<p>The aim of this study is to analyse the institutional problems which restrain the repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to and within Bosnia and Hercegovina with examples from the municipalities of Ilidza, Bosnia and Hercegovina. With intention to fulfil the aim of this study we will try to answer what problems that are connected to the Dayton Peace Agreement and how those problems impact the repatriation issue. Further we intend to discern what role the culture, values and norms play in the repatriation process. We also try to answer what formal institutional problems exist in BiH and what importance they constitute on the repatriation process. Finally we are discussing whether it is possible or not to institutionalise the repatriation process. The thesis is based on the interviews we made in BiH during the spring 2001.</p><p>During the war in BiH, more than 2,3 million people were displaced from their homes. Each of the wartime regimes allocated abandoned properties and established complex legal and administrative barriers to return, designed to make the separation of the population irreversible. In this way the separation of the population was permanent. Several years of international efforts have achieved a legal framework that recognises property rights as they stood at the beginning of the conflict, and establishes a legal and administrative claims process for the repossession of the property.</p><p>DPA is considered one of the most complicated peace agreements ever constructed and it consists of several objectives, which aim to uphold a tolerant and democratic constitutional state. There are several paradoxes connected to Annex 7 and the fact that both entities were allowed to have their own constitutions, in which they do not recognise each other constitutional rights, may seem peculiar when they at the same time are supposed to constitute one unity, one country. The federal bodies in the country began to develop before the national bodies were functioning. This has created inconsistencies between the different bodies and between the different legal frameworks and DPA still has a long way to go before being completely implemented.</p><p>Ethnic nationalist feelings play an important role in political life in BiH and they constitute an effective impediment in the repatriation process. Nationalism has become a common element in the daily life in BiH. Thinking of that the entity constitutions refer to the citizens in the opposite entity as others shows how they perceive each other. After the war each ethnic group seems to concentrate on protecting their own rights, otherwise they will be lost. Citizens in BiH do not have the same constitutional rights in both entities and before this question is solved, a safe minority return is not possible. </p><p>The functioning of the judicial system is an important factor in the repatriation process. A problem is that the laws are often contradictory or incomplete. This problem is visible on the local level, where politicians often do not know which law to refer to the result is that the local actors do not know how to interpret the laws and then they often do it arbitrarily or they just ignore the laws. The result is often a situation of passing the buck and the citizen stands powerless to the public officials’ demands. This problem is referred to as the state wall of administrative silence and it is a frequent phenomenon at the local level that severely delays the repatriation process. This attitude reciprocity has been common in both municipalities for a long time, as well as in BiH in general, which has resulted in a slow and inefficient repatriation process.</p><p>Post-war Bosnia and Hercegovina finds itself at a crossroads between an antiquated mechanism that protects state authorities on the one hand, and a modern state institution that serves the citizens and protects their rights on the other. In BiH the new institutions imposed by external powers meet the old institutions, which still are powerful. Those are not synchronised in a way they should, i.e. the old structure or the structure leftover from the collapse of Yugoslavia impedes the new structure rather then collaborating with it. The issue of repatriation has been caught in a structural chaos and BiH has a long way to go before a non-political integration can become a reality. </p>

<p>Denna uppsats behandlar de möjligheter och problem som kan uppstå vid etablering av</p><p>företag i Bosnien och Hercegovina. Syftet med uppsatsen är att genom en empirisk studie med</p><p>intervjuer på fyra personer som etablerat sig på den bosniska marknaden presentera deras</p><p>upplevelser kring etableringsprocessen och kring den bosniska mikro- och makromiljön, att</p><p>genom en empirisk studie med intervjuer, seminarier samt vetenskapliga artiklar och rapporter</p><p>beskriva vilka hinder och möjligheter som finns vid etablering på den bosniska marknaden</p><p>och att genom en analys av det empiriska materialet utifrån den teoretiska referensramen</p><p>skapa en ökad förståelse för den bosniska marknaden om vilka problem och möjligheter som</p><p>finns.</p><p>Studien bygger främst på empiriskt material som författarna har samlat in under en</p><p>tvåveckorsvistelse i Bosnien och Hercegovina. Målet med vistelsen var dels att samla in det</p><p>empiriska materialet genom djupintervjuer men även att som författare få en djupare</p><p>förståelse för fenomenet som studeras i denna uppsats. Det empiriska materialet har sedan</p><p>analyserats med hjälp av relevanta teorier och utmynnat i en slutsats i vilken frågeställningen</p><p>och syftet besvaras.</p><p>Resultatet av studien visar på gemensamma problem och möjligheter utifrån respondenternas</p><p>upplevelser. Möjligheterna som framkommer är bland annat billig och pålitlig arbetskraft, stor</p><p>potentiell tillväxtmarknad och närmandet till EU. Hinder som företag kan stöta på i Bosnien</p><p>och Hercegovina är oftast av byråkratisk eller infrastrukturell karaktär samt språkliga hinder.</p><p>De flesta av respondenterna rekommenderar Bosnien och Hercegovina som en potentiell</p><p>etableringsmarknad men belyser samtidigt vikten av kunskapsinhämtning eller lokala</p><p>samarbetspartners med kännedom om den bosniska marknaden.</p><p>Sökord: Bosnien och Hercegovina, Bosnien, BiH, investeringar, direktinvesteringar, FDI,</p><p>internationalisering, etableringsmöjligheter, etableringshinder, potentiell marknad</p>

<p>The purpose of this essay is to examine the approach of the EU towards the reform efforts of Turkey and Bosnia and Herzegovina in the countries ambitions for EU memberships. The question formulation of the essay is whether there is differences in Turkey’s and Bosnia and Herzegovina’s qualifications for an EU-membership from an EU perspective. In order to better answer the question, we use two part questions. One is about the criterias and qualifications that need to be met in order to get a membership. The other one is about the approach of the EU towards the two countries concerning EU memberships. Primarily we use official EU documents from which we make a qualitative content analysis. As an advanced feature, we use a comparative analysis in which the countries are compared in relation to each other. The conclusion of our study is that the EU's approach to Turkey's qualification for EU membership is more positive than to Bosnia and Herzegovina. We also conclude that other circumstances may affect our conclusion, and therefore our findings cannot be considered definite.</p><p>Keywords: EU, Turkey, Bosnia and Herzegovina, The Copenhagen criteria, democracy, rule of law, human rights, protection of minorities, enlargement.</p>

Denna uppsats behandlar de möjligheter och problem som kan uppstå vid etablering av företag i Bosnien och Hercegovina. Syftet med uppsatsen är att genom en empirisk studie med intervjuer på fyra personer som etablerat sig på den bosniska marknaden presentera deras upplevelser kring etableringsprocessen och kring den bosniska mikro- och makromiljön, att genom en empirisk studie med intervjuer, seminarier samt vetenskapliga artiklar och rapporter beskriva vilka hinder och möjligheter som finns vid etablering på den bosniska marknaden och att genom en analys av det empiriska materialet utifrån den teoretiska referensramen skapa en ökad förståelse för den bosniska marknaden om vilka problem och möjligheter som finns. Studien bygger främst på empiriskt material som författarna har samlat in under en tvåveckorsvistelse i Bosnien och Hercegovina. Målet med vistelsen var dels att samla in det empiriska materialet genom djupintervjuer men även att som författare få en djupare förståelse för fenomenet som studeras i denna uppsats. Det empiriska materialet har sedan analyserats med hjälp av relevanta teorier och utmynnat i en slutsats i vilken frågeställningen och syftet besvaras. Resultatet av studien visar på gemensamma problem och möjligheter utifrån respondenternas upplevelser. Möjligheterna som framkommer är bland annat billig och pålitlig arbetskraft, stor potentiell tillväxtmarknad och närmandet till EU. Hinder som företag kan stöta på i Bosnien och Hercegovina är oftast av byråkratisk eller infrastrukturell karaktär samt språkliga hinder. De flesta av respondenterna rekommenderar Bosnien och Hercegovina som en potentiell etableringsmarknad men belyser samtidigt vikten av kunskapsinhämtning eller lokala samarbetspartners med kännedom om den bosniska marknaden. Sökord: Bosnien och Hercegovina, Bosnien, BiH, investeringar, direktinvesteringar, FDI, internationalisering, etableringsmöjligheter, etableringshinder, potentiell marknad

The purpose of this essay is to examine the approach of the EU towards the reform efforts of Turkey and Bosnia and Herzegovina in the countries ambitions for EU memberships. The question formulation of the essay is whether there is differences in Turkey’s and Bosnia and Herzegovina’s qualifications for an EU-membership from an EU perspective. In order to better answer the question, we use two part questions. One is about the criterias and qualifications that need to be met in order to get a membership. The other one is about the approach of the EU towards the two countries concerning EU memberships. Primarily we use official EU documents from which we make a qualitative content analysis. As an advanced feature, we use a comparative analysis in which the countries are compared in relation to each other. The conclusion of our study is that the EU's approach to Turkey's qualification for EU membership is more positive than to Bosnia and Herzegovina. We also conclude that other circumstances may affect our conclusion, and therefore our findings cannot be considered definite. Keywords: EU, Turkey, Bosnia and Herzegovina, The Copenhagen criteria, democracy, rule of law, human rights, protection of minorities, enlargement.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.

When do militias---whose power, riches, and legitimacy depend on the continuation of civil wars---accept negotiated settlements? An unexplored and crucial dimension of militia decision-making is the process of militia institutionalization. Militias create institutions to improve their odds of winning the war and project legitimacy internally as well as externally. / Militia institutions affect the strategic choice of decision-makers. They create financial and organizational interests that modify the preferences of the militia leadership. The modified preferences increase the win-set of militia leaders at the negotiating table. Militia institutions also change the decision-making context. Institutions unleash three dynamics that decrease a militia's ability to withstand fluctuations in the military balance of forces. Institutions can lead to factionalism, increased visibility (and hence vulnerability to attack), and strains in relations with patrons. / Using the logic of two-level games, I argue that leaders evaluate peace settlements with an eye on two boards. Externally, they evaluate their position vis-a-vis other protagonists in the conflict. Internally, leaders are concerned with their positions in power. Institutionalization results in a tension between "raison de la revolution" (ideological motivations) and "raison d'institution" (institutional preservation). Embattled leaders who increasingly find it difficult to withstand changes in the balance of forces find that their institutional interests are better preserved by peace. They agree to compromise on their ideological preferences thus opening a window of opportunity for the attainment of sustainable peace settlements. / Employing the comparative case-study method, the dissertation examines the attitudes of the Lebanese Forces and the Bosnian Serbs respectively toward conflict-resolution schemes that sought to bring the Lebanese and Bosnian civil wars to an end. / By focusing on leaders' incentives to settle, the research allows us to predict a priori which settlements are more sustainable. Theoretically, it refines the concept of "ripeness" for negotiations by specifying both its intra-communal and its extra-communal dimensions. In terms of practical policy implications, the research argues that militias are prime candidates for the role of spoilers. Thus, it is important not only to understand their incentives to settle but also to craft peace agreements that give even such radical factions a vested interest in peace.

The objective of this thesis is to identify alternative building systems for low rise housing, that can be applied to the market of countries of the former Yugoslavia. Six building systems, developed and produced in Canada, have been selected for this purpose. In order to compare them to existing system, the set of criteria for evaluation is developed, based on three major aspects: the technical aspect deals with codes and regulations, implementation, durability and other physical characteristics of building systems; the economic aspect compares costs; and the psychological aspect investigates the level of acceptance from both the builders' and homeowners' point of view. / The results of this research prove the complexity of the issue of technology transfer. Even though all evaluated building systems showed technical and, particularly economical improvements over the existing masonry, it is the issue of cultural acceptance that is the determining factor in the success of a new product. That is the main reason why building systems based on concrete would more likely be accepted over "light" frame systems. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

This thesis examines the development of the Yugoslav Communists' approach towards the Catholic Church during the period of their takeover and consolidation of power from the outbreak of war in April 1941 until late 1946. In recent years, a comprehensive reappraisal of the Communist takeover has been going on in the countries of former Yugoslavia, and this work draws on this new scholarship, as well as on hitherto unused archival material. It examines the development of the Communists' popular front line during the war, according to which the Communist-dominated Partisan movement sought to appeal to non-communists, including Catholics, to join them in ousting the occupier. As such, this policy meant downplaying the Communists' revolutionary programme, which they never actually gave up. The thesis examines in detail the application of the popular front policy among the Catholic Croats of Croatia and Bosnia, and among the Slovenes. It describes how the Communists avoided actions or pronouncements that would have offended the Church, attempted to have cordial relations with the Church hierarchy and encouraged the active participation of Catholic clergy and prominent lay people in the movement. The prime purpose of this was to reassure the Catholic population that they had nothing to fear from a Communist takeover. However, the hostility between the two sides was not overcome, as revealed in the violence of the Communists towards many of the clergy during the period immediately before and after their takeover. Following this, the Communists' implementation of their revolutionary programme brought them into direct conflict with the interests of the Church, especially in their curtailing of the role of the Church in education and in their confiscation of Church property. Relations quickly degenerated into open confrontation, as the Church could not accept the limited role in society which the Communists were prepared to grant it.

Thesis (D. Miss.)--Western Seminary, Portland, OR, 2008. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 335-355).