The paper analyzes the concept of human security - freedom from fear, freedom from want and freedom to live in dignity - and it's political potential to respect human dignity. Is the concept (only) an academic philosophical challenge, or it is also directed towards mobilizing a political action that respect human dignity? The term 'security' has a mobilizing effect, which is why I chose to understand human security based on a slightly modified variant of Thierry Balzaq's securitization theory, which raises the question of how cases, in this case human dignity, is securitized. The analysis is made in the context Kerala's women live in. The analysis demonstrates that it is not possible to conclude that human security is a (success­ful) securitization of human dignity, only an attempt to securitize. Although the securitization theory can be improved, and thus show a successful securitization there is a reason to question the benefits of striving for a securitization of human dignity. The aim should rather be a humanizing security. Kerala's women in God's Own Country can have a better life situation and respect of their inherent human dignity. / Uppsatsen analyserar begreppet mänsklig säkerhet - frihet från fruktan, frihet från nöd och frihet att leva ett liv i värdighet - och dess politiska potential att respektera mänsklig värdig­het. Är begreppet (endast) en akademisk filosofisk utmaning, eller är den även inriktad på att mobilisera fram ett politiskt agerande som respekterar mänsklig värdighet? Termen 'säkerhet' har en inbyggd mobiliserande effekt, vilket gör att jag valt att förstå mänsklig säkerhet utifrån en lätt modifierad variant av Thierry Balzaqs säkerhetiseringsteori, som ställer sig frågan om hur företeelser, i detta fall mänsklig värdighet, säkerhetiseras. Analysen görs i den kontext som Keralas kvinnor lever i. Analysen påvisar att det inte går att finna att mänsklig säkerhet är en (lyckad) säkerhetisering av mänsklig värdighet, utan endast ett försök till säkerhetisering. Trots att säkerhetiserings­teorin kan förbättras, och därmed uppvisa en lyckad säkerhetisering finns det anledning att ifrågasätta nyttan med att sträva efter en säkerhetisering av mänsklig värdighet. Målet bör snarare vara en humanisering av säkerhet. Keralas kvinnor i God's Own Country kan få en bättre livssituation och en respekt för vår inneboende mänsklig värdighet.

This essay explores the cultural and socio-economic barriers for women’s political representation in Zambian politics as well as the importance of women’s representation for their human security. Due to a Western focus on earlier research, a developing country was chosen in order to investigate any differing perspectives that would emerge. The guiding research problem was why Zambia despite being relatively stable and peaceful still ranked lower in gender equality indexes when compared to their more unstable neighbours.A theoretical model outlined by Nadezhda Shvedova was used to formulate interview questions. The main material used for the study was semi-structured interviews conducted with members of the National Assembly in Lusaka Zambia as part of a Minor Field Study. The results allowed for an expansion of Shvedova’s model with one more category. The main conclusion reached is that all barriers outlined in Shvedova’s model were present in Zambia but that there is a slow but constant progress in eliminating these barriers mainly through political will and representation of women in politics. Suggested continuations of the study are to do a comparative study with a country in the region as well as conducting non-elite interviews and surveys outside the capital city Lusaka.

The security sector of a state is supposed to deliver a secure environment for its citizens. Security Sector Reform (SSR) are reforms aiming to develop the security sector of a state in order to guarantee human security. In Kosovo SSR is in operation to create a more secure society with greater civil control. The aim of this essay is to examine how Kosovos’ security sector is organized year 2007 and how its development should progress in order to facilitate security and civilian control of the security sector, with focus on three central actors: the Kosovo Police Service (KPS), the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) and the security service. The theoretical framework used, with a descriptive purpose, pinpoints Human security, Post- conflict reconstruction, Intrastate Security Dilemma, SSR and Implementation theory for networks as important elements for the study and understanding of SSR. The main findings are that a holistic approach is needed when addressing SSR and that all further SSR in Kosovo are dependent of the future status of Kosovo and a good economic development. Currently, one of the main problems facing the security sector in Kosovo is the lack of civil oversight. Key words: Security Sector Reform (SSR), human security, Kosovo, Kosovo Police Service (KPS), Kosovo Protection Corps (KPS), security service. Nyckelord: Säkerhetssektorreformer (SSR), mänsklig säkerhet, Kosovo, Kosovo Police Service (KPS), Kosovo Protection Corps (KPS), säkerhetstjänst.

<p>Human rights and solidarity, as well as moral and legal responsibilities to protect people in need of refuge, seem to be principles of secondary importance within international migratory policies today. Instead, the predominant view seems to focus more and more on the protection of territorial borders, the welfare state and national identity. This international change in discourse can also be seen in the political trends of individual states. There are reasons to believe that this is a development that is also perceptible in the political rhetoric that is used in parliamentary debates, which constitute the main focus of this thesis. The aim of this study has therefore been to increase the understanding of this change in migratory policies by analyzing Swedish parliamentary debates between 1975 and 2002, using a theoretical framework focused on two different perspectives on security: First, the Copenhagen School and securitization of migration, and second, human security and human rights. The method consists of an interpretative and reflective method, together with a critical discourse analysis approach. The main results of the thesis show a possibility to distinguish four sets of discourses with close ties to the contemporary societal context during this period of almost three decades. However, the main arguments for such a change in discourse are first, that although the migration policies have developed in a more restrictive way since the 1980’s, the arguments and rhetoric in parliamentary debates have not changed much even though the tendencies are harder tones simultaneously with such restrictions. Second, in spite of this similarity, there have been people in parliament who have raised their voices and protested during this period when, in their view, the politics has moved outside of the ordinary framework. Finally, this thesis argues that it is possible to place the two debating sides in what could be named the security/rights- nexus, depending on each side’s point of departure according to the security framework of this thesis.</p>

<p>The security sector of a state is supposed to deliver a secure environment for its citizens. Security Sector Reform (SSR) are reforms aiming to develop the security sector of a state in order to guarantee human security. In Kosovo SSR is in operation to create a more secure society with greater civil control.</p><p>The aim of this essay is to examine how Kosovos’ security sector is organized year 2007 and how its development should progress in order to facilitate security and civilian control of the security sector, with focus on three central actors: the Kosovo Police Service (KPS), the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) and the security service. The theoretical framework used, with a descriptive purpose, pinpoints Human security, Post- conflict reconstruction, Intrastate Security Dilemma, SSR and Implementation theory for networks as important elements for the study and understanding of SSR.</p><p>The main findings are that a holistic approach is needed when addressing SSR and that all further SSR in Kosovo are dependent of the future status of Kosovo and a good economic development. Currently, one of the main problems facing the security sector in Kosovo is the lack of civil oversight.</p><p>Key words: Security Sector Reform (SSR), human security, Kosovo, Kosovo Police Service (KPS), Kosovo Protection Corps (KPS), security service.</p><p>Nyckelord: Säkerhetssektorreformer (SSR), mänsklig säkerhet, Kosovo, Kosovo Police Service (KPS), Kosovo Protection Corps (KPS), säkerhetstjänst.</p>

This study aims to investigate the Guantanamo Bay detention camp from a state security and human security perspective. This study analyses the Guantanamo Bay detention camp from the USA’s and UN’s perspectives on state security and human security. The study further analyses whether or not the USA is violating human rights in Guantanamo Bay whilst invoking state security to justify it. The method that has been used is text analysis. The method did help to answer both the purpose and research questions of the study. The findings of the study shows that the USA built the Guantanamo Bay to imprison terrorists who posed a threat to the nation’s security, and that the UN has concluded that the USA acted within reasonable self-defense when it built Guantanamo Bay and imprisoned hundreds of inmates. However, the findings further show that human rights were not respected in Guantanamo Bay as the inmates were ill-treated. The UN concluded that the USA puts state security above human security by maintaining Guantanamo Bay.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka huruvida Sverige och dess styrande organ har lyft fram utvecklingsfrågor som ett hot mot säkerheten enligt de kriterier som jag har valt att plocka ur Securitization Theory. Detta har jag gjort genom att undersöka officiella dokument från riksdag och Försvarsdepartement.Jag har använt mig av den konstruktivistiska metodologin eftersom den synen på världen till viss del sammanfaller med några av grundtankarna i Securitization Theory. Jag har använt mig av en kvalitativ metod när jag har undersökt min frågeställning och försökt besvara den.Jag kommer argumentera för det resultatet som jag har funnit, att man kan svara besvara min frågeställning enligt de kriterier som jag har satt upp i för utförandet av min uppsats. Genom att sammanfatta vad jag kommit fram till i helhet med mina nyckelfaktorer argumenterar jag för att Sverige har tagit steget från att låta utvecklingsfrågor vara politicized till securitized. / The purpose of this paper is to examine if the Swedish government has elevated development issues as a security threat according to the criteria I have decided to use from Securitization Theory. I have done this by researching official documents from the government and the Ministry of Defence.I have used the constructivist methodology because of their perception the world to some extent overlap with some of the basic ideas of Securitization Theory. I have used a qualitative method when I have investigated my question at issue and tried to answer it.I will argue for the results that I have found that one can answer my question as to the criteria I have set in for the performance of my thesis. By summarizing what I have come to the whole of my key factors I argue that Sweden has taken the step of allowing development issues to go from being politicized to securitized.

Human rights and solidarity, as well as moral and legal responsibilities to protect people in need of refuge, seem to be principles of secondary importance within international migratory policies today. Instead, the predominant view seems to focus more and more on the protection of territorial borders, the welfare state and national identity. This international change in discourse can also be seen in the political trends of individual states. There are reasons to believe that this is a development that is also perceptible in the political rhetoric that is used in parliamentary debates, which constitute the main focus of this thesis. The aim of this study has therefore been to increase the understanding of this change in migratory policies by analyzing Swedish parliamentary debates between 1975 and 2002, using a theoretical framework focused on two different perspectives on security: First, the Copenhagen School and securitization of migration, and second, human security and human rights. The method consists of an interpretative and reflective method, together with a critical discourse analysis approach. The main results of the thesis show a possibility to distinguish four sets of discourses with close ties to the contemporary societal context during this period of almost three decades. However, the main arguments for such a change in discourse are first, that although the migration policies have developed in a more restrictive way since the 1980’s, the arguments and rhetoric in parliamentary debates have not changed much even though the tendencies are harder tones simultaneously with such restrictions. Second, in spite of this similarity, there have been people in parliament who have raised their voices and protested during this period when, in their view, the politics has moved outside of the ordinary framework. Finally, this thesis argues that it is possible to place the two debating sides in what could be named the security/rights- nexus, depending on each side’s point of departure according to the security framework of this thesis.

The purpose of this study is twofold; to apply a human security perspective on our understanding of the individual’s role in crisis management policies and to explore how the issue of the individual’s role is represented in policies from the Swedish Contingencies Agency (MSB). Carol Bacchi’s post-structural policy analysis method “What’s the problem represented to be” (WPR) is used to problematize and understand these representations. The method enabled the author to shed light on how the issue is constructed and represented in policy. Interviews with MSB personnel and other professionals served as a valuable complement to get an inside perspective. This study concludes that the role of the individual is represented in terms of economic efficiency, where the individual is viewed as a resource and not an actor. Furthermore, efforts to include and inform the individual is limited to a representation of survival, not empowerment. This has implications for the policies effects and the realization of political goals for a resilient society. This study also concludes that a crisis management structure based on a human security perspective will be more capable of including the individual. Without a human security perspective, the individual will be caught between policy and reality, and the policies intended to include the individual will not produce the desired outcome.

Today, an estimated 65,3 million people are reported as forcibly displaced globally. This figure includes 40,8 million people who are considered to be internally displaced within their own country and therefore rely upon the protection of their state. State sovereignty implies that the main responsibility for the protection of its people lies with the state. In situations where the state fails or is unwilling to fulfill its duty to protect the population, the principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) can be applied to prevent genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. The purpose of this study is to review to what extent R2P provides protection for the rights of internally displaced persons and how R2P relates to the notion of human security. The theoretical framework is based on the concepts of human dignity, sovereignty, human security and R2P. Argumentation analysis was used in order to be able to compare the different arguments within the R2P discourse to determine whether the principle provides legitimate means for protection or not. The study shows that R2P provides several legitimate means for the protection of internally displaced people. Especially when it comes to measures preventing people from becoming displaced. However, the protection measures towards people already internally displaced can in several instances be regerded as insufficent and illegitimate. This is mainly due to the fact that the UN can undermine the legitimacy of the principle e.g. by obstructing aid support with veto decisions or lack strategies for reconstruction. The cooperation with other actors (AU, ICC) also shows that the protection of internally displaced persons may vary between states.