La justice cosmopolite présuppose la justice dans l’ordre interne d’un État ainsi que la justice internationale, en se différenciant aussi bien de l’une que de l’autre pour s’interroger sur le juste et l’injuste qui porte sur l’être humain en tant que tel et en tant qu’individu singulier, au-delà de son statut en tant que habitant, ressortissant ou citoyen d’un État, prenant ainsi aussi en compte les générations futures et l’environnement. Être cosmopolite est une condition à dimension individuelle et collective, liée à la construction de soi (un soi cosmopolite), à la manière de penser et de vivre dans sa dimension quotidienne (l’action sous un angle cosmopolite), ainsi qu’à une réflexion sur ce qu’est le juste et l’injuste cosmopolite, sur l’émergence des groupes sociaux qui exigent le cosmopolitisme et sur la normativité des institutions nationales, internationales et supranationales qui veulent le réaliser. Ainsi, la notion de justice cosmopolite se révèle être un objet commun au champ de la philosophie, des sciences politiques, de la sociologie, des sciences de la culture, de la psychologie sociale ainsi que du droit. Nous analysons d’abord les enjeux de la justice cosmopolite tels qu’ils ont été formulés aux XVIII et XIX siècles chez Hobbes, Kant, Hegel et Alexander von Humboldt, en confrontant ses idées avec les débats contemporains; ensuite, les nouveaux problématiques de la justice cosmopolite qui se dessinent au XX siècle avec Freud, Kelsen, la Théorie Critique et Bourdieu; et enfin, quelques enjeux fondamentaux contemporains de la justice cosmopolite : les droits humains, le droit humanitaire, le droit des minorités et l’espace public mondial. / Cosmopolitan justice presupposes justice in the order of a State as well as international justice, but differs from these two forms in that it questions the just and unjust concerning human beings as such and as a unique individual, beyond one’s status as a resident, national or citizen of a State, and also takes into account future generations and the environment. Being cosmopolitan has an individual and collective dimension related to the construction of the self (a cosmopolitan self), to one’s way of thinking and living in its everyday dimension (action from a cosmopolitan standpoint) and a reflection on what is just and unjust cosmopolitanism, the emergence of social groups that require cosmopolitanism and the normativity of national, international and supranational institutions that want to achieve it. Thus, the notion of cosmopolitan justice proves to be a common object in the field of philosophy, political science, sociology, cultural studies, social psychology and law. This thesis first analyzes the challenges of cosmopolitan justice as they were formulated in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries by Hobbes, Kant, Hegel and Alexander von Humboldt, comparing their ideas with contemporary debates (Part I). It then analyzes new issues regarding cosmopolitan justice that emerged in the twentieth century with Freud, Kelsen, Critical Theory and Bourdieu (Part II). Finally, an analysis is offered on fundamental contemporary issues of cosmopolitan justice, such as human rights, humanitarian law, the rights of minorities and global public space (Part III).

The armed conflicts to humanity for centuries. Almost always the reason for armed conflict dominion over certain territories. If we focus on armed conflicts closest to us history, it is clear that these include first and second World War. These two wars have caused thousands of deaths on all sides and great hardship of the civilian population. After World War II it seemed that the end of armed conflicts. Nevertheless, followed by the war in Korea or Vietnam, where once again innocent civilians died. But this is more than fifty years of history. Unfortunately, the armed conflict is still repeated, and since 1990 there were more than a hundred and twenty. Although not a war of such magnitude, which is involved in the entire world, but they have also been responsible for hundreds of deaths. The trend of conflict after the Cold War is undoubtedly the killing of civilians. Unfortunately, the loss ratio for the armed forces and civilians dramatically changed. Particularly in Africa are relatively small losses on fighting units. But civilians are dying by the hundreds of thousands. Reasons for armed conflict after the Cold War are different. In most cases, however, it is the territory and related ethnic cleansing, or wealth, which are eg. in Africa diamonds. The purpose of my thesis was draw attention to the constant threats to fundamental human rights in armed conflicts are totally ignored. The theoretical part describes international humanitarian law, which should be the basis for armed conflict. And describes the basic principles of international humanitarian law and the types of armed conflict under international humanitarian law. The theoretical part also describes some of the articles of the Geneva Conventions and the Additional Protocols to the armed conflict since 1990 are the most commonly used and are very serious. Due to the number of armed conflicts since 1990, which was more than 120, is shown in the work of ten selected armed conflicts. In selected conflicts are described various war crimes that were committed against the civilian population. These crimes are similar in countries that are a common culture or mentality. In African countries is the same crimes. The difference is mostly in scale committing these war crimes. The same is true even in the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. In this thesis were consumed interviews with some participants armed conflicts, which greatly helps us to better understand the war crimes that were committed during the armed conflict. Processing and evaluation of the results was done in MS Word and MS Excel.

[pt] Este trabalho analisa as transformações normativas quanto à utilização da força pelo Conselho de Segurança (CS) das Nações Unidas e a maneira como United Nations Protection Force expressa essas mudanças. A expansão do regime de direitos humanos da ONU, combinada com o aumento da interdependência moral entre os Estados-membros dessa organização são a tônica das mudanças que desafiam os conceitos clássicos de segurança coletiva e soberania nacional. O primeiro, em razão da criação de instituições permanentes onde se debate o cumprimento desse regime, transformando, por isso, as expectativas dos Estados quanto ao comportamento dos demais. O segundo, por viabilizar o acesso às informações sobre possíveis violações aos direitos humanos. A forma como a ONU atuou no processo de desintegração da antiga Iugoslávia indica a ocorrência dessas transformações. A operação nesse país foi articulada de modo a garantir a integridade dos habitantes dessa região. As principais resoluções do CS relativas a esse conflito sinalizaram para um vínculo entre direitos humanos e o conceito de ameaça à paz previsto no art. 39 da Carta da ONU. Entretanto, os Estados membros não se demonstraram dispostos a arcar com os custos de uma operação de segurança que assegurasse o respeito a esses direitos. Isso indica que as normas favoráveis à intervenção humanitária coexistem com limitações baseadas nas políticas nacionais dos Estados. Porém, ao autorizar o uso da força para proteger grupos de seres humanos o CS adotou uma interpretação pós-westfaliana do sistema de segurança internacional da ONU, redefinindo o conceito clássico de soberania nacional. / [en] The paper analyzes normative transformations in the use of force by the Security Council of the United Nations and the way in which the UNPROFOR (United Nations Protection Force) expresses these changes. The growing widespread of the UN human rights regime combined with the increase on levels of moral interdependence among UN member states are at the center of transformations that challenge classical concepts of collective security and sovereignty. First, because of the creation of permanent institutions in which the fulfillment of this regime is debated, since they change State expectations regarding the behavior of other States. Second, for making the access of information concerning human rights violations possible. The way in which the UN acted in the process of disintegration of the former Yugoslavia indicates the occurrence of such transformations. The operation was planned to guarantee the integrity of the people in the region. The main resolutions of the SC regarding the conflict signaled a connection between human rights and the concept of threat to peace in accordance to the art. 39 of the UN Charter. Nevertheless, the member states did not seem inclined to undertake the costs of security operations that would guarantee the respect for such rights. That indicates that the rules favoring humanitarian intervention coexist with limitations derived from the domestic realm of politics. Nonetheless by authorizing the use of force for the protection of human beings, the SC adopted a post- Westphalian interpretation of the UN international security system, redefining the classical concept of national sovereignty.

Inspirés par des objectifs d'humanité, le droit humanitaire et les droits de l'homme tissent des liens très étroits. Ils convergent à plusieurs égards, et se complètent pour protéger la personne humaine. Une analyse comparative des deux systèmes révèle de nombreuses similarités. Toutefois certaines divergences persistent: il s'agit toujours de deux droits distincts mais très proches. Plusieurs critères sont employés pour les mettre en parallèle. La comparaison entre le droit humanitaire et le droit des droits de l'homme débouche sur l'étude de leurs rapports mutuels. Celle-Ci montre le mouvement actuel existant. C'est qu'ils se rapprochent toujours plus et passent d'une simple complémentarité vers une étape beaucoup plus avancée. S'agit-Il d'une réelle intégration entre les deux systèmes? / The objectives of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law are inspired by principles of humanity. They are tightly linked and share many common elements. The two bodies of laws complement each other to protect further human beings. A comparative analysis in this regard shows many similarities. However there are still some differences between them: they are two separate laws despite being too close. Many criteria are used to study them in parallel. This study reveals their mutual relations, and the existing legal movement. They are getting closer and shifting from a mere complementarity to a more advanced stage. Are they moving towards a real integration between their norms?

This paper examines the possible future of chemical weapons through an exploration of the origins and history of legal proscriptions on their use and the practical utility of their procurement and use. Past public misunderstanding of the extent of the chemical weapons threat, exacerbated by propaganda, as well as fears of retaliatory use motivated efforts to ban the use of chemical weapons. These prohibitions have had and continue to have weaknesses and loopholes that prevent their intentions from being fully realized. While chemical agents have a wide variety of applications and have several unique advantages, including psychological effects on victims, their use is limited by several drawbacks. The accessibility of some agents is also limited for actors who are not major powers. Recent developments in chemical weapons use, especially their use in the Syrian civil war, inform present understanding of international resolve to prevent chemical weapons use and the continued advantages chemical weapons provide. These findings provide a framework to understand future opportunities for actors to produce chemical weapons and the likelihood that these actors will actually use chemical weapons.

Rape and other forms of sexual violence have been used against civilian populations since the advent of armed conflict. However, recent scholarship within the last few decades proves that rape is not a byproduct of war or a result of transgressions by a few “bad apples,” rather, rape and sexual violence are used as strategic, systematic, and calculated tools of war, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Rape has also been used as a means of preventing future generations of children of “undesirable” groups from being born. Rape and sexual violence are also used with the purpose of intimidating women and their communities, destroying the social fabric and cohesion of specific groups, and even as a final act of humiliation before killing the victim. In each conflict that is examined in this thesis, sexual violence is used against civilian populations for the specific purpose of genocide.

Recently, the interaction between International Human Rights Law (IHRL) and International Humanitarian Law (IHL) has been significantly developed by the jurisprudence of the Inter- American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR). This article analyzes this recent trend from the cases of the Santo Domingo Massacreand Afro communities displaced from the Cacarica River Basin (Operation Genesis) of this tribunal to assert its competence not only to use IHL to interpret the Inter-American human rights instruments but, at the same time, to approach a direct use of humanitarian standards, which creates a gray area between the interpretation and application of such area of Law. In doing so, the Court resorts to the lex specialis if the IHL norm is the most specialized for the case, and uses IHL to a limited extent, only to expand the content of human rights, but not to judge on possible violations of IHL, which results in a methodology of pick and choose of IHL provisions. / Recientemente, la interacción entre el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos (DIDH) y el Derecho Internacional Humanitario (DIH) ha sido desarrollada significativamente en la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (Corte IDH). Este artículo analiza la tendencia reciente de los casos Masacre de Santo Domingo y Comunidades Afrodescendientes desplazadas de la cuenca del río Cacarica (Operación Génesis) de este tribunal para afirmar su competencia no solo para utilizar el DIH al interpretar los instrumentos interamericanos de derechos humanos, pero, al mismo tiempo, para aproximarse a la utilización directa de las normas humanitarias, lo que genera una zona gris entre la interpretación y aplicación de esta área del Derecho. Al hacerlo, la Corte recurre a la lex specialis si la norma del DIH es la más especializada para el caso; y utiliza el DIH hasta cierto límite, solamente para expandir el contenido de los derechos humanos, pero no para juzgar posibles violaciones del DIH, lo que resulta en una metodología de pick and choose (selectiva) de las normas del DIH.

Due to the crisis lived in Mali since 2012, due to a non-international armed conflict between the government and different armed groups, the Security Council of the United Nations Organization declared that the situation in Mali constituted a threat to international peace and security. This led to the military intervention in Mali by France. This article aims to analyse the arguments with which the French government attempted to justify its intervention in order to determine if those arguments are legal or not. / Debido a la crisis que vive Malí desde el año 2012, a causa de un conflicto armado no internacional entre el gobierno y varios grupos armados, el Consejo de Seguridad de la Organización de Naciones Unidas declaró que dicha situación representaba una amenaza contra la paz y la seguridad internacionales. Ello condujo a la intervención  militar de Francia  en la República de Malí. Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar los argumentos con los que el gobierno francés justificó su intervención para así determinar sidichos argumentos son legales o no.

Fundação de Apoio a Pesquisa e à Inovação Tecnológica do Estado de Sergipe - FAPITEC/SE / The research presents a critical approach about the dogmatic obstacles identified in cases of international terrorism typification. Considering the assumptions of systemic validity of criminal law, the research, through the method of review and comparative analysis of international documents, questions the scientificity in the choice for the autonomous criminalization of conduits to him related. The criminal law has suffered with the inflows of the globalisation process, requiring the overcoming of old dogmas. This new dynamic has guided the abandonment to the rigidity of a criminal science focused on the national scope, putting the problem about terrorism in an international plan. There is, indeed, a clear need for concepts and ways of coping so far used should undergo a thorough review. Terrorism is the most emblematic example of this new order, where the criminal types edited, due to the own terminological vagueness, by reason of their own terminological imprecision, disfigured a series of elementary precepts legitimating, from the principle of legality, the valid imputation of a conduct. The research seeks to assess whether there is legitimacy in the use of criminal law to deal with international terrorism, analyzing if the international criminal law and humanitarian law, isolated or in combination, would not be more appropriate ways to that adopt a minimally harmful output to the rights and fundamental guarantees committed in the process of criminalization. / A pesquisa apresenta uma abordagem crítica acerca dos obstáculos dogmáticos identificados na tipificação do terrorismo internacional. Considerando os pressupostos de validade sistêmica do direito penal, a pesquisa, por meio do método de revisão bibliográfica e análise comparada de documentos internacionais, questiona a racionalidade na escolha pela criminalização autônoma de condutas a ele relacionadas. O direito penal sofreu com os influxos do processo de globalização, passando a exigir a superação de antigas estruturas e construções clássicas. Essa nova dinâmica tem orientado o abandono à rigidez de uma ciência penal voltada ao âmbito de aplicação nacional, colocando o problema acerca do terrorismo num plano internacional. Há, com efeito, uma clara necessidade de que conceitos e caminhos de enfrentamento até então utilizados devam passar por uma profunda reanálise. O terrorismo é o exemplo mais emblemático dessa nova ordem, onde os tipos penais editados, em razão da própria imprecisão terminológica, desfiguraram uma série de preceitos elementares que legitimam, a partir do princípio da legalidade, a válida imputação de uma conduta. A pesquisa busca avaliar se há validade na utilização do direito penal interno para lidar com o terrorismo internacional, analisando se o direito penal internacional e direito humanitário, isolados ou conjuntamente, não seriam caminhos mais adequados para que se adote uma saída minimamente danosa aos direitos e garantias fundamentais comprometidos no processo de criminalização. / São Cristóvão, SE

Les Humanitaires et les Journalistes sont des acteurs de terrain qui se mobilisent à chaque fois que des conflits armés éclatent et que des populations sont, malheureusement, livrées à elles-mêmes. Leurs missions respectives consistent, d'une part, à venir en aide aux victimes touchées soit par la maladie, soit par la famine ou encore par les blessures de guerre ; d'autre part, à informer sur la situation conflictuelle en cours, parfois à en dénoncer les dérives et violations du droit de la guerre. Cependant, le danger n'est jamais très loin de ces deux acteurs de terrain, car ils sont exposés aux effets directs et indirects du conflit armé que peuvent être : les enlèvements voire les rétentions arbitraires, les assassinats, les viols, etc. La particularité de leurs missions et la dangerosité des zones dans lesquelles ils exercent, leur ont fait gagner en importance en droit international. C’est en ce sens qu’un cadre de protection juridique des Humanitaires et des Journalistes a été élaboré par le droit international, notamment via deux de ses branches que sont le droit international humanitaire et le droit pénal international. Il en résulte donc à la fois une protection par les textes contraignants de droit international humanitaire, ainsi qu’une protection par la répression judiciaire des violations desdits textes grâce aux règles de droit pénal international. Un équilibre parfait sur le papier que les juridictions compétentes tardent à appliquer, principalement en raison d’une négligence, voire d’un désintérêt, pour la problématique de la protection juridique des Humanitaires et des Journalistes. / Humanitarian workers and journalists are actors on the ground who mobilize every time armed conflicts erupt and populations are unfortunately left to their own devices. Their respective missions consist, on the one hand, in helping the victims affected either by illness, famine or war wounds ; on the other hand, to inform about the current conflict situation, sometimes to denounce its abuses and violations of the law of war. However, the danger is never very far from these two actors on the ground, because they are exposed to the direct and indirect effects of the armed conflict that can be : kidnappings or even arbitrary retention, assassinations, rape, etc. The particularity of their missions and the dangerousness of the areas in which they exercise, has increased their importance in international law. It is in this sense that a legal protection framework for humanitarians and journalists has been developed by international law, in particular through two branches of : international humanitarian law and international criminal law. The result is both protection by binding texts of international humanitarian law, as well as protection by judicial repression of violations of these texts thanks to the rules of international criminal law. A perfect balance on paper that the competent jurisdictions are slow to apply, mainly because of negligence or even lack of interest in the legal protection of humanitarians and journalists.