This thesis makes two related arguments regarding the academic field of migration and refugee studies (MARS) and the control of migration by UK state agencies. The first, and more empirical one, is that the former facilitated the latter: the field’s members provided symbolic, technical, and pedagogic assistance to two non-departmental public bodies in controlling migration. The second, and more theoretical, argument of this thesis is that MARS facilitated migration control because of culture, power, and structure. It is through the field’s implication in the coercion of its human subjects by UK state agencies that MARS academics a) answered their calling, b) assisted class rule as ideologists, and c) separated sacred and profane by policing endogamy. The introduction describes the existing literature on the relationship between MARS and migration control. The consensus is that the former facilitated the latter. However, these studies fail to provide detailed accounts of the ways in which it did so. Chapter One defines the elements of my more empirical argument: MARS and migration control. An historical narrative outlines the institutional development of the field since its beginnings in the early 1980s. Then a new model for understanding migration control – i.e., migrant CODAR – is described. Chapter Two uses this model to trace the actor network through which MARS academics facilitated the restriction of their human subjects’ mobility by the UK state agencies of the Advisory Panel on Country Information and the Migration Advisory Committee. Chapters Three, Four, and Five use Weberian, Marxist, and Durkheimian anthropological approaches (respectively) to explain the implication of MARS and migration control that is described in Chapters One and Two. Finally, the conclusion of the thesis discusses its contributions to both more particular (i.e., the literature surveyed in the introduction on MARS and migration control) and more general (i.e., anthropology) scholarly fields.

Today, an estimated 65,3 million people are reported as forcibly displaced globally. This figure includes 40,8 million people who are considered to be internally displaced within their own country and therefore rely upon the protection of their state. State sovereignty implies that the main responsibility for the protection of its people lies with the state. In situations where the state fails or is unwilling to fulfill its duty to protect the population, the principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) can be applied to prevent genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. The purpose of this study is to review to what extent R2P provides protection for the rights of internally displaced persons and how R2P relates to the notion of human security. The theoretical framework is based on the concepts of human dignity, sovereignty, human security and R2P. Argumentation analysis was used in order to be able to compare the different arguments within the R2P discourse to determine whether the principle provides legitimate means for protection or not. The study shows that R2P provides several legitimate means for the protection of internally displaced people. Especially when it comes to measures preventing people from becoming displaced. However, the protection measures towards people already internally displaced can in several instances be regerded as insufficent and illegitimate. This is mainly due to the fact that the UN can undermine the legitimacy of the principle e.g. by obstructing aid support with veto decisions or lack strategies for reconstruction. The cooperation with other actors (AU, ICC) also shows that the protection of internally displaced persons may vary between states.

This thesis inquires into the meaning of the right to security of person. This right is found in many international, regional and domestic human rights instruments. However, academic discourse reveals disagreement about the meaning of the right. The thesis first considers case law from the European Convention on Human Rights, the South African Bill of Rights and the Canadian Charter. The analysis shows that courts too disagree about the meaning of the right to security of person. The thesis then takes a theoretical approach to understanding the meaning of the right. It is argued that the concept of ‘security’ establishes that the right imposes both positive and negative duties but that ‘security’ does not determine which interests are protected by the right. For this, we need consider the meaning of the ‘person’. The notion of personhood as understood in the ‘capabilities approach’ of Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum is then introduced. It is suggested that this theory could be used to identify the interests protected by the right. Next, the theoretical developments are applied to the legal context in order to illustrate the variety of interests the right to security of person would protect and the type of duties it would impose. As a result, it is argued that the idea of ‘security of person’ is too broad to form the subject matter of an individual legal right. This raises a question over the relationship between security of person and human rights law. It is proposed that instead of recognising an individual legal right to security of person, human rights law as a whole could be seen as a mechanism to secure the person, the capabilities approach determining what it takes to fulfil a right and thereby secure the person.

Most scholarly research and international policy initiatives on small arms control (SALW) tend to focus exclusively on the supply side of arms control, while the demand side for small arms remains relatively unexplored. The general assumption is that by regulating the international and regional supply of SALW, and by preventing and tracking the illicit flow that drift into the open markets, armed violence can be reduced. However, empirical evidence suggests that attempts to control and reduce the supply of weapons through sanctions, embargoes, and regional commitments alone have hardly stopped or mitigated armed conflict. In looking at the global arms trade, one sees that often countries subjected to supply side restrictions have managed to acquire arms through finding willing sellers, black market acquisitions, and/or domestic production. This dissertation examines the factors that drive the demand for SALW in weak states by identifying the important gaps in literature on demand, providing a consistent and systematic framework to address these gaps, and applying the framework to a single country case study. The main argument in this study is that in order to understand group arming behaviour, its relationship to the dynamics of armed conflict, and the kind of incentives integral to the design of interventions that seek to influence behaviours associated with arms acquisitions during post-conflict arms management, there needs to be a better understanding of the independent variables shaping the demand for SALW. Too often, analysts conflate the reasons why groups acquire SALW with the reasons why groups go to war. However, if the act of acquiring SALW occurs at a different point in time from the process of organising and planning armed conflict, the two events need to be analysed separately. This study uses a human security analytical approach to understand sources of threats to security at the household level. It employs a nationally representative rapid household survey (n=1200) on SALW ownership, acquisition and attitudes, and focus group discussions (n=77) implemented in select locations to unpack responses which have not been thoroughly addressed during the survey. In-depth interviews with key informants, civilian firearm permit records, and public health data were also collected to supplement primary data. The design is applied to a single case study, the Casamance in Senegal. This study illustrates that an increased level of weapons accumulation does not always necessitate an automatic rise in SALW related violence or local level arms races at the outset of armed conflict. This works contributes to the growing body of literature on SALW by advancing an analytically applicable concept of demand to increase our understanding of what motivates the choices groups make in acquiring and using small arms. Lastly, this study develops a replicable template that can be applied to further research on SALW demand in conflict-ridden regions.

This thesis presents descriptive and explanatory accounts of both non-theism, the lack of belief in the existence of supernatural agents, and strong atheism, the moral opposition to such beliefs on the grounds that they are both harmful and signs of weak character. Based on my fieldwork with non-theist groups and individuals in the United States, United Kingdom, and Denmark, an online survey of over 3,000 non-theists from over 50 countries, and theories from both the social and cognitive sciences, I offer a new account of why nations with low economic and normative threats produce high levels of non-theism. This account is offered in place of the common explanation that religious beliefs provide comfort in threatening circumstances, which I show to be both anthropologically and psychologically problematic. My account centres on the role of threats, both existential and normative, in increasing commitment to ingroup ideologies, many of which are religious, and the important role of witnessing displays of commitment to religious beliefs in producing such beliefs in each new generation. In environments with low levels of personal and normative threat, commitment to religious ideologies decreases, extrinsic reasons for religious participation decrease, and superstitious actions decrease. Given the human tendency to believe the communications of others to the extent that they are backed up by action, such a decrease in displays of commitment to religious beliefs leads to increased non-theism in the span of a generation. In relation to strong atheism, I document a correlation, both geographical and chronological, between strong atheism and the presence of religious beliefs and demands in the public sphere. I then offer an explanation of this correlation based on the effects of threats against a modern normative order characterized by philosopher Charles Taylor as a system of mutual benefit and individual liberty.

This thesis is an institutional ethnography of the Nigeria Police Force. It concentrates on evidence from 18 months of fieldwork in one particular police station, in the pseudonymised town of Dutsin Bature in central Nigeria, and draws comparative evidence from examples and locations elsewhere in Nigeria. The fieldwork evidence is also supported by analyses of public discourse, literature reviews, some formal interviews and historical research. The thesis aims to fill a gap in empirical scholarship by looking at policing in Nigeria primarily from the level of everyday practice, and deriving understandings of the ways the overall system works, rather than by taking normative structural approaches and basing suppositions of actual behaviour upon these. It also aims to document emic perspectives on policing in Nigeria, in contrast to most existing scholarship and public discourse which takes an external perspective, from which the voices and worldviews of police themselves are absent. The thesis situates this ethnography within three theoretical terrains. First, developing understandings of policing and public security in Africa, which have often neglected in-depth studies of formal police forces. Secondly, enlarging the ethnographic study of formal institutions in African states, to develop a closer understanding of what state systems are and how they function, beyond the overtly dysfunctionalist perspectives which have dominated recent scholarship. Thirdly, informing ongoing debates over state and society in Africa, problematising understandings which see these as separate entities instead of mutually constitutive, and drawing attention to the ways in which the two interpenetrate and together mould the public sphere. The thesis begins with a historical overview of the trajectory of formal policing in Nigeria, then examines public understandings and representations of policing, before moving inside the institutional boundaries, considering in turn the human composition of the police, training and character formation, the way police officers do their work in Dutsin Bature, Nigerian police officers’ preoccupation with risk and the systemic effects of their efforts to mitigate it, and finally officers’ subjective perspectives on their work, their lived realities, and on Nigeria in an era of transition. These build together to suggest some conclusions pertinent to the theoretical perspectives.

Borderlands are critical security zones but remain poorly understood. In regions plagued by drug violence and conflict, violent groups compete for territorial control, cooperate in illegal cross-border activities, and substitute for the functions of the state in these areas. Despite undermining physical security, fuelling fear, and challenging the state’s sovereignty, the exact modi operandi of these groups are little known. Against this backdrop, this thesis explores how different interactions among violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in the Colombian-Ecuadorian and Colombian-Venezuelan borderlands impact on citizen security. These border areas attract rebels, paramilitaries and criminal organisations alike: they constitute geo-strategic corridors for the global cocaine industry and are sites of supply and operation for the major actors involved in Colombia’s decades-long armed internal conflict. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this thesis consolidates the literature on conflict, security and organised crime, borders and borderlands, and anthropological approaches to fear and violence. It integrates theories of cooperation among social actors with original empirical research. It is based on a comparative, multi-sited case-study design, using ethnographic methods complemented by quantitative data. The research involved over twelve months of fieldwork with 433 interviews and participant observation on both sides of the crisis-affected Colombia-Ecuador and Colombia-Venezuela borders, and in Bogotá, Caracas and Quito. Developing a typology of VNSA interactions, I argue that these create not only physical violence but also less visible types of insecurity: when VNSAs fight each other, citizens are exposed to violence but follow the rules imposed by the opposing parties. Fragile alliances produce uncertainty among communities and erode the social fabric by fuelling interpersonal mistrust. Where VNSAs provide security and are socially recognised, "shadow citizen security" arises: security based on undemocratic means. I show that the geography of borderlands reinforces the distinct impacts of VNSA arrangements on citizen security yet renders them less visible.

La revendication et/ou suggestion d'une africanisation du maintien de la paix en Afrique devait conduire à la réforme du système africain de sécurité. Il s'agit d’une réforme tant normative qu'institutionnelle menée en vue de donner une nouvelle orientation au cadre opérationnel dans l’optique d’une meilleure contribution du continent au maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Ce travail s'est opéré à la fois au niveau régional et au niveau des communautés économiques régionales (CER) qui font partie intégrante de l’architecture africaine de paix et de sécurité telle que construite au sein et autour de l’Union africaine. Le plus emblématique est pour l’UA de s'être dotée d’un droit d'intervention là où certaines CER, à l'instar de la CEDEAO, avaient déjà pris des initiatives, afin de répondre aux crises les plus diverses dont le génocide. A tout prendre, il s’agit d'une avancée significative du système ainsi mis en place. A l’observation toutefois, on peine à voir un modèle typiquement africain des opérations de maintien de la paix, tant il est vrai que les deux segments, organisation et déploiement opérationnel, laissent apparaître une hétéronormativité et un déploiement pluri-institutionnel. Cela découle sans doute de la prégnance de la fragilité de certains acteurs étatiques qui frise tout élan de construction d’un système communautaire de sécurité fort, nécessitant au surplus des mesures de (re) construction de l’Etat, appuyée par les institutions internationales dont la première d’entre elles - l’ONU. / The demand and/or suggestion of an Africanization of peacekeeping in Africa should lead to the reform of the African security system. This is a normative and institutional reform aimed at giving a new orientation to the operational framework in order to enhancing the continent's contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. This work has been carried out both at the regional level and at the regional economic community (REC) level, which are an integral part of the African peace and security architecture as built within and around the African Union. The most emblematic is for the AU to have a right of intervention where certain RECs, like ECOWAS, have already taken initiatives to respond to the most diverse crises including the genocide. On the whole, this is a significant step forward in the system thus put in place. However, it is difficult to see a typical African model of peacekeeping operations, as it is true that the two segments, operational organization and deployment, reveal a heteronormativity and a multi-institutional deployment. This is probably due to the fragility of certain state actors, which hampers any effort to build a strong Community security system, which in addition requires measures to (re) build the state, supported by international institutions, Starting with the first - the United Nations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliano Akira de Souza Aragusuku.pdf: 1165422 bytes, checksum: 64ca26eb0f96f14e7ecb53dee11d631d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-11 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo / Japan is one of the main actors at the International System, with expressive capacity in the economic dimension and low expression in the strategic and political dimensions. Thus, Japan emphasized its performance in the international scene through the economic way, being distinguished, until the present moment, as one of the main actors in the international cooperation for development disbursing Official Assistance for Development (ODA). However, it would be ingenuous to assume that the supply of assistance to the developing countries occurs in reason of altruistic positions. Therefore, the objective is to analyze how the ODA is inserted in the context of the Japanese foreign policy. Initially we will evaluate the theoretical explanations developed in the field of the International Relations on the developed countries‟ aid disburses, emphasizing the case of Japan. Thus, we will seek to identify the motivations that support the Japanese ODA, using an empirical research. It is intended, finally, the comprehension about the Japanese uses of ODA to promote its interests, marking its position in the game of the international relations / O Japão é um dos principais atores do Sistema Internacional, com expressiva capacidade na dimensão econômica e baixa expressão nas dimensões política e estratégica. Destarte, o Japão enfatizou sua atuação no cenário internacional por meio da via econômica, destacando-se, até o presente momento, como um dos principais atores na cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento por intermédio dos mecanismos de Assistência Oficial para o Desenvolvimento (ODA). No entanto, seria ingênuo supor que o fornecimento de assistência aos países em desenvolvimento ocorre em razão de posturas altruístas. Dessa forma, o objetivo deste trabalho consiste em analisar como a ODA se insere no contexto da política externa japonesa no período de 2003 a 2008. Inicialmente serão avaliadas as explicações teóricas desenvolvidas no campo das Relações Internacionais para o fornecimento de ajuda por parte de países desenvolvidos, dando-se ênfase ao caso do Japão. Em seguida, procurar-se-á identificar as motivações que sustentam a oferta de ODA por parte do Japão, tomando por base uma pesquisa empírica. Pretende-se, por fim, o entendimento de como o Japão utiliza a ODA para promover seus interesses e/ou marcar suas posições no jogo das relações internacionais

Národní bezpečnostní systém v Libanonu Jan Kužvart Abstract Diploma thesis "The National Security System of the Republic of Lebanon" (the LSS) deals with the system which keeps order and stability in Lebanon. The thesis also focuses on the possibility of its reform (i.e. security sector reform, SSR). The LSS contains army and other various security apparatus institutions and superior control bodies. It also includes external actors who are participating in SSR (for example the EU and the USA) or actors who are helping the Lebanese state to maintain security inside of its territory (e.g. UNIFIL). The LSS has strong normative dimension as well. It comprehends the unwritten rules of the game, the Lebanese foreign relations and fundamental Lebanese constitutional documents. The thesis delineates objects which the LSS is supposed to protect (i.e. Lebanon and its citizens) and threats which the LSS faces.