A presente pesquisa examina a presença do racismo em uma escola pública municipal do estado de São Paulo identificando, em sua recorrência, a geração dos dispositivos de invisibilização de certos corpos e culturas nas séries iniciais do Ensino Fundamental. Tem no cotidiano escolar o seu lócus de atuação e, nas aulas de Educação Física, o seu foco prioritário de observação e análise. Acolhe também os demais ambientes escolares como espaços onde se perpetuam as relações desiguais de poder, produtoras dessa forma de discriminação racial. Analisa criticamente o fenômeno a partir de duas principais perspectivas: a primeira são os Estudos Culturais fundamentados em Hall (1997, 2000, 2006) e Silva (1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2010); e a segunda o multiculturalismo crítico a partir das ideias de McLaren (2000). No que tange ao racismo, os escritos de Munanga (2000, 2005, 2008), Telles (2003) e Carone e Bento (2007) compõem o suporte teórico orientador. O estudo tenciona o entendimento de alguns dos mecanismos de exclusão que desautorizam determinados sujeitos e todas as suas representações sócio-histórico-culturais. Identifica a presença de uma identidade-referência fundada no modelo branco, masculino e euro-estadunidense que há décadas permeia a construção das subjetividades de alunas e alunos, levantando a suspeita do desencadeamento do processo aqui conceituado invisibilização. Por ter no ambiente natural a sua fonte direta e mais importante de dados, sendo o pesquisador o instrumento principal e mantendo contato direto e afinado com a situação na qual os fenômenos ocorrem, levando em conta todas as perspectivas dos envolvidos e a imersão na realidade estudada, elegeu-se o estudo de caso como método. Para a análise de dados foi utilizada a hermenêutica crítica, dada a sua possibilidade de efetuar um aprofundamento na interpretação dos textos apreendidos na conjuntura e contexto pesquisados, entremeando os resultados imediatos de uma observação do legível e também o requisitado na intencionalidade dos seus produtores. Como resultados se destacam: 1) o entendimento por parte das(os) docentes e equipe gestora da falta de necessidade de ações equitativas para as(os) alunas(os) negras(os) por serem iguais enquanto seres humanos; 2) o entendimento de que não se deve levantar discussões que digam respeito ao comportamento racista, por conta dessa atitude estimular ainda mais o fenômeno; 3) a falta de interesse e preparo da escola para lidar com as questões raciais; 4) a existência de um processo coletivo de visibilização para a invisibilização das(os) alunas(os) negras(os) e suas culturas (corporais) nas aulas de Educação Física em específico, e nos demais espaços escolares, de uma maneira geral, regulado culturalmente; 5) a convicção de que a superação do racismo depende unicamente da vontade discente; 6) uma incidência mais sofisticada do fenômeno do racismo, fazendo com que docentes e equipe gestora reconheçam sua existência, sem, no entanto, o perceberem. Finalmente, chama a atenção para o multiculturalismo crítico como possibilidade insurgente tanto na desconstrução das hierarquias discentes vigentes na escola, quanto na contemplação das diferenças e dos diferentes. / This present research investigates the presence of racism in a municipal public school of the state of São Paulo, identifying, in its recurrence, the creation of invisibilization - rendering \"unseen\" - mechanisms for certain bodies and cultures in initial grades of Elementary School. School everyday life is the locus of investigation and the Physical Education classes are the central area of interest for observation and analysis. This research also deals with other school surroundings as environments where unequal power relations perpetuate, promoters of this way of racial discrimination. Critically analyzes the phenomenon as of two main perspectives: the first one are the Cultural Studies based on Hall (1997, 2000, 2006) and Silva (1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2010), and the second one is the Critical Multiculturalism, based on ideas of McLaren (2000). As to racism, the works of Munanga (2000, 2005, 2008), Telles (2003) and Carone and Bento (2007) form the guiding technical support. This study aims at understanding some mechanisms of exclusion that disempower certain subjects and all their socio-historic-cultural representations. Identifies the presence of an identity-reference based on the white, male and Euro-American model that for decades has permeated the construction of students\' subjectivity, raising the suspicion that those may be the trigger for the process herein conceived as invisibilization. The researcher, the main instrument, maintaining a direct contact and tuned in to the situation where the phenomena occur - considering the perspectives of all the involved and the immersion in the reality so studied -, and having inside the natural environment its most direct and important source of data, elected the \"case study\" method. Critical hermeneutics was chosen for data analysis given its possibility of deeper interpretation of the texts collected within the situation and context surveyed, interweaving the immediate results of the observation of the readable material and the intentionality of those who provided the material. Results to be highlighted: 1) Comprehension, by teachers and school management team, of unnecessary equitable actions for students because they are equal as human beings; 2) Understanding that racism behavioral discussions should not be raised, since this attitude stimulates the phenomenon even more; 3) Lack of interest and preparation of the school when dealing with racial questions; 4) Existence of a collective process that makes students \"unseeable\", culturally regulated; 5) Conviction that the overcoming of racism depends exclusively on students\' will; 6) A more sophisticated incidence of racism, that causes teachers and school management teams to recognize its existence, without perceiving it nevertheless. Finally, this study attracts the attention to Critical Multiculturalism as an insurgent possibility of deconstruction of teaching hierarchies in force in school, and also of contemplation of the differences and of the \'differents\'.

No description available.

Notwithstanding a broad range of internal and external stresses, Macedonia was the only republic to attain its independence peacefully from the otherwise violent disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. Subject of a timely and sustained international response, it was feted as a rare preventive success for the international community. Whilst not necessarily decisive, this mobilisation helped ensure a non-violent transition to independence. Yet, much to the surprise of outside observers, Macedonia would fall into conflict a decade after independence, when self-styled freedom fighters purporting to represent the local Albanian community launched an eight-month insurgency in the name of political and cultural equality. Triggered by a coalescence of political, nationalist, ideological and criminal interests, the insurgency had complex roots, as much an intra-Albanian putsch as a struggle for greater group rights. Regardless of their precise genesis, from the perspective of conflict prevention, the events of 2001 challenge popular assumptions of Macedonia as an international success story. Above all, they reinforce the need for external actors to incorporate short-term strategies of prevention targeting immediate sources of instability within a more comprehensive, long-term framework that addresses structural, underlying conflict causes. Indeed, whilst proximate threats to Macedonian stability were addressed, fundamental risk factors remained, namely social polarisation, a large ethnic minority disenfranchised with the state, economic under-development, high levels of organised crime and corruption, a weak rule-of-law and continuing regional uncertainty. These were partly aggravated by the mistakes of a complacent international community, whose engagement in the country, accordingly, receded over time. In particular, the dissertation is critical of the European Union for its initial failure to articulate a genuine pathway to membership for Macedonia and the broader western Balkans, as well as the handling of NATO's military intervention in neighbouring Kosovo. Of course, in any preventive endeavour, the international community can only do so much; in the first instance, responsibility lay with unresponsive Macedonian institutions, who failed to adequately address legitime Albanian demands dating from independence. Be that as it may, the international community was culpable for its failure to sufficiently apply the formidable soft-power leverage it wields over a weak Macedonian state to implement reforms that, conceivably, could have precluded the outbreak of armed conflict. As a case-study of prevention, Macedonia holds instructive lessons for scholars and policymakers. Yet it remains under-researched. Examining the period 1991-2001, this investigation analyses precisely why and how Macedonia avoided violence during the process of Yugoslav dissolution yet ultimately fell into conflict, and extrapolates broader lessons that may be applied to other at-risk societies. Its purpose is to advance understanding of a poorly understood country, and contribute knowledge to key on-going international security debates. Highlighting the inter-connectedness and trans-national character of contemporary security threats, it posits that the major powers have a practical interest in addressing emerging intra-state crises, even when the putative national interest appears marginal. To facilitate more timely multilateral responses, it calls for the de-nationalisation of security, and its conceptualisation in international - as opposed to strictly national - terms.

Notwithstanding a broad range of internal and external stresses, Macedonia was the only republic to attain its independence peacefully from the otherwise violent disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. Subject of a timely and sustained international response, it was feted as a rare preventive success for the international community. Whilst not necessarily decisive, this mobilisation helped ensure a non-violent transition to independence. Yet, much to the surprise of outside observers, Macedonia would fall into conflict a decade after independence, when self-styled freedom fighters purporting to represent the local Albanian community launched an eight-month insurgency in the name of political and cultural equality. Triggered by a coalescence of political, nationalist, ideological and criminal interests, the insurgency had complex roots, as much an intra-Albanian putsch as a struggle for greater group rights. Regardless of their precise genesis, from the perspective of conflict prevention, the events of 2001 challenge popular assumptions of Macedonia as an international success story. Above all, they reinforce the need for external actors to incorporate short-term strategies of prevention targeting immediate sources of instability within a more comprehensive, long-term framework that addresses structural, underlying conflict causes. Indeed, whilst proximate threats to Macedonian stability were addressed, fundamental risk factors remained, namely social polarisation, a large ethnic minority disenfranchised with the state, economic under-development, high levels of organised crime and corruption, a weak rule-of-law and continuing regional uncertainty. These were partly aggravated by the mistakes of a complacent international community, whose engagement in the country, accordingly, receded over time. In particular, the dissertation is critical of the European Union for its initial failure to articulate a genuine pathway to membership for Macedonia and the broader western Balkans, as well as the handling of NATO's military intervention in neighbouring Kosovo. Of course, in any preventive endeavour, the international community can only do so much; in the first instance, responsibility lay with unresponsive Macedonian institutions, who failed to adequately address legitime Albanian demands dating from independence. Be that as it may, the international community was culpable for its failure to sufficiently apply the formidable soft-power leverage it wields over a weak Macedonian state to implement reforms that, conceivably, could have precluded the outbreak of armed conflict. As a case-study of prevention, Macedonia holds instructive lessons for scholars and policymakers. Yet it remains under-researched. Examining the period 1991-2001, this investigation analyses precisely why and how Macedonia avoided violence during the process of Yugoslav dissolution yet ultimately fell into conflict, and extrapolates broader lessons that may be applied to other at-risk societies. Its purpose is to advance understanding of a poorly understood country, and contribute knowledge to key on-going international security debates. Highlighting the inter-connectedness and trans-national character of contemporary security threats, it posits that the major powers have a practical interest in addressing emerging intra-state crises, even when the putative national interest appears marginal. To facilitate more timely multilateral responses, it calls for the de-nationalisation of security, and its conceptualisation in international - as opposed to strictly national - terms.

Thesis (M.M.A.S.)--US Army Command and General Staff College, 2006. / Cover title. AD-A463 835. Includes bibliographical references (p. 58-60). Electronic version available on the Public STINET.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 212-230).

A presente pesquisa examina a presença do racismo em uma escola pública municipal do estado de São Paulo identificando, em sua recorrência, a geração dos dispositivos de invisibilização de certos corpos e culturas nas séries iniciais do Ensino Fundamental. Tem no cotidiano escolar o seu lócus de atuação e, nas aulas de Educação Física, o seu foco prioritário de observação e análise. Acolhe também os demais ambientes escolares como espaços onde se perpetuam as relações desiguais de poder, produtoras dessa forma de discriminação racial. Analisa criticamente o fenômeno a partir de duas principais perspectivas: a primeira são os Estudos Culturais fundamentados em Hall (1997, 2000, 2006) e Silva (1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2010); e a segunda o multiculturalismo crítico a partir das ideias de McLaren (2000). No que tange ao racismo, os escritos de Munanga (2000, 2005, 2008), Telles (2003) e Carone e Bento (2007) compõem o suporte teórico orientador. O estudo tenciona o entendimento de alguns dos mecanismos de exclusão que desautorizam determinados sujeitos e todas as suas representações sócio-histórico-culturais. Identifica a presença de uma identidade-referência fundada no modelo branco, masculino e euro-estadunidense que há décadas permeia a construção das subjetividades de alunas e alunos, levantando a suspeita do desencadeamento do processo aqui conceituado invisibilização. Por ter no ambiente natural a sua fonte direta e mais importante de dados, sendo o pesquisador o instrumento principal e mantendo contato direto e afinado com a situação na qual os fenômenos ocorrem, levando em conta todas as perspectivas dos envolvidos e a imersão na realidade estudada, elegeu-se o estudo de caso como método. Para a análise de dados foi utilizada a hermenêutica crítica, dada a sua possibilidade de efetuar um aprofundamento na interpretação dos textos apreendidos na conjuntura e contexto pesquisados, entremeando os resultados imediatos de uma observação do legível e também o requisitado na intencionalidade dos seus produtores. Como resultados se destacam: 1) o entendimento por parte das(os) docentes e equipe gestora da falta de necessidade de ações equitativas para as(os) alunas(os) negras(os) por serem iguais enquanto seres humanos; 2) o entendimento de que não se deve levantar discussões que digam respeito ao comportamento racista, por conta dessa atitude estimular ainda mais o fenômeno; 3) a falta de interesse e preparo da escola para lidar com as questões raciais; 4) a existência de um processo coletivo de visibilização para a invisibilização das(os) alunas(os) negras(os) e suas culturas (corporais) nas aulas de Educação Física em específico, e nos demais espaços escolares, de uma maneira geral, regulado culturalmente; 5) a convicção de que a superação do racismo depende unicamente da vontade discente; 6) uma incidência mais sofisticada do fenômeno do racismo, fazendo com que docentes e equipe gestora reconheçam sua existência, sem, no entanto, o perceberem. Finalmente, chama a atenção para o multiculturalismo crítico como possibilidade insurgente tanto na desconstrução das hierarquias discentes vigentes na escola, quanto na contemplação das diferenças e dos diferentes. / This present research investigates the presence of racism in a municipal public school of the state of São Paulo, identifying, in its recurrence, the creation of invisibilization - rendering \"unseen\" - mechanisms for certain bodies and cultures in initial grades of Elementary School. School everyday life is the locus of investigation and the Physical Education classes are the central area of interest for observation and analysis. This research also deals with other school surroundings as environments where unequal power relations perpetuate, promoters of this way of racial discrimination. Critically analyzes the phenomenon as of two main perspectives: the first one are the Cultural Studies based on Hall (1997, 2000, 2006) and Silva (1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2010), and the second one is the Critical Multiculturalism, based on ideas of McLaren (2000). As to racism, the works of Munanga (2000, 2005, 2008), Telles (2003) and Carone and Bento (2007) form the guiding technical support. This study aims at understanding some mechanisms of exclusion that disempower certain subjects and all their socio-historic-cultural representations. Identifies the presence of an identity-reference based on the white, male and Euro-American model that for decades has permeated the construction of students\' subjectivity, raising the suspicion that those may be the trigger for the process herein conceived as invisibilization. The researcher, the main instrument, maintaining a direct contact and tuned in to the situation where the phenomena occur - considering the perspectives of all the involved and the immersion in the reality so studied -, and having inside the natural environment its most direct and important source of data, elected the \"case study\" method. Critical hermeneutics was chosen for data analysis given its possibility of deeper interpretation of the texts collected within the situation and context surveyed, interweaving the immediate results of the observation of the readable material and the intentionality of those who provided the material. Results to be highlighted: 1) Comprehension, by teachers and school management team, of unnecessary equitable actions for students because they are equal as human beings; 2) Understanding that racism behavioral discussions should not be raised, since this attitude stimulates the phenomenon even more; 3) Lack of interest and preparation of the school when dealing with racial questions; 4) Existence of a collective process that makes students \"unseeable\", culturally regulated; 5) Conviction that the overcoming of racism depends exclusively on students\' will; 6) A more sophisticated incidence of racism, that causes teachers and school management teams to recognize its existence, without perceiving it nevertheless. Finally, this study attracts the attention to Critical Multiculturalism as an insurgent possibility of deconstruction of teaching hierarchies in force in school, and also of contemplation of the differences and of the \'differents\'.

Uppsatsens problemställning utgår från en eventuell brist i utbildning eller kunskap om gällande doktriner för svenska förband i utlandstjänst. Uppsatsen har ansatsen att visa på en ögonblicksbild av hur ett svenskt förband tolkar begreppet legitimitet och hur det arbetar med att stödja detta i genomförandet av verksamheten. Jämförande underlag och även analysverktyg utgår från ett brett urval inom forskning om upprorsbekämpning och även amerikanska doktriner samt reglementen. Uppsatsen utgår från att begreppet legitimitet har stor betydelse för teorier kring upprorsbekämpning och även för den använda amerikanska doktrinen. Begreppet legitimitet har definierats med hjälp av tre frågeställningar, Legitimitet för vem, Vem ska uppfatta vad som legitimt? samt Vem genererar legitimiteten åt vad? Resultatet visar på att det svenska förbandet i det undersökta exemplet har en bred syn på begreppet legitimitet och kopplar det till såväl sig själva som statsmakten i värdlandet och detta både mot befolkningen i hemlandet och också i operationsområdet. Skillnaderna mot vad som i uppsatsen redovisas som COIN teori eller amerikansk doktrin är små. En viktig del är dock att uppsatsen visar på att det svenska förbandets huvudsakliga definition av legitimitet inom ett COIN-perspektiv är stärkandet av landets säkerhetsorganisationers legitimitet kontra den egna befolkningen. Detta skulle skilja sig mot ovan redovisad teori och doktrin. / The essay presentation of a problem proceed from a possible lack of training or knowledge about valid doctrines for Swedish units conducting service abroad. The essay have the goal to give a snapshoot picture of how a Swedish unit interpret the concept of legitimacy and how the unit works with different aspects to support this. Relating material and also the tool for conducting the analysis are gathered from a wide selection of science in counterinsurgency and also American doctrines. The paper assumes that the concept of legitimacy is important in theories surrounding counterinsurgency and also for the used American doctrine. The concept of legitimacy has been defined by three issues, Legitimacy for whom, Who will perceive what is legitimate? and Who generates legitimacy for what? The result shows that the Swedish unit in the examined example has a width of vision of the concept of legitimacy and linking it to both themselves as the state of the host country and that both the population in both the home and area of operation. The differences of what is in the paper are reported as COIN theory or the American doctrine is small. An important part is that the paper shows that the Swedish's unit primary definition of legitimacy in a COIN perspective, are the strengthening of the country's security organizations legitimacy versus its own population. This would differ from the above reported theory and doctrine.

This thesis aims to understand the political sociology of Maoist insurgency in India using a combination of disaggregated statistics and qualitative data. The vast majority of insurgent leaders are from dominant or upper caste, middle class backgrounds. Their participation in the insurgency can be understood in terms of ideology and short-term processes of mobilization. The Maoist insurgents provide a unified organizational structure for two separate sections of society. On the one hand, are untouchable or dalit landless laborers who suffer economic exploitation at the hands of higher caste landowners. On the hand are tribal or adivasi landowning cultivators whose relative autonomy has come under increasing pressure over the past two centuries as the state has established control over natural resources in their area. Their support for the insurgents does not just manifest itself from exploited untouchables’ and oppressed tribals’ positions in the social structure as structural theories would assume. Rather, the insurgents provide them with collective incentives in order to encourage their support. The actors at the macro and micro levels have very different reasons for participating in the insurgency. The insurgent leaders aim to capture state power through a Protracted People’s War, while the objectives of supporters at the micro-level tend to be more concerned with local and short-term issues. The insurgency should be conceptualised as a state building enterprise in which the interests of supporters at all levels are served by seizing local political power and the building of a base area. The thesis demonstrates that the insurgency is expanding most rapidly in the central Indian tribal belt. I use a case study to show that not all tribal communities support the insurgents. Some oppose them, either because their interests have been harmed by the presence of the insurgents, or as a result of a variety of endogenous mechanisms. This indicates that insurgency is a more dynamic and complex process than structural and rational actor theories allow for. The thesis finishes by placing the subject of indigenous communities and insurgency in the global context. It demonstrates that, while so-called indigenous communities listed by the Minorities at Risk project amount to 4.8% of the world’s population, they were involved in 43% of the intra-state conflict years listed by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program Armed Conflict Dataset between 1946 and 2010.

This dissertation examines the emergence, survival, performance, and national impact of rebel parties following negotiated settlements. Building on a growing literature examining the environmental and organizational factors affecting insurgent-to-party transformations, this dissertation asks why some insurgent organizations thrive as political parties in post-conflict environments and others fail to make such a transformation. I propose that foreign actors play a pivotal role in the formation of what I call “protégé parties,” which are better equipped to make the transformation into political parties than other rebel groups. Further, different kinds of sponsors have varying effects on transformation. Empirical analysis supports these propositions, finding that protégé parties with authoritarian sponsorship are better equipped to develop than those backed by democracies or no one.