A Segurança sempre foi um tema de grande interesse para as nações, para os grandes líderes de governos e para os acadêmicos que foram testemunhas das mudanças no sistema internacional ao longo do tempo. Essas mudanças repercutiram em transformações no conceito de segurança que acompanharam o contexto internacional, criando assim um debate teórico em torno ao conceito. Depois da Guerra Fria, o realismo entra em crise, demandando uma mudança no conceito que, hoje, tem a ver com o indivíduo e as ameaças existentes que se tornam problemas internacionais toda vez que transcendem fronteiras. A Segurança Humana surge como resposta do PNUD à nova agenda internacional, e inclui ameaças não estatais à segurança internacional. Dentro destas ameaças estão presentes os problemas ambientais, as epidemias, o desemprego, a fome, o narcotráfico, o terrorismo, a migração, os conflitos étnicos, as violações dos direitos humanos, dentre outros. São sete as dimensões que procuram classificar todas as ameaças ao individuo. Uma das dimensões da Segurança Humana é a Segurança Alimentar, que busca garantir o acesso, disponibilidade e uso dos alimentos com uma estabilidade ao longo do tempo. Com base nisto, este trabalho abordará as condições e os debates teóricos durante a Guerra Fria, que permitiram o desenvolvimento do conceito de Segurança Humana e, complementarmente, da Segurança Alimentar. Além disso, nesta dissertação, se utiliza a análise de um caso prático de um país em particular, a Bolívia, para medir qualitativamente e quantitativamente os impactos e a eficiência das politicas de Segurança Alimentar aplicadas na última década. / Security has always been a topic of great interest to the nations, to the great leaders of governments and academics who witnessed the changes in the international system over time. These changes impacted on transformation in the concept of security that accompanied the international context, creating a theoretical debate around the concept. After the Cold War, realism was in crisis, demanding a change in the concept that today is related to the individual and the threats that become international problems, and that transcend borders. Human Security is a response from UNDP to the new international agenda, including non-state threats to international security. Within these threats are present environmental issues, epidemics, unemployment, hunger, drug trafficking, terrorism, migration, ethnic conflicts, human rights violations, among others. There are seven dimensions in which it attempts to classify every threat to the individual. One dimension of Human Security is the Food Security, which seeks to ensure access, availability and use of a stable food in time. Based on this, this paper will focus on the conditions and the theoretical debates during the Cold War, which led to the development of the concept of Human Security and additionally Food Security. Moreover, in this dissertation, we use the analysis of a case study of a specific country, Bolivia, to qualitatively and quantitatively measure the impact and efficiency of Food Security policies implemented in the last decade.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Aline Chianca Dantas.pdf: 2235681 bytes, checksum: f6908e90cba608d7851dafbc1d10f674 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper aims to discuss the impact of the discourse of human security on the performance of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and, consequently, on Japanese national security. In order to do this, the work is divided into four parts: exposure of the links between Japanese national security and SDF, presentation of the SDF s action, interaction of the SDF with the discourse of human security and the implications of human security discourse on Japanese national security, in terms of expanding the military character. The methodology adopted in this study is guided by a bibliographic research on the featured topics, emphasizing qualitative and quantitative aspects, whereas the theoretical approach is consistent with the time of each survey. The ideas used were the ones of Wendt s (1999), reflecting over the relationship between agent and structure, the constructive thoughts of Onuf (2002) and Zehfuss (2002), demonstrating the relevance of discourse and ultimately realistic assumptions connected with issues of power and interest. So, in the light of the exposed, it is argued that Japan is in a smooth process of militarization and normalization, within what is meant by pacific activism, having as one of its tools for this an instrument of soft power, that is the human security discourse. / Este trabalho objetiva debater o impacto do discurso de segurança humana sobre a atuação das Forças de Autodefesa Japonesas e, consequentemente, sobre a segurança nacional japonesa. Para isso, divide-se o trabalho em quatro partes: exposição dos laços entre a segurança nacional japonesa e as FAD, apresentação da atuação das FAD, interação das FAD com o discurso de segurança humana e as implicações do discurso de segurança humana sobre a segurança nacional japonesa, em termos de ampliação do caráter militar. A metodologia adotada nesse estudo pauta-se em pesquisas bibliográficas sobre os temas destacados, ressaltando-se aspectos qualitativos e quantitativos; já a abordagem teórica coaduna-se com cada momento da pesquisa, sendo utilizadas as ideias de Wendt (1999) da relação entre agente e estrutura, pensamentos construtivistas de Onuf (2002) e Zehfuss (2002), denotando-se a relevância do discurso e, finalmente, premissas realistas conectadas com questões de poder e interesse. Portanto, à luz do exposto, argumenta-se que o Japão encontra-se em processo de militarização e normalização suave, dentro do que se entende por ativismo pacífico, tendo como uma de suas ferramentas para isso um instrumento de soft power, que é o discurso de segurança humana.

This study is concerned with Canadas policy towards peace, security and development in Africa. It examines Canadas response to these issues in relation to the New Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD), the African Union Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Security Mechanism. With the intensification of violent conflicts in parts of Africa and their impact on individuals, communities, and socioeconomic development, African leaders transformed the OAU into the AU and established APSA to promote regional and human security in Africa. At the sub-regional level, West African leaders established the ECOWAS Security Mechanism to address the (human) security deficit in the West Africa region. These institutional transformations coincided with the launching of the NEPAD, which became one of the central instruments of engagement between Africa and the international community to address the peace, security and development challenges on the African continent. Canadas response to the NEPAD under the Liberal government of Jean Chrtien came in the form of a $500 million Canada fund for Africa (CFA) that among other things supported the capacity building of APSA and the ECOWAS Security Mechanism. The promotion of human security played a key role in Canadas approach to the AU and ECOWAS peace and security capacity building. I use a non-imperial internationalist approach that draws on the theoretical insights of a constructivist approach to international relations to provide an understanding of the Canadian governments policy. I argue that the Canadian governments policy towards the AU and ECOWAS can be understood in terms of the moral identity that Canada has built or acquired over the years in Africa. While this moral identity provides the means through which Canadian interests are pursued in Africa, it appears that the interest in maintaining this image has overshadowed the need for the Canadian government to craft an overarching policy and put resources behind the rhetoric of promoting peace and security, particularly human security in Africa.

<p>This thesis explores the complexity of the concept “security” in theory and practice. The traditional security concept is replaced by a human-centred security approach in order to analyse women's security,. The stories of Afro-Colombian and indigenous women from the poor and war-torn region Chocó in Colombia demonstrate that the insecurity of the <em>Chocoano </em>women is not only created by the armed conflict in Colombia, but that insecurity fundamentally has its roots in societal structures and systems as well. This thesis argues that the category “woman” is insufficient and that an intersectional approach is the only way to fully understand the Chocoano women’s security and insecurity. In the case of Chocó, the population's ways of relating to the ancestral territories is one example of how ethnicity and culture play a mayor role for their security. The concept <em>human security </em>will be embraced for its recognition of the intimate relation between human rights, development and individual security. Galtung's theory on violence will also be used in order to complete the picture of how the direct and indirect violence that Chocoano women suffer from is reinforced by unequal power relations.</p><p> </p><p>Furthermore, women’s possibilities to act for security, mainly through nongovernmental organizations and the Church, are investigated. The peripheral positions of the Chocoano women in Colombia as well as within their own cultures are found to be barriers to women’s effective participation in security policy. It is also concluded that the relation between security and activism for human rights is rather complex and contradictory in Chocó. Finally, it is argued that there exist several parallel and competing discourses of security. The predominant discourse of security in Colombia ignores many of the dangers that women in Chocó are exposed to. The concept of security must be seriously challenged both in theory and in practice if women’s security is to be guaranteed in Colombia.</p><p> </p>

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This thesis examines, empirically, the securitization of aid delivery at the Dadaab refugee camps in Kenya. Through a series of semi-structured interviews with aid workers, it documents their security concerns, organizatinonal responses to security risks, and discusses the impacts of these concerns and responses on the delivery of aid to the camps. Armed with a biopolitical conceptualization of sovereignty, articulated in the human security paradigm, the humanitarian aid industry has increasingly reached beyond national borders to touch ‘bare life.’ By now, it is widely recognized that humanitarian principles such as neutrality have often failed to protect aid workers from violent attack as they increasingly venture into the world inhabited by “surplus populations.” Drawing on existing research, this study demonstrates how humanitarian aid delivery in high-risk environments, like refugee camps, is essential to the broader task of using aid to securitize and contain high-risk populations and political instability. Paradoxically, without the securitization of aid at the operational level, humanitarian workers are left exposed to the same enduring elements of insecurity that persistently threaten the lives of those they endeavor to help.

[pt] A assistência humanitária em casos de desastres vem desempenhando papel significativo nos estudos da logística atualmente. Neste cenário, onde a participação de militares brasileiros prestando este tipo de assistência tem sido cada vez mais marcante, cabe às instituições que compõem as Forças Armadas brasileiras revisar, documentar e analisar continuamente os processos e métodos quando atuando em assistência humanitária. Este trabalho tem como objetivo apresentar os obstáculos que a Marinha do Brasil encontrou e como foi sua atuação no campo logístico quando participou de ações humanitárias nos terremotos ocorridos no Haiti e no Chile, ambos no ano de 2010. A contribuição desta pesquisa é principalmente servir de fonte documental retratando como foi o apoio prestado pelos militares na época que os eventos ocorreram e a sistemática de abastecimento atualmente empregada pela Força, visando melhorar as decisões a serem tomadas na Marinha do Brasil, quando esta se deparar com casos semelhantes aos que aqui foram tratados. A metodologia de pesquisa utilizada foi de abordagem qualitativa, com objetivo exploratório e descritivo, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica em conceitos presentes no ramo da logística e em doutrinas legais que regem a logística militar. O estudo de caso pautou-se em apresentar dois eventos e analisar a atuação da Marinha em cada um deles. A revisão e análise dos casos aqui tratados resulta no apoio a novos estudos que visem o aperfeiçoamento de processos e o melhor gerenciamento de cadeias logísticas que sejam capazes de aliviar o sofrimento humano por meio de operações humanitárias. / [en] Humanitarian assistance for disaster events has been playing a significant role in logistics studies nowadays. In this scenario, where the participation of Brazilian military personnel proving this type of assistance has been increasingly important, it is duty of the institutions that compose the Brazilian Armed Forces to continuously review, document and analyze the processes and methods when acting in humanitarian assistance. This dissertation aims to present the obstacles that the Brazilian Navy encountered and how it performed in the logistic field when it participated in humanitarian actions after the earthquakes in Haiti and Chile, both in the year of 2010. The contribution of this research is mainly to serve as a documentary source, depicting the support provided by the military at the time the events occurred and the supply system currently employed by the Force, aiming to improve the decisions to be taken in the Brazilian Navy, when it faces similar cases in the future. The research methodology used was a qualitative approach, with an exploratory and descriptive objective, through a bibliographical research on concepts present in the logistics sector and in legal doctrines that govern the military logistics. The case study consisted in presenting two events and analyzing the Brazilian Navy s performance in each of them. The review and analysis of the cases discussed here results in support for further studies that aim the improvement of processes and the better managing of logistics chains that are capable of alleviating human suffering through humanitarian operations.

A travers de la cristallisation du droit d’ingérence et la responsabilité de protéger la Communauté internationale tente de combler l'écart entre la moralité et la légalité de l’ingérence à des fins de protection de droits humains. Car l’ingérence à des fins de protection humaine, depuis de la fin de la guerre froide, a trouvé une base juridique coutumière et ne correspond plus à un acte exceptionnel susceptible de se justifier dans certaines hypothèses. Dans cette démarche, en cas d’échec du Conseil de sécurité à la mise en œuvre d’une ingérence militaire, les organisations régionales pourraient sans autorisation « préalable » et « précise » du Conseil de sécurité, engager une ingérence armée. L’étude de la valeur juridique de l’ONU et les pratiques depuis de la fin de la guerre froide, permet de constater que si le droit d’ingérence et la responsabilité de protéger n’ont pas encore trouvé un fondement « direct » dans les conventions internationales, ils peuvent cependant trouver un socle juridique dans la coutume internationale. En effet, l’analyse de la valeur des résolutions de l’ONU et des éléments coutumiers du droit d’ingérence et de la responsabilité de protéger montrent comment les résolutions 43/131 et 45/100 de l’Assemblée générale ont inauguré le processus du droit d’ingérence et la responsabilité de protéger. Et depuis les années 1990, la pratique du Conseil de sécurité, illustrée par un nombre important de résolutions ayant donné lieu à la mise en œuvre d’opérations tout aussi nombreuses, ainsi que la pratique des Etats et les organisations régionales donnent un corps juridique à l’ingérence à des fins de protection humaine et ne laissent aucun doute sur la nature juridique de celle-ci. / Through crystallization of the right and responsibility to intervene to protect the international community tries to bridge the gap between morality and legality of the interference for the protection of human rights. As interference in human protection purposes, since the end of the Cold War, found a legal basis for customary and does not correspond to an exceptional act may be justified in certain circumstances. With this approach, in case of failure of the Security Council in the implementation of military interference, regional organizations could without authorization "prior" and "precise" Security Council, commit armed interference. The study of the legal status of the UN and practices since the end of the Cold War, shows that if the right of intervention and the responsibility to protect has not yet found a foundation "live" in international conventions, however, they can find a legal basis in customary international law. Indeed, analysis of the value of UN resolutions and customary law elements of interference and the responsibility to protect demonstrate how resolutions 43/131 and 45/100 of the General Assembly inaugurated the process the right of intervention and the responsibility to protect. And since the 1990s, the practice of the Security Council, illustrated by a large number of resolutions that led to the implementation of operations just as many, and the practice of States and regional organizations to provide a legal body interference for human protection and leave no doubt about the legal nature of the latter.

Le siècle actuel est un siècle axé sur la protection des êtres humains contre les périls imminents qui menacent leur existence et que sont, pour n’en citer que quelques uns, la pauvreté, la maladie et la faim. Aussi, face à l’explosion des conflits internes, les débats sur la sécurité ont beaucoup évolué ces dernières années et ont conduit à la reconnaissance et à l’affirmation de la sécurité humaine en droit international. Cette situation aura une certaine incidence sur le système international et les débats sur la prévention des conflits du début du millénaire. Organisation politique et culturelle, la Francophonie intègre cette nouvelle conception de la sécurité dans ses actions de prévention structurelle des conflits dont le but est d’agir sur les causes profondes des conflits en travaillant principalement à l’édification d’un État de droit au service des populations civiles. L’espace francophone africain est particulièrement concerné par cette conflictualité politique extrêmement violente, ce qui justifie la légitimité de l’Organisation internationale de la Francophonie dans ce domaine. Pour autant, peut-elle être un acteur novateur de la prévention devant la multitude d’acteurs qui multiplient les interventions sur le continent et disposent de plus de moyens d’actions ? A-t-elle la capacité de rassembler l’ensemble de ses États membres sur des sujets d’intérêt commun et particulièrement, sur la prévention ? Ses programmes sont-ils un simple accompagnement des programmes internationaux, ou un complément utile et pertinent ? Autant de questions auxquelles nous tenterons d’apporter des réponses tout au long de cette recherche. / The current century is a century of protecting human beings against the imminent perils threatening their existence, and to mention but a few, proverty, disease and hunger. Also, faced with the explosion of internal conflicts, debates on security have evolved considerably these last years leading to the recognition and affirmation of human security in international law. This situation will have some impact on the international system and debates on conflict prevention at the turn of the millenium. As a political and cultural organization, La Francophonie integrates this new conception of security into its structural conflict prevention actions, the purpose of which is to act on the root causes of conflict by working primarily to build the rule of law in the service of civilian populations. The African Francophone area is particularly concerned by this extremely violent political conflict, which justifies the legitimacy of the International Organization of La Francophonie in this area. However, can it be an innovative actor of prevention in front of the multitude of actors who multiply the interventions on the continent and have more means of actions ? Does it have the capacity to bring together all of its Member States on topics of common interest and particularly on prevention? Are it's programs a simple accompaniment of international programs, or a useful and relevant complement? So many questions that we will try to provide answers throughout this research.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-05-13T14:28:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Dequex Araújo Silva Junior.pdf: 2090606 bytes, checksum: 93eb3902ff7cec0ec8d36ca01597fed7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2015-05-19T14:17:12Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Dequex Araújo Silva Junior.pdf: 2090606 bytes, checksum: 93eb3902ff7cec0ec8d36ca01597fed7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-19T14:17:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Dequex Araújo Silva Junior.pdf: 2090606 bytes, checksum: 93eb3902ff7cec0ec8d36ca01597fed7 (MD5) / O aumento da complexidade das relações políticas internacionais em um mundo globalizado é ocasionado pela reestruturação do sistema capitalista, pela modificação dos limites das fronteiras e dos territórios e pela revolução tecnológica da informação a partir da década de 1970. Nas novas correlações de forças internacionais surgiram novos atores em cena: multinacionais, terroristas internacionais, criminosos transfronteiriços, organizações internacionais e não-governamentais, entre outros. Ademais, diversos fatores de ordem política influenciaram mudanças no sentido da segurança global e dos países, tal como o desmonte do bloco soviético e conflitos intensificados em diversos continentes (África e Ásia). Isso motivou a formação do Sistema de Policiamento Global (SPG) para o controle e a vigilância dos riscos transnacionais que ameaçam a segurança dos Estados e das pessoas. Este sistema tem a participação dos Estados, dos organismos internacionais e de organizações da sociedade civil que se orientam através dos princípios da governança, responsabilidade e solidariedade. As Operações de Manutenção da Paz e o Programa de Reassentamento Solidário são exemplos de SPG que se formam para administrar os riscos originários dos Estados colapsados e Estados fora-da-lei; surgem também para proteger os direitos humanos das pessoas vitimizadas pelos governos dessas comunidades políticas. Neste cenário, o Estado nacional passou a reestruturar o sistema de policiamento bifocal, dispositivo diplomáticomilitar e dispositivo político de polícia, para se acoplar estruturalmente aos sistemas de policiamento supraestatal e infraestal com o intuito de estabelecer uma governança securitária, que tem como fulcro os princípios de segurança coletiva e segurança humana. É a partir desse tema que a presente tese estuda a participação do Brasil na missão de paz no Haiti (MINUSTAH, de 2004 até a presente data) e a assistência aos refugiados no Brasil através do Programa de Reassentamento Solidário (desde 1999). A participação do Brasil nesses dois fatores relativos às questões de segurança coletiva e humana hoje mostra que o país afirma a sua adesão aos novos princípios de segurança na ordem internacional, assim como busca consolidar uma maior projeção internacional como global player por meio de sua capacidade de mediar situações de conflito e de participar de decisões e ações políticas relevantes para a segurança mundial. The increasing complexity of international political relations in a globalized world is caused by the restructuring of the capitalist system, by modifying the limits of borders and territories and the information technology revolution from the 1970s. In the new international correlation of forces emerged new actors on the scene: multinationals, international terrorists, criminals border, international and non-governmental organizations, among others. Moreover, several political factors influenced the changes aimed at global and countries security such as the dismantling of the Soviet bloc and intensified conflicts on several continents (Africa and Asia). This led to the formation of the Global Policing System (GPS) for the control and monitoring of transnational risks that threaten the security of National States and individuals. This system has the participation of States, international organizations and civil society organizations that are guided by the principles of governance, responsibility and solidarity. The Peacekeeping Operations and Resettlement Program are examples of GPS formed to manage the risks originating in collapsed States and outside-the-law States; appear also to protect the human rights of those affected by the governments of these political communities. In this scenario, the national state started to restructure the bifocal policing system, diplomatic-military device and political device of police to be coupled structurally to the supranational and infraestal policing system in order to establish a security-governance, which has as the fulcrum principles of collective security and human security. It is from this theme that this thesis studies the participation of Brazil in the peacekeeping mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH, 2004 to date) and assistance to refugees in Brazil through the Solidarity Resettlement Program (since 1999). Brazil's participation in these two factors relative to matters of collective and human security today shows that the country maintains its commitment to the new security principles in the international order, and seeks to consolidate greater international prominence as a global player through its ability to mediate conflict and to participate in political decisions and actions relevant to global security.