Magister Artium - MA / Die soeke na effektiewe metodes om 'n tweede/derde taal te onderrig en leer, is al eeue lank 'n fokus van taalnavorsing. In die tweede helfte van hierdie eeu het die ontstaan van tweedetaalverwerwing as 'n spesifieke studiefokus gelei tot 'n beduidende verbreding van navorsing op die terrein van toegepaste en psigolinguistiek. Hierdie navorsing het 'n wye verskeidenheid tweedetaalonderrigmetodes opgelewer, maar min eenstemmigheid is bereik oor watter benadering as suksesvol beskou kan word. Wat wel algemeen aanvaar word, is dat geen universele model vir tweede-/derdetaalleer bestaan of ooit gevind sal word nie, aangesien elke groep taalleerders uniek is ten opsigte van hul hehoeftes en verwante omstandighede. Hierdie insig beklemtoon dat die gebruik van statistiese data wat uit empiriese ondersoeke verkry is om tot gevolgtrekkings te kom ten opsigte van effektiewe tweedetaalonderrig en -leer in die algemeen, ongeldig is. Dit verklaar die huidige neiging in tweedetaalnavorsing om eerder van kwalitatiewe metodes gebruik te maak in die vorm van aksienavorsing, waarvan die gevolgtrekkings minder veralgemeenbaar is, maar as meer geldig binne 'n spesifieke konteks beskou kan word. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van bogenoemde aksienavorsingsmetodes om die problematiek rondom die onderrig en leer van Afrikaans as derde taal aan te spreek. Die leerders wat as 'n heterogene teikengroep in hierdie studie dien, is swart volwasse studente met spesifieke behoeftes en gesindhede ten opsigte van die teikentaal en wat 'n verskeidenheid kulture verteenwoordig. Wat die groep wel in gemeen het, is 'n byna nul-kennis van Afrikaans - wat impliseer dat die term derde taal en vreemde taal in hierdie konteks as sinoniem gebruik kan word. Hierdie navorsing behels 'n omvattende literatuurstudie oor tweede- en derdetaalonderrig en -leer, wat die rol van kulturele en affektiewe faktore by tweedetaalverwerwing insluit. Op grond hiervan word 'n model vir die onderrig en leer van Afrikaans as derde taal voorgestel, beskryf en bespreek, gevolg deur 'n beskrywing van die praktiese implementering daarvan met die klem op die verskillende taalaktiwiteite wat gebruik is. Die kwalitatiewe data wat uit hierdie aksienavorsing verkry is, dui aan dat, binne die genoemde konteks en perke van hierdie studie, 'n aangepaste vorm van die sogenaamde kommunikatiewe benadering tot tweedetaalonderrig en -leer wel die taalbehoeftes van die gegewe teikengroep met welslae aangespreek het. Spesifiek is gevind dat formele taalonderrig 'n belangrike rol speel in dié benadering; dat kulturele en affektiewe faktore in ag geneem behoort te word by die keuse van kursusinhoud en die ontwerp van materiaal, en dat die taaldosent kennis behoort te neem van die verskillende kognitiewe prosesse en leerstyle wat leerders moontlik sal gebruik voordat op 'n spesifieke kursusstruktuur en didaktiese benadering besluit kan word Voorts word die gebruik van 'n modulêre/tematiese benadering ten opsigte van die ontwerp van kursusmateriaal aanbeveel om die leerders se belangstelling, motivering en taalvaardigheid te bevorder. Ten slotte word die noodsaaklikheid van 'n eklektiese model vir derdetaalonderrig en -leer bevestig, om die spesifieke behoeftes en unieke omstandighede van elke groep taalleerders te akkommodeer. / South Africa

No abstract available. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 1971. / gm2014 / Anthropology and Archaeology / unrestricted

The South African legal system is dualistic in nature with the one part consisting of the Western common law and the other consisting of African customary law. Although these two legal systems enjoy equal recognition, they regularly come into conflict with each other due to their divergent value systems. It is especially within the context of the South African criminal law that this conflict becomes apparent, because an accused's conduct can be viewed as lawful in terms of African customary law, but unlawful in terms of the South African common law. In such cases the accused may attempt to raise a cultural defence by putting forth evidence of his cultural background or values to convince the court that his prima facie unlawful conduct is actually lawful and that he should escape criminal liability. Alternatively, an accused may put forth evidence of his cultural background or values in an attempt to receive a lighter sentence. The question which therefore arises is whether a so-called "cultural defence" exists in the South African criminal law, and if so, what the influence of such a defence on the South African criminal law is. The conflict between African Customary law and the South African common law in the context of the criminal law arises due to the fact that the indigenous belief in witchcraft, (including witch-killings), the indigenous belief in the tokoloshe and the use of muti-medicine (including muti-murders), as well as the phenomenon of "necklacing" and the custom of ukuthwala can result in the commission of various common law crimes. In the case of witch-killings, the perpetrators can be charged with the common law crimes of murder or, if the victim survives, attempted murder, common assault or assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm. Similarly, necklacing, as a method used for killing witches, can also result in the commission of these common law crimes. What is more, the perpetrators of witch-killings can also be charged with the statutory crimes of accusing someone of witchcraft, pointing the victim out as being a witch or wizard or injuring a person based on information received from a traditional healer, or similar person. The indigenous belief in the tokoloshe can lead to the commission of the common law crimes of murder or, if the victim survives, common assault or assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm. The perpetrators of mutimurders can also face charges of murder or attempted murder, if the victim survives. The indigenous custom of ukuthwala can result in the commission of common law crimes such as abduction, kidnapping and common assault, as well as the statutory crime of rape. A perusal of South African case law dealing with the indigenous beliefs and customs above reveals that the accused in such cases have indeed attempted to put forth evidence of their indigenous beliefs or customs to persuade the criminal courts that they should escape criminal liability for a particular crime. In fact, these arguments were raised within the context of the existing common law defences such as private defence, necessity, involuntary conduct and a lack of criminal capacity. However, the South African criminal courts have up till now in general been unwilling to accept arguments of indigenous beliefs and customs to serve as a defence, either alone or within the context of the existing defences above, for the commission of a common law or statutory crime. They have, however, been more willing to accept evidence of an accused's indigenous belief or custom to serve as a mitigating factor during sentencing. The extent to which an accused's cultural background will serve as a mitigating factor will, of course, depend on the facts and circumstances of each case. As a result an accused who is charged with the commission of a culturally motivated crime has no guarantee that his cultural background and values will in fact be considered as a mitigating factor during his criminal trial. It is thus ultimately concluded that a so-called "cultural defence" does not exist in the South African Criminal law. The indigenous beliefs and customs above not only result in the commission of common law or statutory crimes, but also in the infringement of various fundamental human rights in the Constitution. Witch-killings result in the infringement of the constitutional right to life and the right to freedom and security of the person. However, witches and wizards who are persecuted for practising witchcraft are also denied their right to a fair trial entrenched in the Constitution. Similarly, muti-murders and necklacing also result in the infringement of the right to life and the right to freedom and security of the person entrenched in the Constitution. The custom of ukuthwala results in the infringement of the right to equality, the right to freedom and security of the person, the right to live in an environment that is not harmful to health or well-being, the right not to be subjected to slavery, servitude or forced labour, the right to basic education and other constitutional safeguards aimed at protecting children. In light of the constitutional right to freedom of culture and the right to freely participate in a cultural life of one's choosing the question can be asked whether the time has come to formally recognise a cultural defence in the South African criminal law. In this study it is argued that these constitutional rights do not warrant the formal recognition of a cultural defence. Instead, it is recommended that the conflict between African customary law and the South African common law can be resolved by bringing indigenous beliefs and customs in line with the values that underpin the Constitution as the supreme law of South Africa. Of course, this does not mean that the courts should ignore cultural considerations during a criminal trial if and when they arise. In fact, as pointed out in this study, the courts have a constitutional duty to apply African customary law when that law is applicable. It goes without saying that, when an accused attempts to escape criminal liability for his unlawful conduct by raising arguments of his cultural background, African customary law will be applicable and must be considered by the court. This in turn raises the question as to how the criminal courts can ensure that they give enough consideration to the possibility that an accused's criminal conduct was culturally motivated so as to comply with their constitutional mandate referred to above. Although it would be nearly impossible to formulate a perfect or flawless approach according to which a judicial officer can adjudicate criminal matters involving culturally motivated crimes, the author suggests the following practical approach which may provide some guidance to judicial officers in dealing with cases involving culturally motivated crimes: • Step 1: Consider whether the commission of the crime was culturally motivated or not. If it seems as though the accused did not commit a culturally motivated crime, the trial can continue on that basis. If, however, it is evident that the accused indeed committed a culturally motivated crime, step 2 follows. • Step 2: Once it has been determined that the commission of the crime was culturally motivated, the next step is to determine which indigenous belief or custom led to the commission of the crime. Once the relevant indigenous belief or custom has been identified, step 3 follows. • Step 3: When it is clear which indigenous belief or custom led to the accused's commission of the crime, the next step is to determine whether arguments pertaining to that particular indigenous belief or custom may be raised within the context of the existing defences in the South African Criminal law in order to exclude the accused's criminal liability. If an accused relies on one of the existing defences in the South African criminal law, he will have to lay a proper evidential foundation for his defence before the court. In assessing the evidence put forth by the accused, the judicial officer must consider the judgment and reasoning in previous cases dealing with the particular indigenous belief or custom. A judicial officer must also consider the values underpinning the Constitution when conducting such an assessment. If a judicial officer upholds an accused's defence, the accused is acquitted. However, if the judicial officer rejects an accused's defence, the accused must be convicted and step 4 follows. • Step 4: Once an accused has been convicted, a court should consider whether arguments of his cultural background can serve as an extenuating circumstance, mitigating the punishment to be imposed on him. However, the practical approach above merely serves as a suggestion to judicial officers in dealing with culturally motivated crimes and ultimately it will be up to the judiciary to develop both the Western common law and African customary law to resolve the criminal law conflicts between these two legal systems. The research for this study was concluded in November 2013. / LLD, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

The South African legal system is dualistic in nature with the one part consisting of the Western common law and the other consisting of African customary law. Although these two legal systems enjoy equal recognition, they regularly come into conflict with each other due to their divergent value systems. It is especially within the context of the South African criminal law that this conflict becomes apparent, because an accused's conduct can be viewed as lawful in terms of African customary law, but unlawful in terms of the South African common law. In such cases the accused may attempt to raise a cultural defence by putting forth evidence of his cultural background or values to convince the court that his prima facie unlawful conduct is actually lawful and that he should escape criminal liability. Alternatively, an accused may put forth evidence of his cultural background or values in an attempt to receive a lighter sentence. The question which therefore arises is whether a so-called "cultural defence" exists in the South African criminal law, and if so, what the influence of such a defence on the South African criminal law is. The conflict between African Customary law and the South African common law in the context of the criminal law arises due to the fact that the indigenous belief in witchcraft, (including witch-killings), the indigenous belief in the tokoloshe and the use of muti-medicine (including muti-murders), as well as the phenomenon of "necklacing" and the custom of ukuthwala can result in the commission of various common law crimes. In the case of witch-killings, the perpetrators can be charged with the common law crimes of murder or, if the victim survives, attempted murder, common assault or assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm. Similarly, necklacing, as a method used for killing witches, can also result in the commission of these common law crimes. What is more, the perpetrators of witch-killings can also be charged with the statutory crimes of accusing someone of witchcraft, pointing the victim out as being a witch or wizard or injuring a person based on information received from a traditional healer, or similar person. The indigenous belief in the tokoloshe can lead to the commission of the common law crimes of murder or, if the victim survives, common assault or assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm. The perpetrators of mutimurders can also face charges of murder or attempted murder, if the victim survives. The indigenous custom of ukuthwala can result in the commission of common law crimes such as abduction, kidnapping and common assault, as well as the statutory crime of rape. A perusal of South African case law dealing with the indigenous beliefs and customs above reveals that the accused in such cases have indeed attempted to put forth evidence of their indigenous beliefs or customs to persuade the criminal courts that they should escape criminal liability for a particular crime. In fact, these arguments were raised within the context of the existing common law defences such as private defence, necessity, involuntary conduct and a lack of criminal capacity. However, the South African criminal courts have up till now in general been unwilling to accept arguments of indigenous beliefs and customs to serve as a defence, either alone or within the context of the existing defences above, for the commission of a common law or statutory crime. They have, however, been more willing to accept evidence of an accused's indigenous belief or custom to serve as a mitigating factor during sentencing. The extent to which an accused's cultural background will serve as a mitigating factor will, of course, depend on the facts and circumstances of each case. As a result an accused who is charged with the commission of a culturally motivated crime has no guarantee that his cultural background and values will in fact be considered as a mitigating factor during his criminal trial. It is thus ultimately concluded that a so-called "cultural defence" does not exist in the South African Criminal law. The indigenous beliefs and customs above not only result in the commission of common law or statutory crimes, but also in the infringement of various fundamental human rights in the Constitution. Witch-killings result in the infringement of the constitutional right to life and the right to freedom and security of the person. However, witches and wizards who are persecuted for practising witchcraft are also denied their right to a fair trial entrenched in the Constitution. Similarly, muti-murders and necklacing also result in the infringement of the right to life and the right to freedom and security of the person entrenched in the Constitution. The custom of ukuthwala results in the infringement of the right to equality, the right to freedom and security of the person, the right to live in an environment that is not harmful to health or well-being, the right not to be subjected to slavery, servitude or forced labour, the right to basic education and other constitutional safeguards aimed at protecting children. In light of the constitutional right to freedom of culture and the right to freely participate in a cultural life of one's choosing the question can be asked whether the time has come to formally recognise a cultural defence in the South African criminal law. In this study it is argued that these constitutional rights do not warrant the formal recognition of a cultural defence. Instead, it is recommended that the conflict between African customary law and the South African common law can be resolved by bringing indigenous beliefs and customs in line with the values that underpin the Constitution as the supreme law of South Africa. Of course, this does not mean that the courts should ignore cultural considerations during a criminal trial if and when they arise. In fact, as pointed out in this study, the courts have a constitutional duty to apply African customary law when that law is applicable. It goes without saying that, when an accused attempts to escape criminal liability for his unlawful conduct by raising arguments of his cultural background, African customary law will be applicable and must be considered by the court. This in turn raises the question as to how the criminal courts can ensure that they give enough consideration to the possibility that an accused's criminal conduct was culturally motivated so as to comply with their constitutional mandate referred to above. Although it would be nearly impossible to formulate a perfect or flawless approach according to which a judicial officer can adjudicate criminal matters involving culturally motivated crimes, the author suggests the following practical approach which may provide some guidance to judicial officers in dealing with cases involving culturally motivated crimes: • Step 1: Consider whether the commission of the crime was culturally motivated or not. If it seems as though the accused did not commit a culturally motivated crime, the trial can continue on that basis. If, however, it is evident that the accused indeed committed a culturally motivated crime, step 2 follows. • Step 2: Once it has been determined that the commission of the crime was culturally motivated, the next step is to determine which indigenous belief or custom led to the commission of the crime. Once the relevant indigenous belief or custom has been identified, step 3 follows. • Step 3: When it is clear which indigenous belief or custom led to the accused's commission of the crime, the next step is to determine whether arguments pertaining to that particular indigenous belief or custom may be raised within the context of the existing defences in the South African Criminal law in order to exclude the accused's criminal liability. If an accused relies on one of the existing defences in the South African criminal law, he will have to lay a proper evidential foundation for his defence before the court. In assessing the evidence put forth by the accused, the judicial officer must consider the judgment and reasoning in previous cases dealing with the particular indigenous belief or custom. A judicial officer must also consider the values underpinning the Constitution when conducting such an assessment. If a judicial officer upholds an accused's defence, the accused is acquitted. However, if the judicial officer rejects an accused's defence, the accused must be convicted and step 4 follows. • Step 4: Once an accused has been convicted, a court should consider whether arguments of his cultural background can serve as an extenuating circumstance, mitigating the punishment to be imposed on him. However, the practical approach above merely serves as a suggestion to judicial officers in dealing with culturally motivated crimes and ultimately it will be up to the judiciary to develop both the Western common law and African customary law to resolve the criminal law conflicts between these two legal systems. The research for this study was concluded in November 2013. / LLD, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Cultural intelligence (referred to as CQ) has gained increasing attention from research. This is because of the modern-day relevance to globalisation, international management and work diversification. Demographical shifts towards a more diverse South African population contribute to various challenges for successful cross-cultural interactions for young Afrikaans-speaking South Africans. Selective perception, social categorisation, stereotyping, attribution and diversity among South Africa‟s different cultures (race, gender, language, vocabulary, content, accent and appearances) are barriers that must be overcome. The study was a quantitative study. A cross-sectional survey was used to collect the data and to achieve the research objectives. Convenience and quota sampling methods were used to include a sample of young South Africans from a higher education institution (N=252). The participants were young South African students, white, Afrikaans speaking and between the ages of 18 and 22. Questionnaires were distributed, and the participants completed the questionnaire during class and were given 2 hours to complete the questionnaires. The statistical analysis was carried out with the IBM SPSS statistics and the Mplus 7.11 programme. Product-moment correlation coefficients were used to specify the relationships between the variables and multiple regressions to determine which dimensions of personality and identity predicted CQ. The general objective of this research is to determine the relationship between Identity, Personality and Cultural Intelligence among young South Africans. The Erickson Psychosocial Stage Inventory (EPSI) and the Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) was used to measure personal, ethnic and religious identity. The SAPI-questionnaire was used to measure the constructs, conscientiousness, extraversion, openness, soft-heartedness, relationship-harmony, intellect, integrity and facilitating. Furthermore, the Four Factor Model of Cultural Intelligence Scale was applied to measure the dimensions of CQ, namely, meta-cognitive CQ, cognitive CQ, motivational CQ and behavioural CQ. This study indicated a positive relationship between cognitive CQ and the other three components of CQ. Conscientiousness, emotional stability, extroversion, facilitating, intellect and openness related positively to meta-cognitive CQ. Facilitating, intellect and openness were found to be positively related with motivational CQ. Furthermore, conscientiousness, emotional stability, extroversion, intellect, relationship harmony and soft-heartedness related positively with behavioural CQ. Religious identity has a negative effect on cognitive CQ. Furthermore, intellect, facilitating and ethnic identity predicted meta-cognitive CQ. Soft-heartedness, facilitating, extroversion and religious identity had a positive effect on motivational CQ, influencing young Afrikaans speaking South Africans interest and drive in adapting to cultural differences. Furthermore, soft-heartedness and conscientiousness had a positive effect on behavioural CQ. Recommendations were made for future research and for practise. / MCom (Industrial Psychology), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Cultural intelligence (referred to as CQ) has gained increasing attention from research. This is because of the modern-day relevance to globalisation, international management and work diversification. Demographical shifts towards a more diverse South African population contribute to various challenges for successful cross-cultural interactions for young Afrikaans-speaking South Africans. Selective perception, social categorisation, stereotyping, attribution and diversity among South Africa‟s different cultures (race, gender, language, vocabulary, content, accent and appearances) are barriers that must be overcome. The study was a quantitative study. A cross-sectional survey was used to collect the data and to achieve the research objectives. Convenience and quota sampling methods were used to include a sample of young South Africans from a higher education institution (N=252). The participants were young South African students, white, Afrikaans speaking and between the ages of 18 and 22. Questionnaires were distributed, and the participants completed the questionnaire during class and were given 2 hours to complete the questionnaires. The statistical analysis was carried out with the IBM SPSS statistics and the Mplus 7.11 programme. Product-moment correlation coefficients were used to specify the relationships between the variables and multiple regressions to determine which dimensions of personality and identity predicted CQ. The general objective of this research is to determine the relationship between Identity, Personality and Cultural Intelligence among young South Africans. The Erickson Psychosocial Stage Inventory (EPSI) and the Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) was used to measure personal, ethnic and religious identity. The SAPI-questionnaire was used to measure the constructs, conscientiousness, extraversion, openness, soft-heartedness, relationship-harmony, intellect, integrity and facilitating. Furthermore, the Four Factor Model of Cultural Intelligence Scale was applied to measure the dimensions of CQ, namely, meta-cognitive CQ, cognitive CQ, motivational CQ and behavioural CQ. This study indicated a positive relationship between cognitive CQ and the other three components of CQ. Conscientiousness, emotional stability, extroversion, facilitating, intellect and openness related positively to meta-cognitive CQ. Facilitating, intellect and openness were found to be positively related with motivational CQ. Furthermore, conscientiousness, emotional stability, extroversion, intellect, relationship harmony and soft-heartedness related positively with behavioural CQ. Religious identity has a negative effect on cognitive CQ. Furthermore, intellect, facilitating and ethnic identity predicted meta-cognitive CQ. Soft-heartedness, facilitating, extroversion and religious identity had a positive effect on motivational CQ, influencing young Afrikaans speaking South Africans interest and drive in adapting to cultural differences. Furthermore, soft-heartedness and conscientiousness had a positive effect on behavioural CQ. Recommendations were made for future research and for practise. / MCom (Industrial Psychology), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / The purpose of this study was, first, to develop an occupational therapy curriculum theory to serve as a guideline for South African occupational therapy educators wishing to expand their insight into their work. This was done and is presented on the basis of a critical review of key sources from the literature about curriculum. The occupational therapy curriculum arrived at in this manner was intended to serve as a basis for the development of a set of criteria in terms of which the ongoing viability of the existing written occupational therapy curriculum of the University of the Western Cape (UWC) could be evaluated. The set of criteria thus arrived at was then applied to three documents: the written Minimum Standards for the training of Occupational Therapists of the World Federation of Occupational Therapists (WFOT), the written Minimum Standards for the training of Occupational Therapy students of the South African Medical and Dental Council (SAMOC), and the written Occupational Therapy curriculum of the University of the Western Cape. The purpose was to identify the curricular assumptions underpinning these documents, and also to evaluate their ongoing viability as guidelines (in the case of the WFOT and SAMOC documents) or as curricula (in the case of UWC). It was found that the Minimum Standards of WFOT are essentially informed by a rationalistic philosophy, and that its ongoing viability (as a guideline for minimum standards) appears to be limited. The evaluation of the Minimum Standards of the SAMOC produced similar findings. The UWC document proved to be more eclectic, but again with academic rationalism as the dominant curriculum paradigm. However adequate it might be for the present, the longer-term viability of the document appeared questionable. After adaptation had been made to the UWC document on the basis of the developed set of criteria, its immediate viability seemed to have been enhanced, but with little effect on its longer-term viability. The excercise suggested that the process of curriculum planning, evaluation and modification can be facilitated by the application of such a set of criteria, presenting as it does a "nutshell" overview of an existing or amended curriculum. This study confirms that written occupational therapy curricula and standards provide no guarantee that curriculum intentions will be realized. Such documents merely provide the parameters within which curriculum debates can occur and in terms of which curriculum planning. implementation and evaluation can take place. As intentions have to be manifested in practice. the creation of an occupational therapy curriculum that is viable in an enduring way will require a study similar to this one but which addresses the operational curriculum.

Magister Artium - MA / The purpose of this investigation is to determine how a group of selected institutionalized alcoholics react to a broad-spectrum model in regard to their perception of treatment, re-integration into community life and general rehabilitation. The method that was employed to achieve this goal is fivefold. Firstly alcoholics were placed within a theoretical perspective by focusing on the etiology, nature, extent and consequences thereof. Secondly the existing methods of treatment and the existing facilities available in South Africa were investigated. These two objectives were realized by means of a comprehensive literature study. Thirdly an empirical investigation was carried out of the policy and philosophical approach as well as the application of the multi-disciplinary methods of treatment at the Avalon Treatment Centre. Information in this regard was gained during visits to the Centre by means of personal interviews with the team applying the treatment as well as the respondents reacted to the treatment model by means of case studies. Data was obtained by conducting unstructured in-depth interviews with the respondents. By this means respondents were identified in terms of their personality configuration, marital, scholastic, professional, religious and socio-economic status. The respondents' drinking behaviour is focused on in order to determine patterns and tendencies in the development of the respondents' drinking problem. The researcher also followed up the respondents' behaviour over a period of two years to determine their re-integration within the community as well as their total rehabilitation. Valuable information about the respondents was gained during group therapy sessions and also meetings of Alcoholics Anonymous by means of participant observation. As member of Alcoholics Anonymous the researcher was part of the group and on an equal footing with the respondents. The advantage this held was that the researcher was accepted by the group and information was passed on without inhibitions. Fifthly the findings, conclusions and recommendations resulting from the whole investigation are set out. From the investigation it would appear that the problem of alcoholism, especially in South Africa is serious and escalating. In the light of this, there is a growing need for effective treatment. In spite of intensive treatment with complete abstinence general, degenerate as the aim of the treatment, the respondents, in because of denial, resistance to treatment, personality and social configuration and also poor re-integration, reacted poorly to treatment. The present specifically be sharpened establishment study shows that institutional treatment and as applied by the Avalon Treatment Centre can in order to be more effective. The of a more realistic perception of alcoholism among alcoholics per se is foremost. A more "enlightened" view of alcoholism is pleaded in terms of which alcoholism would be viewed as a non-stigmatised illness responding to treatment. The possibility that there will be a greater willingness on the part of alcoholics to submit to treatment is visualised. A more positive image of treatment centres should be created while the problem of alcoholism must be approached with a greater measure of sensitivity. Treatment should be of such a nature that it should emphasize and reinforce a positive self-image, pride in oneself and dignity. A more extensive programme of treatment that would include an exploratory project and longitudinal research is pleaded. The desirability of involving other key figures, important persons in the alcoholics life, and institutions as well as community organizations proposed with The traditional emphasis should helping fall services is re-orientation and education in order on sensitising, to achieve a more positive perception and understanding of alcoholism within the community. This study will hopefully stimulate further research in this direction. / South Africa

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the construction of cultural identity in Mamma Medea by Tom Lanoye (2001) and it’s translation by Antjie Krog (2002) by employing various theories as well as exhausting binary oppositions, and analysing the way it relates to the difference in language use between the conflicting individuals and groups in the drama. Mamma Medea is based predominantly on two versions of the Greek myth of Medea and her shocking tale of infanticide in order to wound her deceitful spouse, Jason. It follows the long tradition in literature and art wherein Medea is used to comment on the subjugation and oppression of women and non-dominant groups, as well as on the formation of the Other. Lanoye uses the details of the Ancient account, but broadens the spectrum to include commentary on contemporary themes in order to seek an alternative motivation for her premeditated infanticide. The drama does not stay within the details of the intertexts, however, and is altered so that both Medea and Jason each kill one of their children. A context-relevant approach is followed to examine how Lanoye’s drama challenges modern myths surrounding cultural identity in the Flemish-Dutch context. The latter interpretation is warranted by linking Flemish en Dutch with the groups in the drama, in accordance with the real language tension between the two language regions. In contrast to this Krog makes use of much more dialectal forms of Afrikaans reflecting the multicultural and multilingual South-African context. Her translation is not studied from a purely translational, theoretical perspective, considering that the focus of the study is on differences in cultural identity and on the differences in context wherein the respective drama and translation is produced. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die konstruksie van kulturele identiteit in Mamma Medea van Tom Lanoye (2001) en in die vertaling daarvan deur Antjie Krog (2002) aan die hand van verskeie teorieë, asook met behulp van binêre opposisies, en analiseer die wyse waarop dit onder meer saamhang met die verskille in taalgebruik tussen konflikterende individue en groepe in die drama. Mamma Medea ontgin veral twee weergawes van Griekse mites oor Medea, wat haar twee seuns op skokkende wyse vermoor om haar verraderlike eggenoot, Jason, leed aan te doen, in aansluiting by ’n lang tradisie in die literatuur en kunste waarin dié figuur veral gebruik is om kommentaar te lewer op die uitbuiting en onderdrukking van vroue en nie-dominante groepe, asook die formasie van die die Ander in verhoudinge. Lanoye verruim in sy drama die onderwerp van die konvensionele huweliksdrama en betrek hedendaagse kwessies ten einde ’n geldige eietydse motivering te verskaf vir Medea se optrede. Hy wyk onder meer doelbewus af van die brontekste deurdat hy Medea en Jason elk ’n seun laat vermoor. ’n Gemeenskapsrelevante benadering word gevolg om na te gaan hoe Lanoye se drama in die proses moderne mites rondom kulturele identiteit uitdaag binne ’n Vlaamse-Nederlandse konteks. Laasgenoemde interpretasie word ondersteun deur onderskeidelik Vlaams en Nederlands te verbind met die hoofgroepe in die drama, in ooreenstemming met reële taalspanninge tussen die twee taalgebiede. Hierteenoor maak Krog van veel meer dialektiese taalvorme gebruik in aansluiting by die multikulturele Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Haar vertaling word nie soseer vanuit ʼn vertaalwetenskaplike perspektief nagevors nie, aangesien die hooffokus val op sowel die verskille in kulturele identiteit as op verskille rakende die konteks waarin onderskeidelik die drama en die vertaling geproduseer is.

Responding to the need to fill the research gap in the area of museum integrated marketing communication, the study investigated the planned, unplanned, product and service messages of selected museums in South Africa. These selected museums were the Ditsong and Iziko clusters of museums in the Gauteng Province and the Western Cape Province respectively. The clusters were selected because they are the biggest clusters of museums in the country. In an attempt to fill the research gap, the goal of the study was to develop and present an integrated marketing communication framework for the selected museums. In order to realise the goal of the study, four objectives were set. Consistent with the first objective chapter 2 analysed the South African cultural tourism sector. In this regard, the literature review revealed that South Africa’s cultural product offering is multifaceted with arts, cultural villages, literature, battlefields, museums, heritage sites nd religion comprising the main tourist attractions. Moreover, the literature review revealed that the two clusters of museums offer diversified product portfolios. The second objective was achieved in chapter 3 by analysing integrated marketing communication by means of a literature review. The literature review revealed that IMC is a logical structure of developing communication strategies. An organisation should control (planned) or influence messages (unplanned, product, service) messages to ensure message consistency and maximum communication impact. In simple terms, an organisation should strive to match its brand promise made through planned messages with actual performance as reflected in its product, service, and unplanned messages. The third objective was to analyse empirically the planned, unplanned, product and service messages of the Ditsong and Iziko clusters of museums. The results of the empirical phase of the study were presented in chapter 4. Following a mixed methods research approach, the first component of the empirical phase involved in- depth interviews with the marketing managers of the museum clusters while the second component involved a survey of visitors to the clusters. The qualitative data was analysed by establishing themes which had emerged from the interviews with the marketing managers. The quantitative data was analysed using the SPSS programme. In order to establish the relationships between the variables, a factor analysis was conducted. In addition, T-tests and ANOVAs were also conducted. The factor analysis produced three factors namely, factor 1: Above-the-line media, factor 2: Internal and external marketing and factor 3: Marketing public relations. The t-test and ANOVAs revealed that the respondents across age, province of residence, visitor retention and educational level rate service messages the most highly of all the IMC messages. On the whole, the empirical study revealed that both the participants and the respondents share the same views on what should be done in terms of the planned, unplanned, service and product messages of museums to ensure message consistency and maximum communication impact. The structural equation modelling indicated the interrelatedness of the various messages as well as their influence on one another. The fourth objective was to develop and present an integrated marketing communication framework for the Ditsong and Iziko museum clusters. This objective was realised in chapter five. The framework was informed by both the literature review and the empirical study. As regards the literature review the framework differs from some other works on IMC in that an attempt was made to align the framework to IMC message typology in its entirety. With regard to the empirical study, the IMC programme phase of the framework incorporates the recommendations of the respondents. It is hoped that the framework will empower the museums both to ensure message consistency and to maximise communication impact in spite of the divergent message needs of their multiple stakeholders. / Thesis (PhD (Tourism Management))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.