During the course of this study we have been inspired by Carin Holmbergs essay ’It’s Called Love’ (1993). Our purpose with this study has been to examine how gender works among young Swedish heterosexual couples without children. This was done by examining how couples distribute housework among themselves, with certain focus on how class interacts with gender. We asked three questions: 1). How is gender made in relation to expected characteristics of how women and men should be? 2). How is gender made with distribution of household work within the couples? 3). In what way does class play a role in distribution of domestic work? Qualitative method was used in order to answer our purpose and questions. We interviewed ten couples, five whom had a university degree and five whom had secondary education. Our theoretical framework consists of the perspective of symbolic interactionism, Yvonne Hirdman's theory of the gender system, asymmetric role-taking and class. The analysis of our empirical material showed that the individuals within the couples attribute themselves and each other with properties that are in line with the traditional gender distribution in society, regardless of which class the couples belong to. When it came to all housework activities women were initiators. The distribution of household work took place according to what the men thought was interesting, regardless of class. Class, on the other hand, plays a role in the distribution of domestic work that took place on the basis of what was natural or not. Couples with upper secondary education distribute household work based on what is natural for the sexes in relation to the traditional gender roles, while those with an academic degree carry out household work that is not tied to the traditional gender roles to a greater extent. We found that women's and men's genders contribute to the maintenance and reproduction of the woman as subordinate and the man as superior, which contributes to an uneven distribution of labour in the home where the woman still has the main responsibility for the care work.

Since the 1980s, practically all of the western welfare states have developed social policies, which aim at shifting the responsibilities for welfare services from the state to the family, the civil society or to the market. In Sweden, this political transformation has particularly hit the public eldercare. In the last twenty years, the percentage of the population 65 years and older receiving public home help services in Sweden has decreased from 23 to 8 per cent at the same time as the number of beds in hospitalized eldercare has been heavily reduced. Moreover, during the course of the 2000s, the majority of the Swedish municipalities have reintroduced means testing of the eldercare based on whether the elderly have relatives or not that can perform the services. Parallel with these downsizes in the publicly financed and organized eldercare; privately produced eldercare services have increased, carried out by large and internationally own business corporations. Based on an theoretical framework, which combines the historical approach within the neo-institutional research tradition with a discursive method of analysis, this thesis explores if the period from the 1980s and onwards has been a formative moment in Swedish eldercare during which new ideas have become embedded in the institutional frameworks regulating the division of responsibility for eldercare services between the state, the family and the market. To examine if and how the municipalities, which are principally responsible for organizing and financing the public eldercare in Sweden, have implemented the change in ideas that have emerged in national politics since the 1980s, the thesis also examines how the eldercare has developed in two of Sweden’s municipalities since the 1980s. The results of the thesis demonstrates that the period from the 1980s and onwards has been a formative moment in the Swedish eldercare during which new ideas regarding the public responsibility for eldercare service have emerged and become institutionalized. Since the 1980s, senior citizens’ need for care has increasingly been re-interpreted from a public to a private issue with the consequence that today, their need for certain services, in particular those related to housework, are no longer regarded to be a public responsibility but a private matter that the elderly will have to solve, either by buying the services on the market, or, by asking relatives for help and assistance. The main problem connected with this reprivatization of senior citizens’ need for care is, however, that as the state has withdrawn its responsibility, women, in their role of being wives, daughters, or daughters-in-laws, have been forced to step in as informal and unpaid providers of care. Therefore, regardless of political reigns and modes of production, women have been forced to taken on an increasingly larger responsibility for their elderly relatives.

The purpose of this study was to predict the family resources that influence positive family-to-work spillover for women who are engaged in parent, partner, and paid employee roles. While much research examines the construct of work-family conflict, little examines the positive benefits for women participating in multiple roles. A conceptual framework for the study was obtained from Voydanoffs (2002) work applying ecological systems theory to the work-family interface. Several factors were hypothesized to predict positive family-to-work spillover for multiple role women, including: spousal support; perceived fairness in the division of housework and childcare; relative share of childcare and housework; and paid assistance with housework.<p>Data for this study was collected in a survey designed for a larger assessment of work, family, gender, and health in the Saskatoon area. The current study utilized data collected from women who met the following criteria: 1) spoke fluent English; 2) fell between the ages of 25 - 54 years; 3) were employed full-time or part-time; and 4) were the parent of at least one child under the age of 20 years. The dependent variable was a measure of positive family-to-work spillover. Independent variables included: spousal support; perceived fairness of the division of childcare; perceived fairness of the division of housework; relative of share of housework for respondents compared to ones partner; and paid assistance with housework. Control variables included income, presence of preschool children, number of children, educational attainment, and hours of paid employment. A sequential multiple regression was performed to predict positive family-to-work spillover from the independent variables. The final regression model predicting positive family-to-work spillover included three independent variables: 1) spousal support; 2) the perception of division of childcare as unfair to ones partner; and 3) relative share of housework for the respondent. Implications and limitations of these findings are discussed.

Literature on lifelong learning indicates that major life transitions lead to significant learning. However, compared to learning in paid jobs, learning in and through household work has received little attention, given the unpaid nature and the private sphere where the learning occurs. The current study examined the changes and the learning involved in three aspects of household work: food work, childcare/parenting, and emotion work among recent Chinese immigrants in Canada. This study draws on data from a Canadian Survey on Work and Lifelong Learning (WALL), 20 individual interviews, a focus group, and a discussion group with new Chinese professional immigrants in the Greater Toronto Area. The results indicate that food work and childcare increased dramatically after immigration due to a sudden decline of economic resources and the lack of social support network for childcare. Emotion work intensified due to the challenges in paid jobs and the absence of extended families in the new homeland. To adapt to the changes in their social and economic situations, and to integrate into the Canadian society, Chinese immigrants learned new beliefs and practices about food and childrearing, developed new knowledge and skills in cooking and grocery shopping, in childcare and disciplining, in solving conflicts with children and spouses, and in transnational kin maintenance. In addition, the Chinese immigrants also developed new views about family, paid and unpaid work, meaning of life, and new gender and ethnic identities. However, these dramatic changes did not shatter the gendered division of household work. Both the qualitative and the quantitative data suggest that women not only do more but also different types of household tasks. As a result, it is not surprising that both the content and the ways of learning associated with household work varied by gender, class, and ethnicity. By exploring learning involved in the four dimensions of household work: physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual, this dissertation demonstrates that learning is both lifelong and lifewide. By making household work visible, this research helps make visible the value of the unpaid work and the learning involved in it.

Literature on lifelong learning indicates that major life transitions lead to significant learning. However, compared to learning in paid jobs, learning in and through household work has received little attention, given the unpaid nature and the private sphere where the learning occurs. The current study examined the changes and the learning involved in three aspects of household work: food work, childcare/parenting, and emotion work among recent Chinese immigrants in Canada. This study draws on data from a Canadian Survey on Work and Lifelong Learning (WALL), 20 individual interviews, a focus group, and a discussion group with new Chinese professional immigrants in the Greater Toronto Area. The results indicate that food work and childcare increased dramatically after immigration due to a sudden decline of economic resources and the lack of social support network for childcare. Emotion work intensified due to the challenges in paid jobs and the absence of extended families in the new homeland. To adapt to the changes in their social and economic situations, and to integrate into the Canadian society, Chinese immigrants learned new beliefs and practices about food and childrearing, developed new knowledge and skills in cooking and grocery shopping, in childcare and disciplining, in solving conflicts with children and spouses, and in transnational kin maintenance. In addition, the Chinese immigrants also developed new views about family, paid and unpaid work, meaning of life, and new gender and ethnic identities. However, these dramatic changes did not shatter the gendered division of household work. Both the qualitative and the quantitative data suggest that women not only do more but also different types of household tasks. As a result, it is not surprising that both the content and the ways of learning associated with household work varied by gender, class, and ethnicity. By exploring learning involved in the four dimensions of household work: physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual, this dissertation demonstrates that learning is both lifelong and lifewide. By making household work visible, this research helps make visible the value of the unpaid work and the learning involved in it.

The purpose of this study was to predict the family resources that influence positive family-to-work spillover for women who are engaged in parent, partner, and paid employee roles. While much research examines the construct of work-family conflict, little examines the positive benefits for women participating in multiple roles. A conceptual framework for the study was obtained from Voydanoffs (2002) work applying ecological systems theory to the work-family interface. Several factors were hypothesized to predict positive family-to-work spillover for multiple role women, including: spousal support; perceived fairness in the division of housework and childcare; relative share of childcare and housework; and paid assistance with housework.<p>Data for this study was collected in a survey designed for a larger assessment of work, family, gender, and health in the Saskatoon area. The current study utilized data collected from women who met the following criteria: 1) spoke fluent English; 2) fell between the ages of 25 - 54 years; 3) were employed full-time or part-time; and 4) were the parent of at least one child under the age of 20 years. The dependent variable was a measure of positive family-to-work spillover. Independent variables included: spousal support; perceived fairness of the division of childcare; perceived fairness of the division of housework; relative of share of housework for respondents compared to ones partner; and paid assistance with housework. Control variables included income, presence of preschool children, number of children, educational attainment, and hours of paid employment. A sequential multiple regression was performed to predict positive family-to-work spillover from the independent variables. The final regression model predicting positive family-to-work spillover included three independent variables: 1) spousal support; 2) the perception of division of childcare as unfair to ones partner; and 3) relative share of housework for the respondent. Implications and limitations of these findings are discussed.

The gender division of care work and housework is a product of numerous factors, both individual and national. By using the ‘Equal Gender Division of Labour’ (EGDL) indicator developed by Dearing (2016a), this thesis assesses correlations between parental leave policy and division of reproductive labour in 27 countries. OLS regression was used to test the hypothesis and determine correlations. By controlling for the correlations of individual attitudes, the thesis attempted to isolate the effects of parental leave policies. The results indicate that parental leave policies which promote gender equality are positively correlated with men’s larger shares of care work and housework. When control variables are added, the results demonstrate how parental leave policy is directly correlated with men’s larger share of care work. As for men’s share of housework, the thesis suggests that the original correlations are due to the effect of individual attitudes, which may also be impacted by parental leave policy.

This thesis contributes to two completely unrelated debates in the economic literature, similar only in the relatively high degree of controversy characterizing each one. <p>The first part is methodological and macroeconomic in nature, addressing the question of whether the distribution of income across countries is converging (i.e. are the poor catching up to the rich?) or diverging (i.e. are we witnessing the formation of two exclusive clubs, one for poor countries and another one for rich countries?). Applications of the simple Markov model to this question have generated evidence in favor of the divergence hypothesis. In the first chapter, I critically review these results. I use statistical inference to show that the divergence results are not statistically robust, and I explain that this instability of the results comes from the application of a model for discrete data to data that is actually continuous. In the second chapter, I reposition the whole convergence-divergence debate by placing it in the context of Silverman’s classic survey of non-parametric density estimation techniques. This allows me to use the basic notions of fuzzy logic to adapt the simple Markov chain model to continuous data. When I apply the newly adapted Markov chain model to the cross-country distribution question, I find evidence against the divergence hypothesis, and this evidence is statistically robust. <p>The second part of the thesis is empirical and microeconomic in nature. I question whether observed differences between husbands’ and wives’ participation in labor markets are due to different preferences or to different constraints. My identification strategy is based on the idea that the more power an individual has relative to his/her partner, the more his/her actions will reflect his/her preferences. I use 2001 PSID data on cohabiting couples to estimate a simultaneous equations model of the spousal time allocation decision. My results confirm the stylized fact that specialization and trade does not explain time allocation for couples in which the wife is the primary breadwinner, and suggest that power could provide a more general explanation of the observations. My results show that wives with relatively more power choose to work more on the labor market and less at home, whereas husbands with more power choose to do the opposite. Since women start out from a lower level of labor market participation than men do, it would seem that spouses’ agree that the ideal mix of market work and housework lies somewhere between the husbands’ and the wives’ current positions. / Doctorat en sciences économiques, Orientation économie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished