El multiculturalisme s'ha convertit en un fenomen que planteja nous desafiaments a la convivència en les societats democràtiques llatinoamericanes, caracteritzades per l'existència de més de 400 pobles indígenes diferents. No obstant això, aquesta diversitat ha estat marcada per la pobresa i la marginació, i aquests pobles s'han incorporat de manera marginal i precària als projectes nacionals. A més a més, el creixement dels moviments migratoris des dels territoris d'origen cap a les zones urbanes n'ha accentuat encara més les diferències respecte de les societats dominants. Davant d'aquesta situació, en la darrera dècada han augmentat o han resultat més visibles en l'espai públic les demandes i les reclamacions dels pobles indígenes, els quals s'han convertit en nous actors polítics que han instat els estats a buscar noves maneres d'entendre el desenvolupament indígena per mitjà de polítiques i d'estratègies coherents amb els principis del multiculturalisme, atenent els aspectes culturals, normatius i de valors. Aquesta tesi és una aportació a aquest desafiament, ja que proposa un model d'estudi basat en la teoria del capital social adequat a les necessitats i a les característiques dels pobles indígenes urbans, que es nodreix, a més, de les aproximacions teòriques del multiculturalisme, del desenvolupament indígena, com també de la revisió d'experiències rellevants en aquest àmbit. Així, a partir d'una mirada integral, aquest model identifica, conceptualitza i posa en joc aquells elements que s'han de tenir en compte a l'hora de dissenyar i d'implementar les polítiques, els plans i els programes adreçats als indígenes urbans, que serviran de guia per a les accions dels estats i dels organismes internacionals.Aquest model d'estudi per al capital social indígena urbà s'aplica als maputxes que viuen en dues comunes de la ciutat de Santiago de Xile, a partir d'una aproximació qualitativa. Tot plegat ha permès conèixer les característiques d'aquest capital social, les seves variables constitutives, el seu comportament en la realitat, les relacions dinàmiques que s'estableixen entre elles i la influència de l'entorn, entre d'altres elements, cosa que mostra el caràcter integral i multidimensional de la nostra proposta. Els resultats que s'han obtingut han servit de base per generar propostes i recomanacions concretes de polítiques, plans i programes, com també de possibles línies d'acció respectuoses amb la diversitat. / El multiculturalismo se ha convertido en un fenómeno que plantea nuevos desafíos a la convivencia en las sociedades democráticas latinoamericanas, caracterizadas por la existencia de más de 400 pueblos indígenas diferentes. Sin embargo, dicha diversidad ha estado marcada por la pobreza y la marginación, y estos pueblos han sido incorporados de modo marginal y precario a los proyectos nacionales. Además, los crecientes movimientos migratorios desde sus territorios de origen hacia las zonas urbanas han acentuado aún más las diferencias entre ellos y las sociedades dominantes. Ante esta situación, en la última década han aumentado o han resultado más visibles en el espacio público las demandas y reclamaciones de los pueblos indígenas, los cuales se han convertido en nuevos actores políticos que han instado a los estados a buscar nuevas formas de entender el desarrollo indígena a través de políticas y estrategias coherentes con los principios del multiculturalismo, atendiendo a aspectos culturales, normativos y de valores.La presente tesis constituye una aportación a este desafío, al proponer un modelo de estudio basado en la teoría del capital social adecuado a las necesidades y características de los pueblos indígenas urbanos, que se nutre, además, de las aproximaciones teóricas del multiculturalismo, del desarrollo indígena, así como de la revisión de experiencias relevantes en este ámbito. De esta forma, a partir de una mirada integral, este modelo identifica, conceptualiza y pone en juego aquellos elementos que deben tenerse en cuenta en el diseño y la implementación de políticas, planes y programas orientados a los indígenas urbanos, y que servirán de guía a las acciones de los estados y los organismos internacionales. Este modelo de estudio para el capital social indígena urbano se aplica a los mapuches que habitan en dos comunas de la ciudad de Santiago de Chile, a partir de una aproximación cualitativa. Ello ha permitido conocer las características de este capital social, sus variables constitutivas, su comportamiento en la realidad, las relaciones dinámicas que se establecen entre ellas y la influencia del entorno, entre otros elementos, lo cual da cuenta del carácter integral y multidimensional de nuestra propuesta. Los resultados obtenidos han servido de base para la generación de propuestas y recomendaciones concretas de políticas, planes y programas, así como de posibles líneas de acción respetuosas con la diversidad. / Multiculturalism has become a phenomenon that poses new challenges to coexistence in Latin American democratic societies, characterised by the existence of more than 400 different indigenous peoples. Nevertheless, this diversity has been marked by poverty and social deprivation, and these peoples have been incorporated - in a precarious and deprived environment - into national projects. In addition, increasing migratory waves from their territories of origin to urban areas have further accentuated the differences that separate them from dominant societies. Faced with this situation, the demands and protests of indigenous people have increased or have become more visible in the public arena over the last decade. This has converted them into new political actors who have urged States to look for new ways to understand indigenous people's development through policies and strategies that are coherent with the principles of multiculturalism, and responding to cultural, legal and values-based aspects.This thesis is a contribution to this challenge, proposing a model of study based on the theory of social capital adapted to the needs and characteristics of urban indigenous peoples. It is strengthened, in addition, by the theoretical approaches of multiculturalism, indigenous development, and an exploration of relevant experiences in this field. Based on a comprehensive outlook, this model identifies, conceptualises and brings into play the elements that should be considered in designing and implementing policies, plans and programmes geared to urban indigenous people, and which will serve as a guideline for actions taken by States and international organisations. Based on a qualitative approach, this study model for urban indigenous social capital is applied to the Mapuche people who live in two municipalities in the city of Santiago de Chile. This has allowed us to identify the characteristics of this social capital, its constituent variables, its actual behaviour, the dynamic relations that are established between them and environmental influences, among other elements, to give an account of the rounded and multidimensional character of our proposal. The obtained results have served as a basis to generate proposals and specific recommendations for policies, plans and programmes, as well as possible lines of action that respect diversity.

This dissertation examines Native-newcomer relations during the integrationist era in Canadian Indian affairs: the two and a half decades after World War Two during which the federal government introduced policies designed to integrate Indians into mainstream Canadian social, political, economic, and administrative life. Particular focus is given to developments in British Columbia, where some of the most concerted steps towards integration took place. Growing public and political demands for institutional desegregation and the granting of rights of citizenry to Aboriginal people recast Indian affairs into a matter of unprecedented intergovernmental importance.<p> Shifting between micro- and macro-historical perspectives, the following chapters consist of a series of comparative policy case studies. Individually, they examine the development, implementation, and effects of the four main areas of federal Indian integrationist planning after WWII: health, education, economic development, and welfare. Collectively, chapters demonstrate how integration was a mission essentially administrative in orientation: every policy undertaken in this period, whether directly or indirectly, sought to implicate the province and other federal line departments in Indian affairs. Not all attempts at administrative integration, however, were successful. While BC and the federal government reached joint agreements in the fields of education and health, other areas such as Indian economic development and welfare proved to be a source of significant intergovernmental conflict and impasse.<p> Aboriginal people were important participants when it came to integrated health, education, and social welfare. Incorporating ethnohistorical insights and Aboriginal perspectives throughout, this dissertation documents how Aboriginal agency in this periodexpressed in a range of innovative actions and wordsincluded important combinatory aspects of compliance, resistance, and accommodation. Many individuals, for instance, demanded access to provincial services as within their rights as Aboriginal people and provincial voting and taxpaying citizens. While post-war integrationist policies varied widely in terms of their local perception and impact, Indian assimilation remained an elusive goal throughout this period. Advances in provincial devolution of Indian administration rarely resulted in the type of social and economic integration envisioned by federal officials.<p> This study looks beyond unitary conceptions of the state towards questions of power and local agency. It engages Foucauldian and Weberian theories to show how a combination of intergovernmental politics, intrastate variables, and Aboriginal agency refashioned Native-newcomer relations in this period. Post-WWII administrative contexts served as theatres for the contestation of old, and formulation of new, power relationships. Developments in this era were to have a significant influence on Native-newcomer relations moving into the modern era.

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La métaphore de la famille a été utilisée, aussi bien à l’époque coloniale qu’à l’époque républicaine, pour illustrer le système politique idéal, la domination d’un groupe privilégié, les parents, sur une population obéissante, les enfants. Cette thèse survole les multiples facettes de la minorité en Équateur à l’époque coloniale et au début de l’époque républicaine (1760-1845), en se penchant sur les stratégies mises en place par l’État pour reléguer à un rang subalterne des individus n’appartenant pas à la catégorie raciale blanche métisse, c’est-à-dire les Indiens, les Noirs, les sang-mêlés, à travers un discours infantilisant. Elle s’intéresse aussi à la résistance d’individus refusant de se percevoir comme des mineurs et qui n’acceptaient pas l’ordre établi, les lois ou les décisions gouvernementales. En se présentant comme des parents compétents et en réclamant la patria potestad, l’autorité légale sur leurs enfants, des adultes considérés comme des enfants métaphoriques dans la grande famille patriarcale, par exemple des femmes, des pères indiens ou même des esclaves d’origine africaine, ont revendiqué plus d’autonomie pour eux, pour leurs familles, ou pour leurs communautés. Les guerres d’indépendance ont donné naissance à une république, la Grande-Colombie, et plus tard à un pays, l’Équateur. La figure symbolique du « parent » n’était plus incarnée par le roi d’Espagne et son appareil bureaucratique. Le système politique avait maintenant plusieurs « pères », membres d’un groupe restreint de Créoles qui, hier encore, se plaignaient d’être infantilisés par les Espagnols tyranniques. Les gens du peuple, en grande partie composé d’Indiens, étaient toujours considérés comme des « enfants » dans la nouvelle république. Comment expliquer que, dans une Nation désormais libre, des pans entiers de la population demeurent sous la tutelle d’hommes blancs? Une justification sera utilisée à répétition pour expliquer ce phénomène : l’ignorance du peuple et le besoin d’encadrement temporaire de celui-ci. Ainsi, s’est construit sur plus d’un siècle un véritable « mythe », celui d’une Nation en émergence où tous les citoyens seraient enfin placés sur un pied d’égalité, d’une Nation propre qu’on aurait nettoyée à l’aide d’écoles et de campagnes d’éducation populaire d’une tache tenace : celle de la Barbarie. / The family metaphor has been used throughout the history of Ecuador by colonial and republican governments alike to embody the perfect political system and the domination of a privileged group, the « parents », over a submissive population, their metaphorical children. This doctoral thesis is concerned with the concept of minority in the late colonial and early republican eras (1760-1845). It draws on State discourses and strategies to legitimize the colour-class domination of the Indians, the people of African descent, as well as people of mixed ancestry, perceived as childlike. This thesis is also concerned with resistance strategies of individuals who did not consider themselves minors and did not accept laws, government decrees or the hierarchical order intended to place them in this submissive position. By presenting themselves as competent parents asking for patria potestad, legal authority over their children, many adults such as women, Indian fathers or slave parents, fought for greater autonomy for themselves, their families, or their communities. After the Wars of Independence and the birth of Gran Colombia, followed by that of the Republic of Ecuador, the symbolic head of the political family, the King of Spain, as well as the bureaucracy that represented him in his American Empire, disappeared. The political system of Ecuador now rested in the hands of multiple « fathers », members of a select Creole oligarchy, members of the same group that had complained during the colonial period and the revolutionary period that the Spanish King had abused his powers as a tyrannical father. The Ecuadorian population, in particular its indigenous segment, was still considered to be composed of « children ». The new challenge was to explain why, after fighting for freedom from oppression, the majority of adults still needed to be under the tutelage of White Patriachs, as tribute payers, slaves or peones (forced laborers). An argument was used repeatedly to justify the preservation of the colonial order in the republican era: the ignorance of the plebe and its temporary need for guidance. Over more than a century, the myth of the construction of the Ecuadorian Nation, where all citizens would live freely and equally, was counterbalanced by another myth, that of a Nation that needed to be cleansed from its ignorance. There appeared to be only one possible means to get rid of this lingering imperfection: public education.

The Peruvian government has used a top-down colonial approach to nature-based conservation. This approach has effectively marginalized Indigenous people located in designated protected areas. For the Matsiguenka communities inhabiting Manu National Park, such an approach has created socioeconomic and political problems. Ecotourism is given to them as the only socioeconomic development option for the acquisition of supplementary income to their subsistence lifestyle and for their integration into the global capitalist economy. My research questions include: 1) whether or not marginalized Indigenous groups are given a chance to negotiate their own cultural values, knowledge and practices within the context dominated by global capitalism forces, such as the international tourism industry, and 2) how neo-liberal strategies such as ecotourism, which is sold as an economic panacea for communities in out-of-the-way-places such as the Peruvian rainforest, work in practice. I draw upon narratives on ecotourism, collected in my five-month fieldwork, as told by the multiple stakeholders of ecotourism. I use these narratives to highlight the complexities, pitfalls and incongruent, hegemonic and predatory nature of ecotourism as it plays out in Manu National Park. Through their Multicommunal Enterprise Matsiguenka, these traditionally hunter and gatherer people are courageously and creatively venturing into the ecotourism industry hoping to benefit their communities. However, the “wild” competition in the “green” capitalist market makes this type of venture a great challenge.

The Peruvian government has used a top-down colonial approach to nature-based conservation. This approach has effectively marginalized Indigenous people located in designated protected areas. For the Matsiguenka communities inhabiting Manu National Park, such an approach has created socioeconomic and political problems. Ecotourism is given to them as the only socioeconomic development option for the acquisition of supplementary income to their subsistence lifestyle and for their integration into the global capitalist economy. My research questions include: 1) whether or not marginalized Indigenous groups are given a chance to negotiate their own cultural values, knowledge and practices within the context dominated by global capitalism forces, such as the international tourism industry, and 2) how neo-liberal strategies such as ecotourism, which is sold as an economic panacea for communities in out-of-the-way-places such as the Peruvian rainforest, work in practice. I draw upon narratives on ecotourism, collected in my five-month fieldwork, as told by the multiple stakeholders of ecotourism. I use these narratives to highlight the complexities, pitfalls and incongruent, hegemonic and predatory nature of ecotourism as it plays out in Manu National Park. Through their Multicommunal Enterprise Matsiguenka, these traditionally hunter and gatherer people are courageously and creatively venturing into the ecotourism industry hoping to benefit their communities. However, the “wild” competition in the “green” capitalist market makes this type of venture a great challenge.

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Submitted by Rafael Giovanelli (rafael.giovanelli@gvmail.br) on 2015-05-26T17:11:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 GIOVANELLI, Rafael. DISCURSOS DE DESENVOLVIMENTO NO SUPREMO TRIBUNAL FEDERAL - A PARTICIPAÇÃO INDÍGENA NA AUTORIZAÇÃO PARLAMENTAR PARA O APROVEITAMENTO HIDRELÉTRICO BELO MONTE.pdf: 3672309 bytes, checksum: 7a50d26825dda5d58324e3ba9f815947 (MD5) / Rejected by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br), reason: Boa tarde Rafael, Sua dissertação não está de acordo com as normas ABNT. Modelo não na Biblioteca Digital. Primeira página em branco.... Getulio não tem acento. Aguardo! Att. Suzi on 2015-05-26T17:15:46Z (GMT) / Submitted by Rafael Giovanelli (rafael.giovanelli@gvmail.br) on 2015-05-26T23:56:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 GIOVANELLI, Rafael. DISCURSOS DE DESENVOLVIMENTO NO SUPREMO TRIBUNAL FEDERAL - A PARTICIPAÇÃO INDÍGENA NA AUTORIZAÇÃO PARLAMENTAR PARA O APROVEITAMENTO HIDRELÉTRICO BELO MONTE.pdf: 3642188 bytes, checksum: 351d47cc9d81a265c3b2d1b5b28bc811 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2015-05-27T11:23:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 GIOVANELLI, Rafael. DISCURSOS DE DESENVOLVIMENTO NO SUPREMO TRIBUNAL FEDERAL - A PARTICIPAÇÃO INDÍGENA NA AUTORIZAÇÃO PARLAMENTAR PARA O APROVEITAMENTO HIDRELÉTRICO BELO MONTE.pdf: 3642188 bytes, checksum: 351d47cc9d81a265c3b2d1b5b28bc811 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-27T12:46:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GIOVANELLI, Rafael. DISCURSOS DE DESENVOLVIMENTO NO SUPREMO TRIBUNAL FEDERAL - A PARTICIPAÇÃO INDÍGENA NA AUTORIZAÇÃO PARLAMENTAR PARA O APROVEITAMENTO HIDRELÉTRICO BELO MONTE.pdf: 3642188 bytes, checksum: 351d47cc9d81a265c3b2d1b5b28bc811 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-16 / At this research we have studied the judicial conflict around Belo Monte´s Dam, judged by Supremo Tribunal Federal (the Brazilian Supreme Court), to understand the relations between discourses of development and constitutional interpretation, in specific, article 231, 3rd paragraph. Our hypothesis was: interpretations that reduced indigenous people´s rights and imposed few condition to the exercise of discretion by public powers would be followed by discourses of development worried about economic growth; on the other hand, interpretation that recognized the indigenous people´s rights to political participation and imposed wide conditions to the exercise of discretion by public powers would not be followed by any discourse of development. Our conclusion partially confirmed our initial hypothesis, as follows: first, there seems to be a trend to less conditions to the exercise of discretion by public powers and reduced rights recognized to indigenous people when discourses of development appears; however, some discourses of development were followed by constitutional interpretations that recognized rights to indigenous people and that imposed wide conditions to the exercise of discretion by public powers. / Nesta pesquisa estudamos o caso Belo Monte – entendido como a disputa judicial sobre o Aproveitamento Hidrelétrico Belo Monte, travada no Supremo Tribunal Federal –, para saber se existe uma relação entre os discursos de desenvolvimento mobilizados pelas partes litigantes e pelo STF e a interpretação dada por esses atores para o parágrafo 3º do artigo 231 da Constituição Federal de 1988. Partimos da seguinte hipótese: interpretações que restringem os direitos de participação política dos povos e comunidades indígenas e que impõem poucas condições para o exercício da discricionariedade dos Poderes da União são acompanhadas por discursos preocupados com o desenvolvimento econômico; interpretações que reconhecem amplo direito de participação política para povos e comunidades indígenas e que impõem maiores condições para o exercício da discricionariedade dos Poderes da União não são acompanhados por discursos de desenvolvimento. Confirmando parcialmente nossa hipótese, chegamos à seguinte conclusão: em primeiro lugar, parece existir uma tendência para que, quando mobilizados discursos de desenvolvimento, a interpretação dada ao parágrafo 3º do artigo 231 da Constituição Federal imponha menos condições para o exercício da discricionariedade dos Poderes da União e reduza, ou desconsidere, os direitos de participação política dos povos e comunidades indígenas; por outro lado, alguns discursos de desenvolvimento foram mobilizados num sentido aposto, e serviram tanto para afirmar os direitos políticos de povos e comunidades indígenas, quanto para impor mais condições para o exercício da discricionariedade dos Poderes da União.

This study considered indigenisation to involve a process of making the local people `feel at home' in their Church. The ministry of early catechists such as Bernard Mizeki and Frank Ziqubu was crucial in showing the fact that the Anglican Church was not necessarily a church for Europeans only, but for the indigenous people as well. After this first generation of catechists there were numerous indigenous catechists who also ministered in the Diocese of Mashonaland by way of preparing people for the different sacraments found in the Anglican Church. On the other hand the training of the indigenous people for the ordained ministry was also another significant step in the process of indigenisation in the Diocese of Mashonaland. In this regard theological institutions such as St Augustine's Seminary in Penhalonga Manicaland, St Peter's Seminary Rossettenville in Johannesburg and St John's Seminary in Lusaka provided the much needed training. This study also revealed that although the Diocese of Mashonaland had an indigenous person at its helm in 1981, it remained European in several facets of its life. Although translations as a form of indigenisation started from the beginning of the Diocese of Mashonaland and continued right up to 1981, it seems it actually crippled the local indigenous peoples' innovativeness and ingenuity. In addition indigenous musical instruments also took sometime before they could be accepted in divine worship. On the other hand local art and décor as well as local architectural expressions took time to be incorporated into the Diocese of Mashonaland. However few early European missionaries such as Arthur Shirley Cripps and Edgar Lloyd tried to implement local architecture and décor in their churches in Daramombe and Rusape respectively. This study has also established that although the Anglican Diocese of Mashonaland got indigenous leadership by 1981, its liturgy, theology as well as its Acts and Canons remained European. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Div. (Church History)