in 1974, when ABCAR was abolished. Therefore, rural extension in Brazil contributed to increase inequality in the countryside during its existence.

Orientador: Maria de Fatima Felix Rosar / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T04:09:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Braga_LucelmaSilva_M.pdf: 9820152 bytes, checksum: 0381314dc0431802bd02b87726af1e4b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Este trabalho analisou o processo de consolidação da ordem burguesa, bem como as estratégias utilizadas pela burguesia para lograr sua hegemonia. A necessidade de compreensão do embate entre os projetos hegemônicos firmados no início do século passado, mantido no seu decorrer e re-atualizado no início deste, requer, a mediação de algumas das reflexões feitas pelo pensador e militante marxista Antonio Gramsci que, ao nosso ver, forneceu teorias e conceitos fundamentais para o seu desvendamento. Este corpo teórico nos permitirá avançar na compreensão de como os processos político e educacional se intercruzam na formatação do corpo e da mente do trabalhador. Pretendeu-se analisar o processo que deu centralidade à classe burguesa no Brasil e as estratégias utilizadas pela burguesia industrial no período compreendido dos anos 1930 aos anos 1960. Tratou-se, portanto, do estudo da reconstrução da classe operária e para tal estudou-se o projeto político-pedagógico do SENAI e do SESI a partir das modificações educacionais levadas a efeito pelo IDORT e pelo movimento escolanovista / Abstract: This dissertation analyses the consolidation process of the bourgeois class, as well as the strategies utilized by the bourgeoisie to achieve its hegemony. The need for comprehension about the conflicts among the hegemonic projects undertaken at the beginning of last century, carried on then and updated at the beginning of this century, requires the mediation of some thoughts done by the Marxist thinker and militant Antonio Gramsci who, from our point, of view provides fundamental theories and concepts to its settlement. This theoretical reference will allow us to move forward to the comprehension of how the political process and educational process interconnect themselves in the formation of the worker's body and mind. It is, therefore, the study of the working class restructuring. This dissertation aims at analyzing the process that granted centrality to the bourgeois class in Brazil and the strategies employed to the industrial bourgeoisie. We did study the pedagogical political project of the partnership SENAI - SESI, starting from the educational modifications undertaken by IDORT and the New School Movement / Mestrado / Historia, Filosofia e Educação / Mestre em Educação

In recent years there has been a resurgence of gender inequality in China. Today, women are pressured to get married by the state and their social surroundings, as they told if they remain unmarried and have the "three highs"; high age, education and salary, they will become leftovers on the marriage market. Previous research on the concept of labelling women as "leftover" has 4 shown that labelling women as "leftover" can have several different negative impacts. In this thesis, both the theory of masculine hegemony and the theory of symbolic interaction have been used. The concept creates a hegemonic masculinity as it is a normative practice that promotes the subordination of women. However, as the concept is based on the notion that all Chinese men, or at least those of relevant social standing, would find the "three highs" undesirable, it is relevant to see how Chinese men in fact do position themselves in relation to the hegemonic masculinity on an individual level. In symbolic interaction, the concept of gender is created through social construction when people attach special meanings to the sex of a person, a process which is called "doing gender". Therefore symbolic interaction is used to see what special meaning Chinese men attach to women having the "three highs" and masculine hegemony to put their answers into a larger context. If it could be shown that Chinese men do not comply with the hegemonic masculinity, Chinese women would not have to feel obliged to adjust to the hegemonic masculinity and thereby making it easier for them to pursue higher education, high paying jobs and marrying at a later age. However, as this thesis is a qualitative study, and therefore a limited number of data subjects, the generalizability of the result should not be exaggerated. The interviews that were conducted for this thesis showed that the data subjects were familiar with the concept and that they considered it to be natural for there to be women China labelled as "leftover". Nevertheless, in relation to their own marital choices, the data subjects did not attach the negative meaning as set out by the hegemonic masculinity, a result which to some extent was confirmed by the data subjects’ experiences and other control questions. The result is interesting, and enforces Connell and MesserSchmidt’s theory, that even though a hegemonic masculinity is normative, not everyone has to comply with it. As the cornerstone of the concept is that Chinese men find women with the "three highs" undesirable, the result of the study shows that there is a need for the concept to be further examined and questioned. / 近年，性别不平等在中国又开始回潮。今天，中国女性在婚姻问题上受到来自社会的不小压力。如果这些女性尚未结婚而又具有?三高? ，即高龄、高学历和高薪，那她们将有可能成为婚姻上的剩女。以往研究表明，女性被打上?剩女? 的标签后，这?剩? 字会给她们带来若干负面影响。本文运用两个理论：「支配性男性气质」(hegemonic masculinity) 和「象征性互动」(symbolic interaction) 理论。「支配性男性气质」作为理论说明男性如何建立规范使妇女处于从属地位。此观念基于这样一个已有概念，即中国男性不喜欢?三高? 女性。本文主要讨论中国男人在「支配性男性气质」主导的社会里如何自我定位。根据「象征性互动」理论，性别的概念是经由社会建構创造的性意思，过程被称为「做性别」(doing gender) 。「象征性互动」理论因此被用来观察中国男性对?三高?女性存在的特殊想法。而「支配性男性气质」的理论则把他们的回答放到一个更大的范围内。如果我们能够证明中国男性并不完全赞同「支配性男性气质」的概念，那么中国女性就没有必要认为必须顺应「支配性男性气质」的一些规范，从而使这些女性更愿意接受高等教育，从事高收入工作和晚婚。需要指出的是，由于本论文是定性研究，样本数量有限，结果不一定具有普遍性。本文受访者均熟悉・剩女?这个观念，并且觉得这些・三高・女性很自然地被社会标签为?剩余?。但尽管如此，当谈及他们自己的婚姻选择时，这些受访者却并不在意「支配性男性气质」对女性标签的负面意义。此现象在一定程度上从受访者个人经历和我们附加的对照性问题上得到证实。这一结果相当有意思，根据康奈尔（Connell）和梅塞施密特（MesserSchmidt）的理论，即使「支配性男性气质」是一个常态，但其在统计学上并不一定最常见。由于已有的概念认为中国男性不喜欢?三高?女性，本研究结果显示，有必要对这一概念作进一步的探讨和分析。

Sports presents one of the most popular forms of entertainment in society, and sports media continues to expand its billion-dollar influence through new television deal and broadcasting rights. But with a population of journalists who are overwhelmingly white, straight, and male, sports media is promoting the hegemony of said image by reproducing stereotypes in its broadcasts to audiences around the country. Mainstream media regurgitates these stereotypes in their coverage of minority athlete by portraying black players as unintelligent or “thug”-ish, women as “butch”, and gay athletes as effeminate. These representations allow for the perpetuation of the white, heterosexual male narrative throughout society while sidelining those who do not fit the description. But just as sports media is growing in popularity, so too is the athlete activist. Starting in 2013, today’s athletic superstars are now using their exalted platforms to address societal issues and speak on behalf of marginalized groups that are often ignored or misrepresented by traditional media narratives. The efforts of Colin Kaepernick, Billie Jean King, and Jason Collins in fighting against the system and these stereotypes will reveal how certain athletes are represented in the media and their unique position of changing the discussion and inspiring others to challenge societal norms. The growing popularity of social media and its use as a tool for social activism will also be examined, particularly as it has revolutionized the culture of athlete activism.

My thesis argues that the New Right (NR) sought to manipulate state education as a mechanism of both social transformation and social control in the UK between 1979 and 1992. This is investigated by employing a 'critical realist' perspective which is located within a wider 'neo-Marxist' conceptual frame. The links between the NR and the Radical Right (RR) Conservative governments during this period are investigated through an analysis of the origins, intentions and ascendancy of NR ideology. It is suggested that the NIRIRR's political intent was a 'hegemonic project' to shift underlying moral values from 'social democracy' to the 'social market'. This depended on the successful transmission, through education, of a definition of 'citizenship' grounded in competitive, 'selfish individualism', with the inequalities of the 'social market' accepted as 'common-sense'. My data reveal how the NRJRR conjoined symbolic and material rules and resources to draw power and authority to 'the centre' on the grounds that there was a crisis in national stability and security. Education is identified as a central mechanism in the NR!RR's 'hegemonic project'. It is shown how the RR gained control of the form, content and method of educational provision through a series of initiatives which gradually altered the structure of education and shifted provision progressively from the periphery to the centre, centralising control over curriculum and resources while devolving responsibility and accountability to schools. The argument central to my thesis is that the NR/RR sought to use physical education as a pivotal component of its 'hegemonic project'. This is revealed most clearly in the privileging of the definition of physical education as 'sport and games' in NRJRR discourse. This discourse sought to imbue pupils with values of competition, tradition, reward, meritocracy and individual responsibility: the moral values central to the 'social market'. My data outline how the NRLRR endeavoured to 'control' the 'form', 'structure', 'content' and 'methods' of physical education provision in state schools by delineating the discursive framework and text of the national curriculum physical education (NCPE), and raise critical issues relating to the relationship between policy, power and autonomy within the education system.

This thesis critiques hegemonic theory – especially the impact of a hegemonic state on the ability of small states to develop an independent foreign policy. The research uses Lesotho as a case study of a subordinate state in relation to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) as a hegemonic state. It draws on the history of Lesotho’s quest for sovereignty and argues that this sovereignty is constantly eroded to the advantage of its hegemonic neighbour. This constrains Lesotho’s ability to develop an independent foreign policy.

[pt] Este estudo é decorrente de alguns anos de pesquisa sobre as Organizações Não-Governamentais (ONGs), seu surgimento, atuação e mais recentemente acerca dos resultados obtidos através de suas ações. Devido à proximidade com o objeto pudemos perceber que atualmente há uma grande quantidade de ONGs que se territorializam a partir de uma atuação centrada no desenvolvimento por elas desejado. Partiremos então em busca da compreensão de como diferentes noções de desenvolvimento podem interferir nas relações de uma coletividade, tentando entender se esses projetos de desenvolvimento, da maneira como costumam ser implementados, são capazes de atender às reais necessidades dessas coletividades. Para isso utilizaremos autores como Cornelius Castoriadis (1987, 1992), Edgar Morin (1999), Antonio Gramsci (1991, 2002) e Marcelo Souza (1996 e 2006), que nos servirão de base e nos auxiliarão no entendimento das questões apresentadas. / [en] This study is the result of several years of research on the Non- Governmental Organizations (NGOs), its appearance, performance and more recently on the results achieved through their actions. Given its proximity to the object we see that currently there are a lot of NGOs that would territorialized from an activity centered on the development they want. Then depart in search of understanding of how different notions of development may interfere in the relations of a community, trying to understand whether those development projects, the way they are usually implemented, are capable of meeting the real needs of these communities. For this we use authors as Cornelius Castoriadis (1987, 1992), Edgar Morin (1999), Antonio Gramsci (1991, 2002) and Marcelo Souza (1996 and 2006), we will provide the basis and assist in the understanding of the issues presented.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine what facts the documentary 13th presents and how they are portrayed filmically. By conducting, both, a discourse analysis and a neoformalist film analysis those two factors can be fully examined. And by later adding the three theoretical perspectives of discourse analysis, hegemony, and neoformalist film theory, the results of the analyses can be discussed in a way that covers both the narrative part of the film and the aesthetic and stylistic ones.The result is that the discourse of the documentary concerns the American prison system and the resistance to it is the acknowledgement of the blatant racism within it. And this racism is what the leadership of the hegemonic dominance of that discourse is built upon.13th consists of interviews and voiceovers which present the facts. These are accompanied by video clips, graphics, and animations, and music, which are all in black and white, in order to strengthen the message of those facts. These elements of the film work together to convey a collective theme and emotion to the viewer.

Mainstream psychology is argued to be a discipline of western orientation and thus problematic when applied in non-western contexts. It is recognised that psychology has an important role to play in the developing context of South Africa and thus the relevance and appropriateness of psychology as an applied discipline in both practice and research is of concern to local practitioners. Previous research into the problem has been presented from western academic frameworks but little has been recorded exposing local voices on the subject, or proposing useful approaches to praxis. In an attempt to address these shortcomings in the discipline, this study explores the academic context as well as some local voices from the field on the relevance of mainstream psychology as currently practiced generally in South Africa. A framework for reflecting on practice at a meta level, in an ecologically sensitive approach, is proposed. Considering the history of the problem, constraining factors to the development of a more appropriate praxis in psychology are seen to include epistemological issues in the discipline emerging from western academic hegemony and contributing to the perceived previous elitism of psychology as a discipline. The study deciphers issues around epistemology in as far as they impact on the problem. Epistemological issues call for an exploration of indigenous or local knowledges in an attempt to arrive at a relevant and appropriate praxis of psychology in the local context. In the handling of the research material, the study adopts a narrative literary stance in a postmodern attitude, to avoid epistemological issues arising from conventional approaches to research. The voices from the previously silenced majority are presented through stories of experiences involving human problems and psychotherapy in the township of Mamelodi, east of Pretoria in South Africa. The research material is discussed using ecological and evolutionary language at a meta level. The researcher distinguishes between what takes place in a professional dialogue and how she reflects on this process. Ecological and evolutionary language at the reflexive meta level is considered to facilitate a context-sensitive approach to psychology as a discipline practiced in a non-western context. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Psychology / Unrestricted