The European Union together with other international organizations have a significant role in creating world order, promoting international cooperation, and strengthening international security. For this reason, the EU has been interested in finding a two-state solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict which is one of the EU's top foreign policy issues. EU's failure to implement a two- state solution for Israel-Palestine puts the EU in a challenging position and questions its role as an international peacemaker. The starting point of the research problem is covered by the following question: How can the EU's failure to implement a two-state solution for the Israel-Palestine conflict be explained by realism and liberalism? The research problem is studied with the help of realism and liberalism, which are central schools in the political discipline; international relations. The chosen method for this research is a qualitative case study. The results shows that partly internal gaps within the EU, the US role in the conflict, monopolies of violence, disagreements among the Palestinian movements and the absence of binding international law are behind the EU's failure to implement a two-state solution. Despite this, the EU maintains stability in the region by being the main donor to the Palestinians and Israel's primary trading partners.

This thesis aims to answer, if and what, limitations Jews experience in a secular state such as Sweden. To answer this question this paper was made through a qualitative method and through the theory about “the other” by Kevin Kumashiro. By applying article eighteen from the universal declaration on Human Rights and the theory of “the other” on actual experiences and limitations this thesis will critically unfold any discriminations and inequality. Main material has been the eight different interviews conducted in autumn of 2022. The following study therefore aim to contribute to increased research on Sweden's commitments and compliance with international conventions and agreements, knowledge, and tools for further work against hate crimes, increased discrimination and xenophobia in Sweden. The study highlights that the basic security affects the propensity for how free one feels to be open about one's identity which results in direct and indirect limitations upon Jewish identity and Jewish life in Sweden. / Denna studie syftar till att besvara, om och vilka, begränsningar judar upplever i en sekulär stat som Sverige. För att svara på denna fråga gjordes denna studie genom en kvalitativ metod och genom teorin om "den andre" av Kevin Kumashiro. Genom att tillämpa artikel arton från den allmänna förklaringen om de mänskliga rättigheterna och teorin om "den andra" på faktiska erfarenheter och begränsningar kommer denna studie att kritiskt synliggöra för diskriminering och ojämlikhet. Huvudmaterialet har varit de åtta intervjuer som genomfördes under hösten 2022. Följande studie syftar därför till att bidra till ökad forskning om Sveriges åtaganden och efterlevnad av internationella konventioner och överenskommelser, kunskap och verktyg för det fortsatta arbetet mot hatbrott, ökad diskriminering och främlingsfientlighet i Sverige. Studien belyser att grundtryggheten påverkar benägenheten för hur fri en känner sig att vara öppen med sin identitet vilket resulterar i direkta och indirekta begränsningar av judisk identitet och judiskt liv i Sverige.

The Chassidic Chabad movement is one of Judaism’s most successful and influential groups interms of missionary presence around the world and distributed missionary material online.Chabad’s final Rebbe is still regarded by his followers to be the long-awaited final redeemerand Messiah, despite his clinical death in 1994. The aim of this study is to describe how theChabad-followers, through the movement’s publications, maintain the belief in the Rebbe asthe Jewish Messiah, and the theological interpretive tools utilized in order to ‘survive’ as aunited movement. The study indicates that Chabad is still a united and radical messianicmovement, wherein, internal theological mechanisms interpret the Rebbe as corporally alivebut concealed by illusion, and will soon be revealed or imminently resurrected to complete theredemption of the world. The study also discusses the movement’s extreme right-wingedpolitical stance in regards to the ongoing Israel-Palestine conflict, the movement’s Holocausttheology as means to further understand how the group ‘survived’ the cognitive dissonance thedeath of the Rebbe created and the theological similarities between Chabad and earlyChristianity. / Den Chassidiska Chabadrörelsen är en av judendomens mest framgångsrika och inflytesrikanya religiösa rörelser när det gäller missionär närvaro runt om i världen och missionärt materialonline. Chabads sista Rebbe anses av hans anhängare att vara världens sista försonare ochMessias, trots hans uppenbara kliniska död år 1994. Denna studie beskriver hurChabadanhängare, genom rörelsens egna tryckta och online publikationer, upprätthåller tron påRebbe som den judiska messias och de teologiska tolkningsverktyg som rörelsen använder föratt ‘överleva’ som en enad grupp. Studien indikerar att Chabadrörelsen, ändå till våra dagar, ärenad och radikal-messianistisk där man genom interna teologiska mekanismer tolkar Rebbensom levande i materiell kropp, gömd genom illusion men snart uppenbarad eller snartåteruppväckt från de fysiskt döda och i båda fallen för att fullgöra världens försoning där Gudförsonar människan i den materiella världen. Studien diskuterar också rörelsens extremahögerpolitik, i synnerhet när det gäller Israel-Palestina konflikten och förintelseteologi som ettsätt att vidare förstå hur gruppen ‘överlevde’ den kognitiva dissonansen Rebbens död skapadei termer av misslyckad profetia och de teologiska likheterna mellan Chabadrörelsen och tidigkristendom.Nyckelord: NRR,

阿拉伯聯合大公國（United Arab Emirates, UAE）並非中東大國， 但卻是世界重要產油國及海灣國家合作理事會創會成員之一。其自 1971 年獨立建國以來，除有內政危機外，同時還需因應周遭強權摩 擦及區域衝突，這些挑戰均係其國家安全之威脅。然而，阿拉伯聯合 大公國在首任總統翟伊德（Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan）的領 導下，充分發揮其務實且具彈性之外交政策面對外來的挑戰，成功確 保國家利益及生存。 本文分析重點在於闡釋阿聯外交政策之特色及實踐，並探討影響 其外交政策之內外因素，以對其外交政策有完整概念。 / United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a small state in the Middle East. But it is an important oil exporter in the world and an initial member of Gulf Cooperation Council. Since the seven members of UAE federation was established in 1971, the UAE government has been spontaneously dealing with the internal political crisis, frictions between major powers, and conflicts in this region, which were crucial threats to its national security. Nevertheless, under the leadership of the first President, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the UAE government was capable to cope with these challenges with the practical and flexible foreign policy, and successfully safeguarded its national interests. The content of this thesis is first to analyze the features and conduct of UAE’s foreign policy. Then, how the internal and external factors affected the formulation of the policy will be followed.

This thesis examines the ideological nexus of nationalism and heritage under the social conditions of neoliberalism. The investigation aims to demonstrate how neoliberal economics stimulate the irrationalism manifest in nationalist idealisation of the past. The institutionalisation of national heritage was originally a rational function of the modern state, symbolic of its political and cultural authority. With neoliberal erosion of the productive economy and public institutions, heritage and nostalgia proliferate today in all areas of social life. It is argued that this represents a social pathology linked to the neoliberal state's inability to construct a future-orientated national project. These conditions enhance the appeal of irrational nationalist and regionalist ideologies idealising the past as a source of cultural purity. Unable to achieve social cohesion, the neoliberal state promotes multiculturalism, encouraging minorities to embrace essentialist identity politics that parallel the nativism of right-wing nationalists and regionalists. This phenomenon is contextualised within the general crisis of progressive modernisation in Western societies that has accompanied neoliberalisation and globalisation. A new theory of activist heritage is advanced to describe autonomous, politicised heritage that appropriates forms and practices from the state heritage sector. Using this concept, the politics of irrational nationalism and regionalism are explored through fieldwork, including participant observation, interviews and photography. The interaction of state and activist heritage is considered at the Wewelsburg 1933-1945 Memorial Museum in Germany wherein neofascists have re-signified Nazi material culture, reactivating it within contemporary political narratives. The activist heritage of Israeli Zionism, Irish Republicanism and Ulster Loyalism is analysed through studies of museums, heritage centres, archaeological sites, exhibitions, monuments and historical re-enactments. These illustrate how activist heritage represents a political strategy within irrational ideologies that interpret the past as the ethical model for the future. This work contends that irrational nationalism fundamentally challenges the Enlightenment's assertion of reason over faith, and culture over nature, by superimposing pre-modern ideas upon the structure of modernity. An ideological product of the Enlightenment, the nation state remains the only political unit within which a rational command of time and space is possible, and thus the only viable basis for progressive modernity.

The research consists of an exploratory mixed-method research (Cresswell & Plano Clark, 2011) using a constructive Grounded Theory methodology (Charmaz, 2014, 2006). The object of study is experiences and transformations related to the practice of compassionate listening, as well as the process and type of spirituality at the heart of this approach for conflict transformation developed by The Compassionate Listening Project (TCLP) based in the United States. People get to sit with Israeli or Palestinian guest speakers and they listen to them share their story and experience with the conflict, wherever they can locate themselves in the political Spectrum. Trained with the compassionate listening approach, it becomes possible for them to affirm their deepest humanity and learn to hold the complexities related to the conflict (Cohen, 2011). 14 semi-structured interviews with delegates from the 2010 TCLP delegation, participant observation and document analysis, took place in the qualitative stage of the research. Followed by the administration of an online questionnaire to past participants of TCLP delegations between 1998 and 2015 (n=60). The study led to the emergence of a theoretical and practical Model named: Well-being Ecosystem for Inner and Outer peace, based on a social process theory (Glaser, 2005) informing on conditions and factors involved in the passage between three stages: from a feeling or state of separation with the other, to more communication and towards deep connection and communion. The integration chapter of the mixed methods presents four key pillars supporting this Model to help integrate an agenda of the heart to peace efforts, in the form of specific types of “responses of the heart” (affiliated to the notion of compassionate love, Fehr et al., 2009) inspired by the compassionate listening approach and series of variables, factors, and conditions to help cultivate a culture of peace in any environment. The quality of presence and environment at the relational level is exposed in the nexus of the notions of spirituality and practice for peacebuilding and conflict transformation. The research combines scientific and experiential knowledge in Social Sciences, Applied Religious Studies, Health and Contemplative Studies. / Cette recherche en sciences des religions appliquées porte sur l’approche de l’écoute compassionnelle (Cohen, 2011) développée par l’organisme The Compassionate Listening Project (TCLP) et pratiquée en contexte de réconciliation entre Juifs et Palestiniens d’Israël, de la bande de Gaza et de la Cisjordanie. Selon Marie Pace (2005), qui a fait une étude de cas empirique sur cette approche de construction de la paix, plusieurs participants ont témoigné à leur retour que cette expérience avait été transformationnelle et avait changé leur vie. Certains parlaient même de guérison (healing) (Pace, 2005). Quel processus est au coeur de cette approche, dont le rôle de la compassion est central ? Comment se vit l’expérience de procurer et de recevoir de l’écoute compassionnelle ? Quel impact de transformation, voire de guérison (healing) est à l’oeuvre ? Tel que le clament les auteures de cette méthode, s'il s'avérait qu’elle soit le moteur d'un dialogue plus profond et d'une réconciliation véritable, est-ce qu’il y a un apport particulier d’une forme de spiritualité ? Si oui, quelle est-elle ? Pour répondre à ces questions, une méthode mixte en recherche de type exploratoire fut empruntée, débutant par une phase qualitative suivie d’une phase quantitative de recherche (Cresswell & Plano Clark, 2011). Une observation participante au sein d’une délégation en Israël-Palestine en 2010 et quatorze entrevues individuelles auprès des délégués furent effectuées ainsi qu’une analyse documentaire sur les écrits liés à cette approche. La phase quantitative a inclus l’administration d’un questionnaire auprès de plusieurs anciens participants aux délégations organisées par TCLP de 1998 à 2015 (n=60). Ce qui a permis de vérifier des éléments de réponse sur l’objet d’étude fourni par les entrevues, en plus des composantes d’une théorie émergente. L’étude adopte la méthodologie de la théorie enracinée (Grounded Theory) et présente une théorie de processus social de base (Glaser, 2005) sur les conditions et facteurs favorisant le passage entre un état ou sentiment de séparation avec l’autre, vers une meilleure communication et une connexion profonde et communion. Ces stages s’inscrivent au sein d’un modèle théorique et appliqué nommé : Écosystème relationnel du mieux-être pour lune paix intérieure et extérieure, lequel fait figure de plateforme relationnelle (Lederach, 2005) pour la contribution d’un agenda du coeur aux efforts de paix. Ce modèle informe sur le type de « réponse du coeur » en jeu dans un amour centré sur l’autre, communément vu comme un amour compassionnel (Fehr et al., 2009) et présente une série de variables, indicateurs et indices prenant en compte la synergie et qualité de présence particulières pouvant contribuer aux efforts de paix et à la création d’une culture de la paix intérieure et extérieure dans tout environnement. Mots-clé : Écoute compassionnelle, transformation des conflits, culture de la paix, compassion, écoute, sciences des religions appliquées, amour compassionnel, agenda du coeur, réponse du coeur, conflit israélo-palestinien.